Columbia  ^HnibersJitp 
mtijeCitpofi^etollorfe 


LIBRARY 


GIVEN  BY 


He-Yirv;   \r\J.   Mowcll 


I 


THE 
OF 

MODERN    EUROPE: 

WITH  AN  ACCOUNT 

OF    TUF. 

DECLINE  ^  FALL  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE; 

AND  A  VIEW  OF  THE 

PROGRESS  OF  SOCIETY, 

FROM  THE 

RISE  OF  THE  MODERN  KINGDOMS  TO  THE  PEACE  OF  PARIS, 

IN  1763. 

I3T    A    SERIES    OF    lETTEHS    FROM    A    NOBLEMAN    TO    HIS    Sf)V 

A  NEW  EDITION, 

WITH 

A  CONTINUATION, 

EXTENDING  TO  THE  PACIFICATION  OF  PARIS,  IN  1815. 


IN    SIX    VOLUMES. 

VOL.  I. 


PHILADEXuPHlA  : 

PRINTED  AND  PUBLISHED  BV  ABRAHAM  SMALT. 

No.  JC5,  ChesnutStrivJt.    ■     ; 


-    -  O    P 


"R3U\ 


<n 


TO 


THE  YOUTH  OF  THE  UNITED  STATES, 


IMPROVED  EDlTIOJsr 


OP*  THE 


HISTORY  OF  MODERN  EUROPE, 


!S  RESPECTFULLY  INSCRIBED 

BY  THEIR  TRIEND  AND  WELL  WISirER, 

The  Publisher. 

MAY,  182S. 


ADVERTISFMENT. 


A  PERSUASION  of  the  utility  of  a  concise  History  of 
Modern  Europe  induced  the  Author  to  undertake  this 
Work ;  and  he  has  had  the  satisfaction  to  find  his  opi- 
nion justified  by  that  of  the  Public.  The  epistolary 
form  was  chosen  as  best  calculated,  in  tracing  the  con- 
catenation of  events,  for  uniting  the  accuracy  of  the 
chronologer  with  the  entertainment  of  the  memorialist; 
and  the  character  of  a  nobleman  and  a  father  was  as- 
sumed, in  order  to  give  greater  weight  to  the  moral 
and  political  maxims,  and  to  entitle  the  writer  to  offer, 
without  seeming  to  dictate,  to  the  world,  such  Reflec- 
tions on  Life  and  Manners  as  are  supposed  more  im- 
mediately to  belong  to  the  higher  orders  of  Society, 

To  each  Volume  of  this  Edition  is  prefixed  a  Chro- 
nological Table  of  Contents ;  and  to  facihtate  reference, 
an  Index  is  subjoined  to  the  Work. 

WILLIAM  RUSSELL. 

Groy's  Inn^  May  29,  1 786. 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


THE  FIRST  VOLUME. 


PART  I. 


FROM  THE  RISE  OF  THE  MODERN   KINGDOMS,   TO  THE    PEACE  OF 
WESTPHALIA,  IN   1648- 


LETTER  I. 


Of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire ^  and  the  Settle- 
ment of  the  Barbarians, 

A.  D.  PAGE 

THE  subject  proposed  -  -  -  41 

View  of  the  state  of  Ancient  Europe  -  42 

476  Subversion  of  the  Roman  Empire  in  the  West  -         ib. 

Moral  and  political  causes  of  that  great  event  -         ib. 

To  be  ascribed  more  immediately  to  the  too  great  extent 
of  the  Roman  dominion,  and  to  the  debasing  influence 
of  a  despotic  government  -  -  -  43 

Causes  of  the  ruin  of  the  Roman  republic         -  -       44 

Of  the  decline  of  the  Imperial  power  -  -  46 

General  character  of  the  Barbarians  who  attacked  th» 
Empire         -  -  -  -  -  -        47 

Despicable  policy  of  the  Romans  in  purchasing  their  for- 

bearance,  and  taking  large  bodies  of  them  into  pay  ib. 

The  Visigoths  plant  themselves  in  Spain  ;  the  Franks  in 
Gaul ;  the  Saxons  in  South  Britain ;  the  Huns  in  Panno- 
nia ;  the   Ostrogoths  in  Italy  and  the  adjacent  pro- 
vinces, in  the  course  of  the  fifth  century  -  48 
An  almost  total  change  takes  place  in  the  state  of  Europe     ib. 


8  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

That  change  not  to  be  lamented  -         -  -         49 

Contempt  of  the  Barbarians  for  the  Roman  improvements, 
and  its  cause  -  -  -  -  -         ib. 

LETTER  II. 

()f  the  System  of  Policy  and  Legislation  established  by  the 
Barbarians  in  the  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

Sketch  of  the  primitive  government  of  the  barbarous  in- 
vaders       -  -  -  -  -         50 

They  consider  their  conquests  as  common  property  51 

After  settling  in  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  they 
established  a  new  species  of  government,  known  by 
the  name  of  the  Feudal  System  -  -  ib. 

The  advantages  and  disadvantages  of  that  government       ib. 

A  feudal  kingdom  was  commonly  torn  by  domestic  broils  ib. 

The  judicial  proceedings  of  the  Barbarians  were  long 
very  absurd  -----  53 

Resentment  was  almost  the  sole  motive  for  prosecuting 
crimes         ------         ib. 

Upon  the  whole,  the  feudal  system  was  less  debasing 
than  the  uniform  pressure  of  Roman  despotism  54 

LETTER  in. 

Of  the  Rise  of  the  French  Monarchy^  and  its  Progress  under 
the  Kings  of  the  First  Race. 

Introductory  reflections  on  Historic  Composition  54 
Comparative  insignificance  of  modern  history  before  the 
time  of  Charlemagne              -              -              -              -55 

The  French  monarchy  first  claims  our  attention           -  ib. 

481   Clovis  establishes  the  kingdom  of  France             -         -  ib. 
496  He  defeats  the  Alemanni  at  Tolbiac,  and  is  baptised  with 

almost  the  whole  French  nation             -             -          -  56 
507  Vanquishes  Alaric,  king  of  the  Visigoths              -          -  ib. 
Disgraces  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  by  cruelty  and  per- 
fidy               -             -             -             -             -             -  ib. 

511  His  death          -             -             -             -             -             -  57 

Impolitic  division  of  his  territories       -             -             -  ib. 

561   Renewed  division  after  the  death  of  Clotaire                 -  ib. 

Sanguinary  ambition  of  two  rival  queens          -              -  ib. 

613  Clotaire  II.  becomes  sole  king  of  France         -              -  ib. 

628  Dagobert,  by  his  vices  and  imprudence,  greatly  weakens 

the  royal  authority         -          -            -              .              -  ib. 
Sigebert  II.  and  Clovis  II.  are  only  the  founders  of  mo- 
nasteries       -             -             -             -             -             -  58 


CONTENTS.  9 

A.  D.  PAGE 

Several  succeeding  kings  are  equally  insignificant  -       58 

686  Pepin,  duke  ot  Austrasia,  usurps  the  administration,  un- 
der the  name  of  mayor  -  -  -  -       ib. 
714  After  his  death,  Charles  Martel,  his  natural  son,  assumes 

the  government  of  the  kingdom         -  -  -       ib. 

752  Pepin,  the  son  of  Charles,  usurps  the  sovereignty,  in  name 

as  well  as  in  effect  -  -  -  -       ib. 

LETTER  IV. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  Spain  under  the  dominion  of  the  Visigoths, 
and  under  the  Moors,  till  the  Reign  of  Abdarrahman, 

467  The  Visigoths  erect  a  monarchy  in  this  Roman  province     59 
The  clergy  early  acquire  great  power  in  Spain,  which  be- 
comes a  theatre  of  revolutions  and  crimes         -         -       ib. 

586  Death  of  Leovigild,  the  murderer  of  his  son       -         -       ib. 

615  Sisebut  dispossesses  the  Greek  emperors  of  the  territo- 
ries which  they  had  continued  to  hold  on  the  Spanish 
coast  -  -  -  -  -  -       ib. 

680  Wamba  is  excluded  from  the  throne,  because  he  had  been 
clothed  in  the  habit  of  a  penitent  by  priestly  artifice, 
whilst  labouring  under  the  influence  of  poison  -       60 

714  The  Saracens  of  iMauritania,  under  the  name  of  Moors, 
invade  Spain,  and  put  an  end  to  the  empire  of  the  Visi- 
goths -  -  -  -  -  -       ib. 

717  Pelagius,  a  prince  of  the  royal  blood,  retires  to  the  moun- 
tains of  Asturias,  and  forms  a  Christian  kingdom  61 

733  The  Moors  are  defeated  by  Charles  Martel,  in  attempting 

to  penetrate  into  France         -  -  -  -       ib. 

Miseries  of  Spain  under  its  Moorish  governors  -       ib. 

757  But  the  country  flourishes  under  the  dominion  of  Abdar- 
rahman,  who  establishes  at  Cordova  an  independent 
kingdom         -  -  -  -  -  -       ib. 

LETTER  V. 

Of  the  Dominion  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy,  arid  the  Affairs  of 
the  Lombards,  till  the  Reign  of  Luitprand. 

493  Conquest  of  Italy  by  Theodoric  -  -  "!       ^^ 

Equitable  administration  of  several  of  the  Ostrogothic 
kings  -  -  -  -  -       lb. 

553  Re-union  of  Italy  with  the  Greek  empire  -  -       63 

568  Seizure  of  a  great  part  of  it  by  the  Lombards  -       ib. 

Their  leader,  Alboin,  establishes  the  feudal  policy  in  his 
new  dominions  -  -  -  -  -       ib. 

586  Autharis,  one  of  his  successors,  perfects  that  form  of  go- 
vernment -  -  -  -  -         -       lb. 

And  embraces  Christianity  -  -  -         -       64 

Vol.  I.  B 


10  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAGi; 

643  Rotharis  gives  written  laws  to  the  Lombards         -         -       64 

668  Grimoald  reforms  the  laws  of  Rotharis        -         -         -       ib. 

Luitprand  forms  the  design  of  making  himself  sole  master 

of  Italy      -  -  -  -  -       65 

726  This  project  is  favoured  by  the  edict  of  Leo,  the  Greek 

emperor,  prohibiting  the  worship  of  images      -         -       ib. 

727  The  Italians  take  arms  in  support  of  that  worship         -       ib, 

728  Luitprand,  taking  advantage  of  this  tumult,  lays  siege  to 

Ravenna,  the  seat  of  the  Exarch  or  imperial  governor, 
and  carries  it  by  storm  -  -  -       66 


LETTER  VL 

Of  the  Pop€*s  temporal  Porucr.  ay\d  the  Affairs  of  Italy  in  gene- 
ral, the  Empire  of  Constantinople,  and  the  Kingdom  of  France, 
from  the  Time  of  Charles  Martel  to  that  of  Charlemagne. 

Ambitious  views  of  the  Romish  Pontiffs  -  -       66 

728  Gregory  II.  retakes  Ravenna  with  the  aid  of  the  Vene- 

tians -  -  -  -  -       67 

729  The  emperor  persists  in  his  design  of  abolishing  the  wor- 

ship of  images,  even  in  his  Italian  dominions  -       ib. 

730  Gregory  instigates  the  people  of  Rome  to  revolt  from  IjCo     ib, 

731  Menaced  with  the  emperor's  vengeance,  the  pope  applies 

for  protection  to  Charles   Martel,  who   becomes  the 
guardian  of  the  church  -  -  -       68 

741    Constantine  Copronymus  renews  his  father's  edict         -       ib, 
Rome  entirely  shakes  off  the  yoke  of  the  Greek  emperor     ib. 

743  Death  of  Luitprand       -  -  -  -       ib. 

752  Pope  Zachary  encourages  Pepin,  son  of  Charles  Martel, 

to  assume  the  title  of  king  of  France  -  -       69 

754  Pepin  obliges  Astulphus,  king  of  the  Lombards,  to  desist 

from  an  attempt  upon  Rome  -  -  -       70 

756  He  effectually  humbles  Astulphus,  and  founds  the  tem- 
poral power  of  the  Popes,  by  bestowing  on  the  see  of 
Rome  a  considerable  territory  in  Italy  -  -       71 

768  He  dies,  dividing  his  dominions  between  his  son  Charles 

and  Carloman  -  -  -  <•  -       ib. 


LETTER  VII. 

Of  Britain,  from  the  time  when  it  was  relinquished  by  the  Ro- 
mans, to  the  End  of  the  Saxon  Heptarchy. 

420  The  Romans  finally  evacuate  Britain  -  -       72 


CONTENTS.  U 

A.  D.  PAGE 

The  degenerate  inhabitants  of  South  Britain  are  unable 

to  defend  themselves  against  the  Scots  and  Picts  72 

449  They  apply  to  the  Saxons  for  protection             -             -  74 

The  Saxons  and  Angles  rout  the  Picts               -             -  ib. 
'i'55  But  afterward  enter  into  a  league  with  those  barbarous 

invaders  -  -  -  -  -75 

And  attack  the  South-Britons         -                 -                 -  ib. 

A  long  and  furious  war                   -                 -                 -  ib. 

585   Establishment  of  the  seven  Saxon  kingdoms                 -  76 

827  Union  of  those  realms      -               -                 -                 -  77 


LETTER  VIII. 

Of  the  Government  and  Laws  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

Freedom  of  the  Saxon  communities           -           -         -  78 

The  Wittena-gemot  or  parliament          -             -             -  79 

Different  orders  of  men             -             -             -             -  ib. 

Courts  of  law                -             -             -             -             -  80 

Mildness  of  the  laws                  -             -             -             -  ib. 

The  Ordeal        -           -             -             -             -             -  81 

LETTER  IX. 

Of  the  Reign  of  Charlemagrie^  or  Charles  the  Great,  king  of 
France f  and  ^.mperor  of  the  West, 

770  Charles  becomes  sole   sovereign  of  France,   in   conse- 
quence of  the  death  of  his  brother  Carloman             -  81 

772  He  concludes  a  treaty  with  the  Saxons,  whom  he  had  van- 

quished          -             -                 -                 -                 -  83 

773  And  marches  into  Italy  against  Desiderius,  king  of  the 

Lombards           -                 -                 -                 -         -  ib. 

He  takes  Verona  and  Pavia          -         -                  -         -  ib. 

774  Puts  an  end  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards                 -  84 

775  Having  settled    the   government  of   Italy,    be  marches 

against  the  Saxons            -                 -                 -           _  85 
Defeats  them  in  several  engagements,  and  treats  them 

with  great  cruelty       -                 -                  ,                 -  ib. 

Undertakes  expeditions  to  the  Danube  and  the  Ebro  86 

778  Battle  of  Roncevaux      -                  -                  -                 -  87 

Attention  of  Charles  to  the  arts  of  peace     -         -         -  ib. 

Account  of  his  private  life                 -                 -            -  88 

He  encourages  learning                  -                 -                 -  ib. 

Is  a  friend  to  the  church                -                -                -  89 


J2  CONTENTS, 

A.  D.  PAGE 

794  Assists  at  the  council  of  Frankfort          -           -             -  89 
Goes  into  Italy  to  do  justice  to  pope  Leo  III.                 -  91 
800  And  is  invested  with  the  Imperial  ensigns  by  that  pontiff  ib, 
802  He  concludes  a  treaty  with  Nicephorus,  emperor  of  Con- 
stantinople             -                  -               -              -              -  92 
His  friendship  with  the  khalif  Al-Raschid         -              -  ib. 
802  Remarks  on  the  empire  of  the  Khaliffs               -              -  ib. 
810  Charlemagne  is  delivered  from  a  formidable  invasion  of 

the  Normans  by  the  death  of  their  king,  Godfrey       -  93 

813  He  associates  his  son  Louis  with  him  in  the  empire       -  ib. 

814  Dies  at  Aix-la-Chapelle             -              -              -              -  ib, 

LETTER  X. 

Of  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne  and  the  Church,  from  the  Ac- 
cession of  Louis  the  Debonnaire  to  the  Death  of  Charles  the 
Bald. 

814  Louis,  though  religious,  renders  himself  odious  to  the 

clergy            -             -             -             -             -             -  94 

818  Suppresses  a  rebellion  in    Italy,  headed  by  his  nephew 

Bernard,  whom  he  punishes  with  the  loss  of  his  eyes  95 
Is  seized  with  remorse,  in  consequence  of  this  severity, 

and  does  public  penance                   -                  -              -  ib. 

829  His  sons  rebel  against  him                   -                  -              -  ib. 

830  Abandoned  by  his  army,  he  is  made  prisoner                 -  96 
Released  by  the  nobility         .              _              -                  -  ib. 

832  A  new  rebellion         -              -              .              .                  -  ib. 

833  Louis  is  deposed,  and  clothed  in  the  habit  of  a  penitent  ib. 

834  Obtains  absolution,  and  is  restored  to  his  dignity          -  97 

840  Dies  near  Mentz                -              -              -              -         -  98 
Lothaire  succeeds  to  the  empire                -             -         -  ib. 

841  Attempts  to  seize  the  possession  of  his  brothers           -  99 
Is  defeated  and  obliged  to  receive  conditions       -         -  ib. 

851   Subscribes  the  constitutions  of  Mersen                -              -  100 

855   Dies  in  the  habit  of  a  monk                    -              -              -  ib. 

Louis  II.  succeeds  to  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  and  the  Im- 
perial dignity                   -                  -                  -              -  ib. 

Various  subdivisions  of  territory       -                  -              -  ib. 

France  is  ravaged  by  the  Normans             -         -              -  101 
858  Invaded  by  Louis  the  German,  who  dethrones  his  bro- 
ther Charles  the  Bald             -             -             -             -  ib. 

Louis  is  expelled,  and  Charles  restored             -             -  ib. 

Examples  of  the  weakness  of  Charles               -  -             -  ib. 

Encroachments  of  the  clergy               -                  -              -  102 

Boldness  of  the  Popes           -              -                 -             -  ib. 

Story  of  Pope  Joan         -                  -                  -                  -  ib. 

860  Lothaire,  king  of  Lorrain,  divorces  his  wife         -         -  103 

863  Pope  Nicholas  endeavours  to  force  him  to  take  her  back  ib» 


CONTENTS.  IS 

A.  D.  PAGE 

868  He  goes  to  Rome  in  order  to  justify  himself  -  -  104 

Dies  on  his  way  home               -              -  -  -  ib. 

Charles  the  Bald  succeeds  to  his  dominions  -  -  ib. 

875  Louis  II.  dies  without  male  heirs          -  -  -  105 

Charles  obtains  the  Imperial  crown               -  -  -  ib. 

877  Marches  into  Italy,  in  order  to  expel  the  Saracens  106 

Dies  at  a  miserable  cottage           -             -  -  -  ib. 


LETTER  XI. 

Of  the  Normans  or  Danes^  before  their  Settlement  in  France 

and  England. 

The  Normans,  or  inhabitants  of  the  ancient  Scandinavia, 

become  the  terror  of  all  the  maritime  parts  of  Europe  107 
Description  of  their  religion  and  manners  -  -       ib. 

Their  contempt  of  death  -  -  -  -       ib. 

Their  mode  of  conducting  their  piratical  enterprises  108 

Their  ravages  in  France  -  -  -  -       ib. 


LETTER  XIL 

Of  the  Affairs  of  England^  from  the  End  of  the  Saxon  Hep- 
tarchy to  the  Death  of  Alfred  the  Great. 

827  Egbert,  the  first  monarch  of  England,  a  prince  of  great 

abilities          -             -             -             -             -             -  109 

835  He  defeats  the  Danes                  -              -              -              -  ib. 

838  He  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Ethelwolf,  a  weak  prince  ib. 

The  Danes  long  ravage  England           -             -             -  110 

851  They  are  defeated  by  the  Anglo-Saxons            -             -  ib. 

854  Ethelwolf  makes  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome             -             -  ib. 

^,^55  Confers  the  tithe  on  the  clergy               -              -              -  ib. 

England  continues  to  be  infested  by  the  Danes               -  111 

Reigns  of  Ethelbald  and  Ethelbert       -         -         -         -  ib. 

871   Accession  of  Alfred            _..-_-  ib. 

He  encounters  the  Danes  in  several  engagements           -  ib. 

875  They  reduce  the  Anglo-Saxons  to  despair         -              -  112 

S78  Alfred,  abandoned  by  his  subjects  assumes  the  habit  of  a 

peasant            -                  -                  -                  -              -  ib. 

Throws  off  that  disguise                  -                 -                 -  113 

Defeats  the  Danes  with  great  slaughter         -                 -  ib. 

Establishes  a  regular  militia                   -             -             -  ib. 

Creates  a  navy               -             -             -             -             -  11* 

His  wise  regulations                   -              -              -              -  ib. 

390  He  frames  a  body  of  laws         -             -             -             -  116 


u  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAGK 

Encourages  learning                  -  -             -             -     116 

Promotes  navigation  and  commerce  -          -             -     117 

900  His  death  and  character               -  -          -             -       ib. 


LETTER  XIII. 

Of  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne  and  the  Churchy  from  the  Death 
of  Charles  the  Bald  to  that  of  Louis  IV.  ^  when  the  Imperial 
Dignity  was  transferred  from  the  French  to  the  Germans, 

S77  Louis  the  Stammerer  succeeds  to  the  crown  of  France  118 

879  His  death           -             -                 -                  -                 -  ib. 

Joint  reign  of  his  sons                     -                  -                 -  ib. 

884  The  emperor  Charles  the  Fat  is  elected  king  of  France  119 

Disgraces  himself  by  cediiig  Friesland  to  the  Normans  ib. 

886  These  northern  ra^^agers  besiege  Paris           -                  -  ib. 

887  Relinquish  the  enterprise,  on  receiving  a  ransom  from 

the  ousillanimous  Charles  -  -  -       ib. 

888  He  is  deposed  in  a  diet  of  the  Empire  -  -     120 
Arnold  is  raised  to  the  Imperial  throne         -                 -       ib. 

898  Charles  the  Simple  succeeds  to  the  crown  of  France,  after 

along  contention         -  -  -  -       ib. 

The  nobles  aspire  openly  at  independence,  and  depress 
the  great  body  of  the  people  -  -  -       ib. 

905  The  Normans,   under   RoUo,   establish   themselves   in 

France         -----     121 
And  give  to  the  province  of  Neustria  the  name  of  Nor- 
mandy        -----     122 
912  On  the  death  of  Louis  IV.  the  empire  departs  from  the 

French  to  the  Germans  -  -  -       ib. 


LETTER  XIV. 

Of  the  German  Empire^  from  the  Election  of  Conrad  L  to  the 
Death  of  Henry  the  Fowler. 

912  The  reign  of  Conrad  is  one  continued  scene  of  troubles  123 

917  The  Hungarians  ravage  Germany  -  -  -  124. 
919  Henry  L  surnamed  the  Fowler,  succeeds  Conrad  on  the 

Imperial  throne             -             -             -             -         -  ib. 

925  He  conquers  Lorrain         -            -             -             -         -  ib. 

Forms  regulations  for  the  security  of  the  empire          -  ib. 

932  Defeats  the  Hungarians  in  a  great  battle                -           -  1£5 

936  Dies  in  his  march  for  Italy,  and  is  succeeded  by  his  son 

Otbo,  afterward  styled  the  Great        -             -          -  ib. 


CONTENTS.  IS 


LETTER  XV. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  France^  from  the  Settlement  of  the  JVomiafis 
to  the  Extinction  of  the  Carlcwingian  Race. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

Liberal  policy  of  RoUo,  duke  of  Normandy  -  126 

922  Charles   the  Simple  is  deposed,  and  Robert,  duke   of 

France,  proclaimed  king  -  -  -         -      ib. 

923  Rodolph,  Duke  of  Burgundy,  obtains  the  crown  on  the 

death  of  Robert       -             -             -             -             -  ib. 

929  Charles  the  Simple  dies  in  prison                  -             -  ib. 
Rodolph  acts  with  resolution  and  vigour           -             -  ib. 
936  Dies  without  issue,  and  is  succeeded  by  Louis  the  Stran- 
ger            -----             -  127 

Lous  attempts  in  vain  to  rescue  himself  from  the  tyranny 

of  Hugh  the  Great,  Duke  of  France             -             -  ib. 

954  Leaves  only  a  shadow  of  royalty  to  his  son  Lothaire  ib. 

986  Lothaire  is  quietly  succeeded  by  his  son,  Louis  V.  ib. 

987  End  of  the  Carlovingian  line,  or  second  race  of  French 

kings  -  -  -  -  -  -       ib. 

LETTER  XVL 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Italian  Dependencies^  under  Otho 
the  Great,  and  his  Successors  of  the  House  of  Saxony. 

936  Otho  defeats  the  Hungarians  in  the  plain  of  Dortmund     128 

937  Makes  Bohemia  tributary  to  the  German  empire         -        ib. 

938  Expels  Everard,  Duke  of  Bavaria,  and  bestows  the  Duchy 

on  his  uncle  Bertolf  -  -  _  .        ±29 

Revives  the  dignity  of  Count  Palatine  -  -  ib. 

940  Assembles  a  diet  at  Arensbcrg,  which  appoints  a  judicial 

combat  to  decide  the  right  of  inheritance  -  ib. 

945  He  augments  the  privileges  of  the  German  clergy  130 

948  Propagates  Christianity  by  force  of  arms  -  ib. 

952  Conquers  Italy  -  -  -  -         ib. 

955  His  son  Ludolph  revolts  -  -  ib. 
959  Returns  to  his  duty,  and  dies  -  -  131 
962  Otho  suppresses  a  rebellion  in  Italy^  and  is  crowned  at 

Rome  by  the  Pope  -  -  -  ib. 

Confirms  to  the  Holy  See  the  donations  of  Pepin   and 

Charlemagne  _  -  _  _     132 

966  Otho  enters  Italy  a  third  time,  and  quells  a  new  revolt  ib. 
968  His  troops  defeat  the  Greeks  in  Calabria  -  133 

973  His  son  Otho  II.  surnamed  the  Sanguinary,  succeeds  him  134 
Great  disorders  in  the  Papal  territories  -  ib. 

981  Otho  marches  into  Italy,  and  severely  chastises  the  rebels  135 
998  Otho  ill.  his  son  and  successor,  takes  Romeby  assault,  and 

executes  vengeance  on  the  authors  of  another  revolt        ih. 


16  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1001  Expels  the  Saracens  from  the  Campania  of  Rome  135 

1002  The  Empire  sustains  a  great  loss  by  his  death          -  136 
The   Duke   of  Bavaria  is  elected  emperor,  under  the 

name  of  Henry  II.                      _                 .                  _  ib, 

1605  He  is  crowned  King  of  Lombardy  at  Pavia             -  ib. 

In  danger  of  losing  his  life  by  a  revolt  of  the  citizens  ib. 

Quells  the  troubles  of  Germany                 -                 -  ib. 

1014  Is  crowned  at  Rome  by  the  Pope                -             -  ib. 

1024  Increases  in  prosperity  to  the  hour  of  his  death         -  137" 

Appears  to  have  made  a  vow  of  chastity                 -  ib. 

LETTER  XVII. 

Sketch  of  the  History  of  Poland  and  Russia^  and  also  of  the 
Scandinavian  States,  to  the  death  of  Magnus  the  Goody  King 
of  Denmark  and  Norway. 

POLAND. 

Origin  of  the  Polanders,  and  of  their  Dukedom         -  137 

830  Elevation  and  merit  of  Piast                 -             -         -  138 

999  Boleslaus  becomes  the  first  king  of  Poland             -  ib. 

1035   Exile  of  Casimir                       -                   -                  -  ib. 

1040  His  recal                  -              -                  -              -              -  ib. 

1081  Expulsion  of  Boleslaus  II.                   -                 -  ib. 

1082  Ladislaus  is  suffered  by  the  Pope  to  act  as  Duke         -  ib. 

RUSSIA. 

862  Ruric  erects  a  principality             -                -             -  139 

941   War  between  the  Russians  and  the  Greeks                 -  ib, 

945  Regency  of  Olga                 -                 -             -             -  ib. 

980  Reign  of  Wolodimir  the  Great              -             -             -  ib. 

1019  Reign  of  Jaroslaus             -             -             -             -  ib. 

THE  SCANDINAVIAN  REALMS. 

760  Conquest  of  Sweden  by  the  Danes           -                  -  140 
895  Conquest  of  Denmark  by  the  Swedes         -                -  ib. 
Piratical  habits  of  the  northern  tribes                  -  ib. 
910  Keign  of  Harold  in  Norway             -             -               -  ib. 
1042   Magnus  acquires  the  sovereignty  of  Norway  and  Den- 
mark              -                 -                 _                 .  141 


LETTER  XVIII. 

Of  the  chief  Occurrences  and  Transactions  in  England  from  the 
Death  of  Alfred  to  the  Reign  of  Canute  the  Great, 

900  Martial  genius  of  Edward  the  Elder,  son  of  Alfred        141 


CONTENTS.  17 

A.  D.  PAGE 

926  His  successor  Athelstan  creates  Sithric,  a  Dane,  King 

of  Northumberland                  _               .              _  142 

9S4  Enters  Scotland  with  a  numerous  army             -             -  ib. 

938  Defeats  the  Scots,  Welsh,  and  Danes,  in  a  great  battle  ib. 

His  law  for  the  encouragement  of  commerce             -  ib. 
941   He  is  succeeded  by  his  brother  Edmund          -         -  143 
945  Edmund  conquers  Cumberland,  and  confers  it  on  Mal- 
colm, King  of  Scotland,  on  condition  of  homage  ib. 
947  His  violent  death                -               -              -              -  ib. 

His  brother  Edred  is  raised  to  the  throne         -         -  ib. 

952  He  checks  and  overawes  the  Northumbrian  Danes  ib. 

Delivers  over  his  consoience  to  the  guidance  of  Dun- 

stan,  abbot  of  Glastonbury             -             -             -  ib. 

The  rigid  monastic  rules  are  introduced  into  England, 

and  the  celibacy  of  the  clergy  enjoined              -         -  144 
9.55    Edwy,  the  son  of  Edmund,  is  lass  favourable  to  the 

monks               ...             -             -  145 

Dunstan  publicly  insults  him              -             -             -  ib. 

Is  banished             -----  ib. 

The  enraged  monks  poison  the  minds  of  the  people  ib. 

957  Edwy  is  deprived  of  a  great  part  of  his  kingdom         -  146 

959  His  death                -----  ib. 

Wise  policy  of  his  brother  Edgar      -             -             -  ib. 

His  great  power  and  prosperity             -             -              -  ib. 

He  secures  the  favour  of  Dunstan  and  the  monks         -  ib. 

His  licentious  amours          _             .              -             -  147 

Story  of  Elfrida             -              -                  -                 -  ib. 

Edgar  extirpates  wolves  from  England  and  Wales  148 
975  His  son  Edward  the  Martyr  succeeds                     -  ib. 
979  He  is  murdered,  at  the  instigation  of  his  step-mother  El- 
frida, in  order  to  make  room  for  her  son  Ethelred  149 
991   Ethelred  meanly  compounds  with  the  Danes  for  his  safety  ib. 

1002  Cruel  massacre  of  the  Danes  in  England               -  ib. 

1003  Sweyn,  King  of  Denmark,  takes  vengeance  on  the  En- 

glish for  the  slaughter  of  his  countrymen             -  ib. 

1013  Ethelred  seeks  refuge  in  the  court  of  his  brother-in-law 

Richard,  Duke  of  Normandy             -             -         -  150 

1014  Returns  on  the  death  of  Sweyn              -             -         -  ib. 

1015  Finds  a  terrible  enemy  in  Canute,  the  son  of  that  prince  ib. 

1016  Dies  in  the  midst  of  his  troubles               -               -  ib. 
His  son,  Edmund  Ironside,  bravely  struggles  for  the  in- 
dependence of  his  kingdom              -              -             -  ib. 

He  is  betrayed  by  his  general  Edric,  and  obliged  to  di- 
vide his  dominions  with  Canute               -               -  ib. 
Murdered  by  his  chamberlains             -             =             -  151 

Vol.  I.  C 


18  CONTENTS. 


LETTER  XIX. 

Of  the  Reigns  of  the  French  Kings,  from  the  Accession  of  Hugh 
Cafjetj  to  the  Lrvasion  of  England  by  TFilliamj  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

987  Hugh  Capet,  son  of  Hugh  the  Great,  seizes  the  crown 

of  France  on  the  death  of  Louis  V.              -          -  151 
991   Makes  prisoner  the  Duke  of  Lorrain,  who  attempted  to 

dispute  his  right  to  the  crown         _              .              -  152 

996  Is  quietly  succeeded  by  his  son  Robert              -              -  ib. 

998  Pope  Gregory  V.  dissolves  the  marriage  of  Robert  153 
And   excommunicates   him   for    persisting  in    keeping 

Bertha,  his  Queen.              -              -              -              -  ib. 

Terrible  effects  of  the  sentence  of  excommunication  ib. 

1042  Robert  rejects  the  Imperial  dignity              -              -  ib. 

»Jicat  disorders  in  his  family         .              -              -  154 

1031  He  dies  admidst  those  disorders          -           -           -  ib. 

His  son  Ht^nry  I.  succeeds  him         -              -              -  ib. 

Henr\  is  supported  by  Robert,  Duke  of  Normandy  ib. 

1035  Robert  dies  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem              -  155 

1046  The  battle  of  Val  de  Dunes  gives  William,  his  natural 

son,  full  possession  of  the  Duchy              -             -  ib. 

1060  Henry  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Philip  I.         -              -  ib. 
1067  Philip  assumes  the  reigns  of  government  on  the  death  of 

the  regent  Baldwin         -              -              .              -  156 

LETTER  XX. 

Of  the  Government  of  the  Kings  of  England,  from  the  Danish 
to  the  Norman  Conquest. 

1017  Canute,  the  Dane,  becomes  sole  sovereign  of  England  157 

Liberal  policy  of  Canute            -                  -                  -  158 

1019  He  visits  Denmark              -                  -                  -         -  ib. 

1028  Makes  himself  master  of  Norway                 -                  -  ib. 

Sees  the  insignificancy  of  human  greatness         -              -  ib. 

1035  His  son  Harold  Harefoot,  succeeds  him  on  the  throne 

of  England                  -                  -                  -                  -  159 

1040  Harold  is  succeeded  by  Hardicanute                  -              -  ib. 

1042  On  the  death  of  Hardicanute,  the  English  shake  off  the 
Danish  yoke,  and  place  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors 
Edward,  surnamed  the  Confessor,  son  of  the  unfortu- 
nate Ethelred  -  -  -  -  ib. 
Though  a  good  prince,  Edward  disgusts  the  English  by 
his  favour  to  the  Normans              -                  -          -  ib. 

1050  Earl  Godwin-rebels,  and  is  banished         -                 -  160 


CONTENTS,  19 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1051   He  returns,  and  reduces  the  King  to  conditions'         -       160 

1053  Great  power  of  his  son  Harold  -  -  -         ib- 

1054  Macheth,  usurper  of  the  crown  of  Scotland,  is  defeated 

and  slain  by  an   English  army  under  Siward,  Earl  of 
Northumberland  -  -  -  -         ib. 

Anecdotes  of  Siward  .  -  _  jsi 

1066  Harold  obtains  the  crown  of  England,  on  the  death  of 

Edward  the  Confessor  -  -  -         -     162 

He  defeats  the  Norwegians  in  a  great  battle  -  163 

His  right  to  the  English  crown  is  disputed  by  William, 
Duke  of  Normandy,  who  lands  with  an  army  in  Sus- 
sex ___>_-         ib. 
Fall  of  Harold  in  the  battle  of  Hastings  COct,  14.)  165 
View  of  the  state  of  England  under  the  Anglo-Saxons     167 
Singular  manners  and  customs             _             _             _     168 

LETTER  XXI. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  Spain,  the  Saracen  Empire,  and  that  of 
Constantinople,  during  the  Ninth,  Tenth,  and  part  of  the 
Eleventh  Century. 

SPAIN. 

The  kingdom  of  Asturias  or  of  liCon,  increases  under 
Alphonso  III.  -  -  -  -     169 

828  The  kingdom  of  Navarre  founded  by  Eneco  -  ib. 

928  Ramiro  II,  King  of  Leon,  gains  over  the  Moors  the  ce- 
lebrated victory  of  Simancas  _  _  _      iij. 
Great  success  of  Almansour  the  Moorish  general  170 
998  His  defeat  and  death                  -                  -                  -  ib. 
Division  of  the  Moslem  kingdom  of  Cordova  into  many 

petty  sovereignties  -  -  -  -         ib. 

The  Christian  kingdoms  are  subdivided  in  like  manner     ib. 
Freedom  of  the  people  of  Arragon  -  -  171 

Singular  privileges  of  their  Justiza,  or  Grand  Judge         ib. 

Empire  of  the  Saracens. 

The  African  Governors  shake  off  their  dependence  on 

theKhalif  -  -  -  -  -         172 

969  The  Fatimites,  a  Moslem  sect,  form  an  empire  in  Egypt     ib. 

Other  fanatics  seize  the  north-western  coast  of  Africa, 

and  erect  the  kingdom  of  Morocco  -  -     ib. 

The  Khalifs  of  Bagdad  are  gradually  stripped  of  their 

power  by  the  Turks,  a  Tartar  tribe  -  -     ib. 

A   variety  of  sovereigns  spring  up  under  the  name  of 
Soltans  .  -  -  -  ib. 


20  CONTENTS. 


Empire  of  Constantinople. 

A.  D.  »A(JE 

The  extent  of  this  empire  yet  considerable             -  173 

811   Nicephorus  is  put  to  death  by  the  Bulgarians            -  ib. 

The  Saracens  in  his  reign  conquer  the  island  of  Cyprus  ib. 

Cruelty  of  Leo  the  Armenian         -             -                 -  ib. 

Superstition  of  "^ichael  the  Stammerer                 -  ib. 

823  In  his  reign  the  Saracens  reduce  Crete             -          -  ib. 

The  Empress  Theodora  persecutes  the  Manicheans  ib. 
The  grand  schism  between  the  Greek  and  Latin  churches 
brought  to  a  crisis  by  the  conversion  of  the  Bulga- 
rians             -              -              -              -              -              -174 

879  The  two  primates  excommunicate  each  other            -  ib. 
922  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta  is  an  encourager  of  learn- 
ing                -                  -                 -                  -             »  ib. 

963  Nicephorus  Phocas  attacks  the  Saracens  with  success  ib. 

969   He  is  murdered  in  bed       -               -              -              -  ib. 

Basil  n.  vanquishes  the  Bulgarians              -               -  175 
1034  The  crimes  of  the  Princess  Zoe,  and  the  wretched  state 

of  the  empire                    -              -              -              -  ib. 

Constantine   Ducas  abandons  the    Asiatic  provinces  to 

the  Turks               -              -                  -                  -  176 

1068  His  Widow   Eudoxia  marries  Romanus    Diogenes,   a 

public  malefactor,  and  procures  the  crown  for  him  ib. 

LETTER  XXII. 

Of  the  Progress  of  Society  in  Europe ^  from  the  Settlement  oj 
the  Modern  Nations  to  the  Middle  of  the  Eleventh  Century. 

General  adoption  of  Christianity  by  the  subverters  of 
the  Roman  empire  -  -  -  1J7 

They  blend,  however,  with  its  doctrines  and  ceremonies, 
their  former  gross  superstitions  -  -  ib. 

Corrupt  state  of  Christianity,  the  ignorance  of  the  cler- 
gy, and  the  disorders  of  the  Church,   together  with 


those  of  Government  and  Manners  during  the  middle 


179 


ages  -  -  _  - 

These  disorders  attain  their  height  before  the  end  of  the 

tenth  century  -  -  -  180 

Causes  that  tended  to  banish  anarchy  and  barbarism         181 
Beneficial  effects  of  Chivalry  -  -  ib. 

Its  origin  and  character  as  a  civil  and  military  institution    ib. 
Its  liberal  spirit  -  -  -  -      ib. 

That  spirit  strongly  counteracted  by  the  monastic  insti- 
tutions -  -  -  -  184 
Origin  of  those  institutions              -                  -              -         ib. 
Disorders  of  the  monks  and  nuns              -                 -            185 
Chivalry  saves  Europe  from  monastic  tyranny         -         187 


CONTENTS.  2i 

LETTER  XXIII. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  under  Conrad  IL 
and  his  Descendants  of  the  House  of  Franconia. 

A.  D.  PAOE 

1024  Disputes  on  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Henry  II.  187 

Conrad,  Duke  of  Franconia,  is  elected  to  succeed  him  ib. 

1027  He  marches  into  Italy,  quells  a  revolt,  and  is  crowned  at 

Rome          ------  188 

Returns  to  Germany,  and  suppresses  a  rebellion         -  ib. 

Humbles  the  Poles  and  Huns                  -              -              -  ib. 

1033  Obtains  the  succession  of  the  kingdom  of  Transjurane 

Burgundy                 -                  -                  -               -  ib. 

1039  Extinguishes  a  rebellion  in  Italy              -         '    -            -  ib. 

Henry  III.  succeeds  him               -              -              -         -  ib. 

He  wages  war  in  Bohemia,  Poland,  and  Hungary       -  ib. 

Italy  is  distracted  by  factions              -              -              -  ib. 

1046  Henry  composes  the  disorders  there,  and  is  crowned  by 

Clement  II.  whom  he  had  raised  to  the  Papacy  189 

1047  Enters  into  a  treaty  with  the  Norman  adventurers  who 

had  established  themselves  in  Apulia  and  Calabria         ib. 

1048  Intrigues  of  Hildibrand  at  the  election  of  Pope  Leo  IX.    ib. 
1053  Leo  having   made  war  unsuccessfully  against   the  Nor- 
man  adventurers,  confirms   the   Imperial  investiture 

for  the  lands  which  they  held  in  Italy  -  -      190 

Alarmed  at  the  ambitious  projects  of  his  sister  Beatrice, 

Henry  marches  into  Italy  and  carries  her  off  -      ib. 

1056  Henry  iV.  becomes  emperor  -  -  _       191 

Troubles  of  Germany,  and  usurpations  of  the  Roman 

pontiffs  during  his  minority  -  -  -        ib. 

1072  He  begins    his  administration  with  suppressing  disor- 

ders and  remedying  abuses  -  -  -         ib. 

Is   summoned  to  appear   before  the  papal  tribunal  for 

having  exposed  the  investure  of  bishops  to  sale  -  192 
Subdues  the  Saxons  -  -  -  -  193 

1073  Hildebrand  (Gregory  VII.)   begins  his  pontificate  with 

excommunicating  every  clergyman  who  should  re- 
ceive a  benefice  from  a  layman,  and  every  layman  by 
whom  such  benefice  should  be  conferred         -  -       ib. 

Attempts  to  free  the  clergy  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the 
civil  power,  and  subjects  all  princes  to  the  authority 
of  the  see  of  Rome         -  -  -  -  194 

1075  Summons  the  emperor  to  appear  before   him  for  conti- 

nuing to  bestow  investitures  -  -  -     ib. 

1076  The  enraged  prince  sends  an  ambassador  to  Rome  with 

a  formal  deprivation  of  Gregory  -  -         -       ib. 

The  pope  deposes  and  excommunicatas  the  emperor         195 

1077  Henrv  humbles  himself  at  the  feet  of  his  holiness  196 


22  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAftE 

This  triumph  renders  Gregory  more  haughty  and  inso- 
lent -  -  -  -  -  -      196 

1078  He  persuades  the  Germans  to  elect  another  emperor  ib. 

1080  Henry  defeats  his  antagonists,   degrades  Gregory,  and 

gets  another  pope  elected  -  -  -         197 

1081  He  marches  into  Italy,  and  reduces  Rome  -  198 
1085  Gregory  retires  to  Salerno,  and  there  dies              -  ib. 

Germany  is  involved  in  new  troubles  -  -         ib. 

1090  Conrad,  the  emperor's  eldest  son,  rebels  against  his  fa- 
ther, and  assumes  the  title  of  king  of  Italy  -       199 
1099  His  brother  Henry  is  declared  king  of  the  Romans  ib. 
1101   Young  Henry  rebels              -             -             -             -  ib. 

1105  Henry  IV.  treacherously  made  prisoner  by  this  unnatu- 

ral son,  is  divested  of  the  Imperial  ensigns  -         ib. 

1106  Makes  his  escape,  but  dies  before  he  can  effect  his  res- 

toration -  -  -  -  -  201 

Henry  V.  maintains  the  right  of  investiture  -  ib. 

1111   Enters  Italy  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  and  takes  the 

pope  prisoner  -  -  -  -         202 

His  right  of  investiture  confirmed,  and  afterwards  denied 

by  Pascal  II.  -  -  -  -       ib. 

1116  He  again  enters  Rome  in  triumph  -  -         203 

1123  The  point  of  investiture  is  settled  by  a  general  council    204 

1125  Death  of  this  emperor  -  -  -  -         ib. 

LETTER  XXIV. 

Of  the  Reigns  of  the  three  first  Norman  Kings  of  England. 

1066  Consternation  of  the  people  of  England  -  -     205 
William,  duke  of  Normandy,  marches  towards  London     ib. 
The  nobility  and  clergy  declare  their  intention  of  sub- 
mitting to  his  authority               -              -              -  ib. 

He   takes  the  oath  of  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  and   is 
crowned  _  .  -  -         206 

1067  Confirms  the  nobility  and  gentry  in  the  possession  of 

their  lands  and  dignities  -  -  -  ib. 
But  every  where  disarms  the  natives,  and  places  all  real 

power  in  the  hands  of  the  Normans             -             -  ib. 

He  visits  Normandy                  .                  .                  -  207 

Many  of  the  English  rebel  in  his  absence                -  ib. 

He  returns  and  humbles  the  insurgents          -             -  ib. 

1068  Another  revolt  arises                  -                  -                  -  ib. 

1069  William  quells  all  opposition           -              -                  -  210 

1070  He  lays  waste  the  country  between  the  Humber  and  the 

Tyne                 -                 -                 -                 -         -  ib. 
Confiscates  the  estates  of  the  principal  English  landhold- 
ers, and  bestows  them  upon  his  Norman  followers  ib. 
Introduces  the  feudal  polity  into  England               -  211 
His  regulations  in  regard  to  the  church          -            -  ib. 


CONTENTS.  23 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1076  His  son  Robert  rebels  against  him  in  Normandy  213 
1079  A  reconciliation  is  brought  about  by  a  singular  circum- 
stance       ------  ib. 

1081   A  survey  is  taken  of  all  the  lands  of  England             -  214 

1087  William's  death  and  character              -              -              -  ib. 

Tyrannical  government  of  his  son  William  Rufus  216 

Generous  disposition  of  Robert  duke  of  Normandy  ib. 

1096  He  enlists  himself  in  the  first  crusade,  and  mortgages  his 

dominions  to  Rufus  -  -  -  -      217 

1097  William  quarrels  with  the  primate  Anselm  -  218 
The  pope  protects  the  archbishop              -              -         -     ib. 

1100  William  Rufus  is  accidentally  killed  by  an  arrow  -  219 
His  character  -  -  -  -  ib. 
His  brother  Henry  usurps  the  throne  of  England  ib. 
The  new  king  grants  a  charter  of  liberties             -  220 

1101  His  brother  Robert  invades  England  -  -  ib. 
An  accommodation  is  brought  about  -  -  ib. 
Henry  persecutes  Robert's  adherents         -             -  221 

1106   Makes  himself  master  of  the  duchy  of  Normandy  ib. 

Confines  Robert  for  life  in  Cardiff  castle  -  -         ib. 

1119  Defeats  the  French  near  Andely  -  -  -     ib. 

1120  His  only  son  William  is  shipwrecked  with  all  his  retinue  222 
1127  Henry  marries  his  daughter  to  Geoffrey  Plantagenet  ib. 
1135  His  death                 -                 -                  -                 -  ib. 

Remarks  on  the  changes  produced  in  the  government 
by  the  Norman  conquest  .  -  _  £23 

Rigour  of  the  Anglo-Norman  government  -  ib. 

That  rigour  ultimately  favourable  to  the  cause  of  free- 
dom -  -  -  -  -         224 

In  the  struggles  between  the  king  and  the  nobles,  the 
people  recover  their  consequence  -  -         -     ib. 

LETTER  XXV. 

Sketch  of  the  French  History  under  Philip  I.  and  Louis  VI. 
with  some  Account  of  the  First  Crusade, 

1095  Ex'^ommunication  of  Philip  I.  by  Urban  II.  in  the  coun- 

cil of  Clermont,  where  the  first  crusade  was  preached  226 
Origin  of  the  crusades — a  desire  of  recovering  the  Holy- 
Land  from  the  infidels,  and  a  hope  of  beholding  Christ 
on  mount  Sion  -  -  -  -         ib. 

Ardour  for  the  holy  war  excited  by  Peter  the  Hermit     227 

1096  Persons  of  all  ranks   fly  to  arms,  and  march  towards 

Asia,  under  the  banner  of  the  cross  -  -      228 

They  are  guilty  of  the  greatest  disorders  in  their  pro- 
gress .  _  -  -  229 

1097  Muster  a  prodigious  army  on  the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus     ib. 

1098  Make  themselves  masters  of  Nice  and  Antioch,  and 

break  the  power  of  the  Turks  -  -         230 


24  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  *Aa» 

1099  Invest  Jerusalem,  and  take  it  by  assault  -  -  231 
Godfrey  of  Bouillon  is  chosen  king  of  Jerusalem  -  ib. 
Philip  is  absolved  from  the  sentence  of  excommunication  ib. 

1 100  He  associates  his  son  Louis  in  the  Government        -         23^2 
1102  Louis  VL  corrects  the  licentiousness  of  the  nobles  ib. 
1 128  He  establishes  the  commons,  or  third  branch  of  the  legis- 
lature, enfranchises  the  villains  or  bondmen,  and  regu- 
lates the  courts  of  justice             -             -             -            ib. 

1137  He  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Louis  VIL  -  233 


LETTER  XXVI. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies^  from  the  Death 
of  Henry  V.  to  the  Election  of  Frederick  /.  surnamed  Bar- 
barossa. 

1125  Lothaire,  duke  of  Saxe-Supplemburg,  elected  emperor     234 
1132  He  re-establishes  Innocent  II.  in  the  papal  chair         -       ib. 
Orders  justice  to  be  administered  in  the  empire  accord- 
ing to  the  Roman  or  civil  code  -  -  ib. 
1137  He  is  succeeded  on  the   Imperial  throne  by  Conrad, 

duke  of  Franconia  -  _  _         235 

1140  Origin  of  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibelins  -  ib. 

Singular  example  of  conjugal  affection  -  ib. 

1147  Conrad  engages  in  the  second  crusade         -  -         236 

1152  His  death  -  -  -  -  ib. 


LETTER  XX VIL 

History  of  France  imder  Louis  VII.  till  the  divorce  of  Queen 
Eleanor,  with  some  Account  of  the  second  Crusade. 

1143  Louis  VII.  enraged  at  his  rebellious  subjects,  orders  the 

town  of  Vitri  to  be  set  on  fire                  -  237 
That  cruel  command  makes  a  deep  impression  on  his  mind,  ib. 
St.  Bernard  exhorts  him  to  expiate  his  guilt  by  an  expe- 
dition to  the  Holy  Land                   -                 -  ib. 
1146  He  takes  the  cross  at  Vezelai              -                 -  ib. 
1148  The  emperor,  jealous  of  the  king  of  France,  marches 

before  him  into  the  Holy  Land,  and  is  defeated  238 

liOuis  follows  Conrad,  and  is  not  more  fortunate  239 

He  is  dishonoured  by  queen  Eleanor,  his  pious  consort  ib. 

1152   Divorces  her           -              -                  -                  -  ib. 

She  marries  Henry  Plantagenet,  duke  of  Normandy  ib. 


CONTENTS.  25 


LETTER  XXVIII. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  England  during  the  Reign  of  Stephen, 

A.  D.  PAOE 

1135  Stephen,  count  of  Boulogne,  usurps  the  crown  of  Eng- 

land on  the  death  of  Henry  I.              -              -           -  240 

1136  Grants  exorbitant  privileges  to  the  nobility  and  clergy  ib. 
Wretched  state  of  the  common  people  under  his  reign  ib. 
David,  king  of  Scotland,  supports  the  claim  of  Matilda, 

the  daughter  of  the  late  king             -             -  -      ib. 

1138  Battle  of  the  Standard  -  -  -  -  ib. 
The  Scots  are  routed  with  great  slaughter              -  ib. 

1139  Matilda  lands  in  England  ...  241 
The  country  is  desolated  by  civil  war             -  -        ib. 

1148  A  cessation  of  hostility  takes  place,  and  Matilda  retires 

into  Normandy  -  -  -  -  ib. 

1153  Her  son  Henry  invades  England  -  -  -  242 
He  has  the  succession  secured  to  him             -  -  ib. 

1154  Death  and  character  of  Stephen  -  -         -         ib. 

LETTER  XXIX. 

History  of  England  during  the  Reign  of  Henry  //.  with  an 
Accoimt  of  the  Affairs  of  France. 

1154  Extensive  continental  dominions  of  Henry  II.             -  243 
His  wise  regulations              -              -              .             -  244 
1162  He  attempts  to  reform  the  abuses  of  the  church  245 
Difficulty  of  that  undertaking              -                  -              -  ib. 
Character  of  Thomas  Becket,   archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury            .             -                 -                 -                 -  246 
He  declares  himself  the  champion  of  the  clergy  ib. 
1164  To  subject  them  to  the  authority  of  the  legislature,  the 

king  enacts  the  Coustitutions  of  Clarendon           -  247 

The  pope  annuls  them             .                 _                 -  248 
Becket  opposes  their  operation,  appeals  to  the  Holy  See, 

and  takes  refuge  in  France             _             _             -  249 

1170  Afraid  of  excommunication,  the  king  permits  Becket  to 

return  to  the  see  of  Canterbury       -         -         -         -     250 
Insolence  and  arrogance  of  the  primate  -  -      251 

He  is  murdered  by  four  gentlemen  of  the  king's  house- 
hold -  -  -  -  -  -         ib. 

1171  Henry  sends  ambassadors  to  Rome,  to  maintain  his  in- 

nocence of  that  crime                  >                 -  -     252 

Miracles  said  to  be  wrought  at  Becket's  shrine  -         ib. 

Henry  undertakes  the  conquest  of  Ireland  -              ib. 

State  of  that  country              _              .              .  -         253 

1172  Subdued  by  the  English  monarch             -  -         -      ib. 
Vol.  L                                 D 


26  CONTENTS, 

A.  D,  PAGE 

1173  Henry's  three  sons  rebel  against  him,  and  are  supported 

by  the  kings  of  France  and  Scotland  -              254 

1174  He  does  penance  at  Becket's  tomb              -  -             ib. 
Gains  a  victory  over  the  Scots                  -  -           ■-     ib. 

1175  Suppresses  the  rebellion              _                  -  -         255 
Ordains  judicious  regulations              -  _              _        ib. 

1180  Philip  Augustus  succeeds  to  the  crown  of  France  256 

1 188  He  enters  into  a  confederacy  with  prince  Richard,  heir 

apparent  to  the  crown  of  England  -  -         257 

J 189  Henry  is  obliged  to  submit  to  the  prince's  demands  ib. 

Death  of  Henry  (July  6.)  -  -  -       ib. 

Introduction  of  foreign   improvements   into    England 

during  his  reign  _  _  -  258 

LETTER  XXX. 

Of  the  Germaji  Empire  and  its  Dependencies^  under  Frederic 
/.,  xvith  some  Account  of  the  third  Crusade. 

1152  Frederick  Barbarossa  becomes  emperor  -  259 

He  marches  into  Italy,  where  he  asserts  with  vigour  the 
imperial  authority  ,  -  _  -  ib. 

1158  Acts  with  spirit  in  other  quarters         -  -  261 

1159  Returns  into  Italy,  which  was  distracted  by  civil  and  re- 

ligious dissensions  -  _  -  ib. 

1162  Destroys  Milan  -  -  -  262 

1168  The  principal  Italian  cities  enter  into  an  association  for 

the  defence  of  their  liberties  -  -  ib. 

1176  Defeat  of  the  Imperial  army  by  the  confederates,  and  of 

the  imperial  fleet  by  the  Venetians         -  -  ib. 

Origin  of  the  ceremony  of  wedding  the  Adriatic  263 

The  emperor  is  victorious  in  his  turn  -  -        ib. 

1177  Peace  is  restored  to  Italy  -  -  -  ib. 
1180  Proceedings  against  Henry  the  Lion  -  -  ib. 
1187  The  emperor  resolves  to  undertake  an  expedition  to  the 

Holy  Land  -  .  .  -  .       264 

Languishing  state  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  ib. 

The  Holy  City  is  taken  by  Saladin  -  -         ib. 

1190  Frederic  obtains  several  victories  in  Asia  Minor  265 

Dies  in  consequence  of  bathing  in  the  cold  river  Cydnus  266 

LETTER  XXXL 

Of  the  Affairs  of  France  and  England,  from  the  Death  of  Hen- 
ry II.  to  the  Grant  of  the  Great  Charter  by  King  John,  xvith 
a  farther  Account  of  the  third  Crusade. 

1190  Richard  I.  of  England,  and  Philip  II.  of  France,  under- 
take a  joint  expedition  to  the  Holy  Land  -  266 


CONTENTS.  27 

A.  D.  PAOK 

Interfere  in  the  concerns  of  Sicily  -  -         267 

1191  Richard  reduces  Cyprus  _  .  -  269 
Siege  of  Ptolemais  or  Acra  -  -  -  ib. 
Philip  returns  to  Europe  in  disgust                  -              -       270 

1192  Richard  defeats    Saladin  in  a  great  battle,  and  arrives 

within  sight  of  Jerusalem  -  -  ib. 

But  he  is  obliged  to  relinquish  his  enterprise,  and  con- 
clude a  truce  with  the  infidels  -  -         ib. 

1193  Death  and  character  of  Saladin  -  -  -  2ri 
Richard,  returning  in  disguise,  is  made  prisoner  by  the 

duke  of  Austria,  and  confined  in  a  dungeon  -         272 

The  king  of  France,  and  Richard's  brother  John,  endea- 
vour to  make  themselves  masters  of  his  dominions        ib. 
He  is  ransomed  -  -  -  -  -     ib. 

1194  War  between  France  and  England  -  -  -     273 
1199  Richard  is  mortally  wounded  by  an  arrow              -  274 

He  is  succeeded,  after  a  bloody  dispute,  by  John  ib. 

1204  John's  foreign  dominions  are  subdued  by  Philip         -  275 

He  is  very  unpopular  in  England              -              -         -  ib. 

Draws  upon  himself  the  indignation  of  the  clergy  376 

1207  His  kingdom  is  laid  under  an  interdict  by  the  pope  ib. 

Awful  execution  of  that  sentence              -              -         -  ib. 

A  crusade  is  published  against  the  Albigenses         -  277 

1209  Miseries  of  that  sect             _             .             .              -  ib. 

1212  The  pope  denounces  against  John  the  sentence  of  depo- 

sition, and  entrusts  the  execution  of  it  to  Philip  ib. 

Both  kings  prepare  for  war  -  -  -         ib, 

1213  John  meanly  agrees  to  hold  his  kingdom  as  a  fief  of  the 

see  of  Rome  .  .  -  -  .    278 

1214  Defeat  of  John's  allies  -  -  -         279 

1215  The  English  barons  have  recourse  to  arms,  and  extort 

the  Great  Charter  from  their  sovereign  -  280 

Privileges  secured  by  that  charter  -  -  ib. 

LETTER  XXXII. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Acces- 
sion of  Henry  FT.  to  the  Election  ofRodolph  of  Hapshursf, 
Founder  of  the  House  of  Austria;  with  a  Continuation  of  the 
History  of  the  Crusades. 

1191  The  emperor  Henry  VI.  attempts  to  make  himself  mas- 

ter of  the  kingdom  of  Naples         _  _             .        281 

He  is  obliged  to  relinquish  the  enterprise  -             282 

1192  He  favour  the  Teutonic  knights  -  -  ib. 
Account  of  those  and  other  knights  -             -         ib. 

1193  Henry  becomes  king  of  Naples  and  Sicily  -  283 
His  cruelty  and  perfidy             »             =  -                   ib. 


28  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  JAGB 

1197  He  countenances  a  new  crusade  .  _  -  283 
He  severely  punishes  a  revolt  of  the  Sicilians  -  ib. 
Rendered  desperate,  they  again  revolt         -  -              284 

1198  Death  and  character  of  Henry  -  -  -  ib. 
Distracted  state  of  the  empire                -              -  -      ib. 

1203  New  crusade  under  Baldwin,  earl  of  Flanders         -         285 

1204  The  champions  of  the  cross  reduce  the  Christian  city  of 

Constantinople              -              -              .              .         _  286 

Baldwin  is  elected  emperor  of  the  East  -  -  ib. 
The  Venetians  and   the   Marquis  of  JVIontferrat  share 

with  him  the  provinces  of  the  Greek  empire            -  ib. 

The  troubles  of  Germany  continue               -              -  287 

Frederic  II.  assumes  the  reins  of  government           -  288 

1214  Ruin  of  Otho  IV.               .              _              .              .  ib. 

1216  A  new  crusade                   -                   -                   -              -  ib. 

1217  Progress  of  the  adventurers  -  .  -  289 
1219  Their  misfortunes  .  .  _  290 
1221  They  are  obliged  to  conclude  a  dishonourable  peace  ib. 

1228  The  emperor  embarks  for  the  Holy  Land  -  292 

1229  Procures  a  cession  of  Jerusalem  and  its  territory  to  the 

Christians  -  -  -  -      ib. 

The  subsequent  part  of  Frederic's  reign  one  continued 
quarrel  with  the  popes  -  -  -     ib. 

1250  After  his  death  the  affairs  of  Germany  fall  into  great  con- 
fusion -  -  -  -         -    295 
Origin  of  the  Hanseatic  league             -             -  -       ib. 


LETTER  XXXIII. 

History  of  England^  from  the  Grant  of  the  Great  Charter  to 
the  Reign  of  Edward  I. 

1215  The  pope  absolves  king  John  from  the  oath  which  he 

had  taken  to  observe  the  Great  Charter  -         296 

John  ravages  the  country  with  an  army  of  Braban^ons      297 

1216  The  barons  offer  the  English  crown  to  prince  Louis  of 

France  -  -  -  -  ib. 

He  lands  in  England  -  -  -  ib. 

Disgusts  the  people  by  his  partiality  to  his  countrymen  ib. 
Death  and  character  of  John  „  _  _         298 

The  principal  barons  agree  to  acknowledge  the  authority 

of  his  son  Henry  III.  -  -  -  -       ib. 

1217  Louis  is  obliged  to  evacuate  the  kingdom  -  299 
The  young  king  offends  the  English  nation  by  his  pro- 
fuse bounty  to  foreign  favourites                  -                  -     ib. 

1242  Loses  what  remained  to  him  of  Poictou  -         -      3©0 

1255  The  pope  flatters  Henry  with  the  conquest  of  Sicily,  and 


CONTENTS.  29 

A.  D.  PAGE 

drains  England  of  immense  sums   under  that  and 
other  pretences  -  -  -  -  -    301 

The  king  confirms  Magna  Charta  -  -  302 

1258  The  barons,  headed  by  the  earl  of  Leicester,  extort  from 

the  king  the  Provisions  of  Oxford  -  -  ib. 

They  abuse  their  authority  •■  -  -     303 

1263  A  civil  war  -  -  -  -  ib. 

1264  The  king  is  defeated  and  made  prisoner  at  I. ewes  ib. 
Tyrannical  government  of  Leicester              -              -  ib. 

.  He  summons  a  parliament,  into  which  the  representa- 

/'y^         tives  of  boroughs  are  admitted  -  -         -     304 

'^            Reflections  on  that  innovation              -              -  -         ib. 

1265  Prince  Edward  heads  the  royalists  -  -  305 
Battle  of  Evesham  -  -  -  -  ib. 
The  king  is  restored  -  -  -  -  ib. 
His  clemency              -              -              -              -  -         ib. 

1270  Prince  Edward  undertakes  an  expedition  to  the  Holy 

Land  -  -  -  -  -  -     ib. 

1272  Death  and  character  of  Henry  IIL  -  -  306 

LETTER  XXXIV. 

Sketch  of  the  affairs  of  France^  from  the  Death  of  PhUip  Au- 
gustus to  the  End  of  the  Reign  of  Louis  IX:,  with  some  Ac- 
count of  the  last  Crusade. 

1223  Death  of  Philip  Augustus                 -              -              -  307 

Short  reign  of  his  son  Louis  VIH.                 -             -  ib. 

1226  Character  of  Lous  IX.               -             -             -  -     ib. 

1244  He  makes  a  vow  to  engage  in  a  new  crusade             -  308 

1248  Sets  sail  for  the  relief  of  the  Holy  Land  -  -  ib. 
State  of  the  East  in  those  times  -  -  -  ib. 
Conquest  of  Ghenghiz-Khan  and  his  descenda  nts  ib. 

1249  Louis  takes  Damietta  in  Egypt  ...  309 
He  becomes  a  prisoner                  -                  -              -  ib. 

1251  He  visits  Palestine,  where  he  continues  three  years  with 

little  effect  -  -  -    "  -      310 

Disorders  in  France  during  his  absence  -  ib. 

1254  He  returns  and  enacts  many  wise  regulations  for  the  go- 
vernment of  his  kingdom  -  -  -  ib. 

1264  Is  appointed  arbiter  between  the  king  of  England  and 

his  rebellious  barons  -  -  -  -    311 

1268  His  brother  establishes  himself  on  the  throne  of  Sicily     ib. 

1270  Louis  heads  a  new  army  against  the  infidels,  aud  dies 

on  the  coast  of  Africa  -  -  -       312 


30  CONTENTS. 


LETTER  XXXV. 

A  Survey  of  the  Transactions  in  Spain  from  the  Middle  of  the 
Eleventh  to  the  End  of  the  Thirteenth  Century. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1036   Rise  of  the  kingdom  of  Castile  -  -  -     312 

Origin  of  knights-errant  .  _  .    s±s 

Famous  exploits  of  Don  Roderigo,  surnamed  the  Cid        ib. 
1084  Memorable  siege  of  Toledo  -  -  -         ib. 

1087  Dispute  concerning  the  Roman  and  Mosarabic  liturgies  314 
1089  The  Cid  conquers  Valencia  from  the  Moors  -  ib. 

1134  Death  of  Alphonso  the  Battle-Giver  -  -  315 

1147  Alphonso  Henriquez,  count  of  Portugal,  assumes  the 

title  of  king  -  -  -  -         ib. 

Discord  of  the  Spanish  Christians  -  -  -     ib. 

1211  AI  Naser,  an  African  prince,  undertakes  an  expedition 

against  them  _  _  _  -  -     316 

1212  Battle  of  Sierra  Morena  -  -  -  -  ib. 
1236  Ferdinand  III.  king  of  Castile,  reduces  Cordova  ib. 
1240  The  infidels  are  also   dispossessed  of  the  kingdom  of 

Murcia  -  -  -  -  ib. 

1248  Ferdinand  takes  from  them  the  opulent  city  of  Seville  ib. 
1283  Alphonso,   surnamed  the  Astronomer,  invites  the  Emir 

Al-Moumenin  to  protect  him  against  his  rebellious  son  317 
1312  Death  of  Ferdinand  IV.  -  -  -  ib. 


LETTER  XXXVL 

Of  the  Progress  of  Society  in  Europe  during  the  Twelfth  and 
Thirteenth  Centuries. 

Beneficial  effects  of  the  crusades                  -                -  318 

Extension  of  commerce              -              -              -           -  ib. 

State  of  cities                 -                 -                 -                 -  ib. 

Corporation  charters  are  granted                  -                  -  ib. 

'I'heir  happy  consequences                -                  -              -  319 

The  commons  obtain  a  place  in  the  national  assemblies  320 

Enfranchisement  of  the  villains  or  slaves               -  321 

Abolition  of  trials  by  ordeal  and  by  duel                  -  ib. 

Suppression  of  the  practice  of  private  war         -          -  ib. 

Revival  of  the  study  of  civil  law                 -             -  322 

Universities  are  founded                  .                  _                  -  323 
The  first  studies,  though  ill  directed,  rouse  the  human 

mind                 -                 -                 -                 -          -  ib. 

Barbarism  gradually  disappears  with  ignorance         -  334 


CONTENTS.  31 


LETTER  XXXVII. 

History  of  England  during  the  reign  of  Edward  I.  with  a?i 
Introduction  to  that  of  Scot/and,  and  some  Account  of  the 
Conquest  of  t/mt  Countrij  by  the  English^  as  well  as  of  the 
final  Reduction  of  Wales. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1274  Policy  of  Edward  I.              -              -              -                -  32-t 

1277  He  undertakes  an  expedition  against  Llewellyn,  prince 

of  Wales,  and  obliges  him  to  submit              -           -  325 

The  Welsh  revolt,  and  are  again  subdued  -  ib. 

1282  The  laws  of  England  are  established  in  Wales           -  ib. 

1283  Cruelty  of  Edward  .  -  .  -  ib. 
Retrospective  view  of  the  history  of  Scotland              -  326 

1286  Edward  revives  a  claim  of  feudal  superiority  over  that 

kingdom  .  _  .  _         327 

Disputed  succession  to  the  Scottish  crown         -         -         ib. 

Edward  is  chosen  umpire  of  the  dispute  between  Bruce 

and  Baliol,  the  two  competitors  -  -       ib. 

1292  Edward  gives  judgment  in  favour  of  Baliool  -       328 

1295  Baliol  enters  into  a  secret  alliance  with  France  -  ib. 
True  iera  of  the  English  House  of  Commons  -  ib. 
Its  beneficial  influence  upon  the  constitution              -          329 

1296  Edward,  in  vain,  cites  Baliol  as  his  vassal  to  appear  in 

the  English  parliament  -  -  -  ib. 

He  enters  Scotland,  and  subdues  the  whole  country  ib. 

Baliol  is  committed  to  the  Tower         -  -  -       330 

Edward  attempts  the  recovery  of  Guienne,  which  Philip 

the  Fair  had  ordered  to  be  confiscatedas  a  fief  of  France    ib. 

1297  He  confirms  the  Great  Charter  with  an  additional  clause  331 
Guienne  is  restored  to  him  -  .  _  332 
The  Scots  rebt'l  -  -  -  -  -  ib. 
Character  and  heroic  exploits  of  William  Wallace  ib. 
He  defeats  the  English  army  near  Stirling,  and  expels 

the  invaders  of  his  country  _  .  .       333 

1298  Edward  again  enters  Scotland,  and  subdues  the  southern 

provinces  -  -  -  -         ib. 

1305  Wallace  is  treacherously  delivered  up  to  him,  and  exe- 

cuted as  a  rebel  -  -  -         -     334 

Character  of  Robert  Bruce  -  -  -     ib. 

1306  He  encourages  his  countrymen  to  shake  off  the  yoke  of 

England                 -                 .                 .  -         335 

The  English  forces  are  driven  out  of  Scotland  -          336 

Bruce  is  defeated  by  Aymar  de  Valence  -              ib<, 

1307  Edward  dies  at  Carlisle  -  -  -  -  ib. 
His  high  character  as  a  legislator  -  -  ib. 
His  claim  to  the  title  of  the  English  Jiisimmn  -        ib. 


32  CONTENTS. 


LETTER  XXXVIII. 

A  View  of  the  Reign  of  Edward  II.  with  an  Account  of  the 
Affairs  of  Scotland. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1307  Edward  II.  relinquishes  the  projected  reduction  of  Scot- 

land, after  a  few  feeble  efforts                  -                  -  337 

Disgusts  the  English  by  his  partiality  to  Gaveston  ib. 

1308  A  confederacy  is  formed  against  the  king's  favourite  338 
He  is  banished  -  -  -  -  ib. 
Recalled,  and  again  exiled             -             -               -  ib. 

1312  His  catastrophe  -  -  -  -  -     ib. 

Edward  resolves  to  subdue  the  Scots  -  -       339 

1314  Enters  Scotland  with  eighty  thousand  men  -  -  ib. 
Battle  of  Bannockburn  -  -  -  -  ib. 
The  English  are  defeated  with  great  slaughter  -  340 
Bruce  is  established  on  the  throne  of  Scotland  -       ib. 

1315  The  Scots  invade  Ireland  -  -  -  -  ib. 
The  English  barons  insult  the  fallen  fortunes  of  Edward  341 
His  attachment  to  Hugh  le  Despenser  furnishes  them 

with  a  pretext  for  rebellion  -  -  -         ib. 

1321  The  favourite  and  his  father  are  banished  -  ib. 
Recalled,  and  the  rebellious  barons  humbled             -         342 

1322  The  earl  of  Lancaster,  and  other  delinquents,  are  con- 

demned and  executed  -  -  -  -      ib. 

1323  Edward  concludes  a  truce  with  Scotland  -  ib. 
1525  Isabella,  his  queen,  enters  into  a  conspiracy  against  him 

with  Roger  Mortimer,  her  gallant,  and  other  barons  343 

1326  The  two  Despensers  are  put  to  death             -             -  ib. 

1327  The  king  is  deposed  -  -  -  -  ib. 
Inhumanly  murdered             -             -             -       -  344 

LETTER  XXXIX. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Elec- 
tion of  Rodolph  of  Hapshurgh  to  the  Death  of  Henry  VII. 

1 273   Rodolph  count  of  Hapsburgh,  is  invested  with  the  imperial 

ensigns,  after  an  interregnum  of  twenty-three  years       345 
He  corrects  the  disorders  of  Germany  -  -         ib. 

1275  Rebellion  of  Ottocarus,  king  of  Bohemia  -         -      ib. 

1276  He  is  compelled  to  submit  .  _  -  346 
1278  Again  rebels,  and  is  slain  in  battle                  -              -         ib. 

Rodolph  establishes  the  grandeur  of  his  family  in  Austria    ib. 

1291  His  death  and  character  ...  -  347 

1292  Adolphus  of  Nassau  is  elected  emperor  -  ib. 
1298  He  is  deposed                  -                  -                  -              -         ib. 


CONTENTS.  33 

A. D.  PAGE 

Albert  duke  of  Austria  is  raised  to  the  imperial  throne  348 

He  kills  Adolphus  in  battle                -             -             -  ib. 

The  Jews  are  persecuted  with  great  rigour  in  Germany  ib. 

1308  The  rise  of  the  republic  of  Switzerland  -  -  349 
Remarkable  circumstances  with  which  it  was  attended  ib. 
Albert  is  murdered  by  his  nephew,  when  ready  to  march 

against  the  Swiss               _              _              -              .  251 

1309  The  count  of  Luxemburg  is  elected  emperor,  under  the 

name  of  Henry  VII.              -              -              -              -  ib. 

1310  He  resolves  to  establish  the  imperial  authority  in  Italy  352 
State  of  that  country                 -                 -                 -  ib. 

1311  The  emperor  there  compels  universal  submission  353 

1313  Dies  at  Benevento                 -                 -                 -  ib. 

LETTER  XL. 

History  of  France,  from  the  Death  of  Louis  IX.  till  the  Ac- 
cession of  the  House  of  falois. 

1270  Accession  of  Philip  III.  or  the  Hardy                 -  354 

1282  Account  of  the  Sicilian  Vespers                  -              -  ib. 

1284  Philip  undertakes  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom  of  Arra- 

gon         ------  255 

1285  Fails  in  that  enterprise,  and  dies  at  Perpignan  -  356 
The  first  French  monarch  who  granted  letters  of  nobility  ib. 
Accession  of  Philip  IV.  surnamed  the  Fair  -  ib. 
He  institutes  the  supreme  tribunals  called  Parliaments  ib. 

1303  His  quarrel  with  the  see  of  Rome  -  -  357 
His  admission  of  the  commons  into  the  national  assembly 

of  France              -                 -                 -                 -  ib. 

1311  He  persecutes  the  Knights  Templars                 -             -  358 

1312  Suppression  of  that  order,  and  the  cruel  circumstances 

that  accompanied  it                   -              .                 -  360 

1314  Philip  is  succeeded  by  his  son  Louis  X.                  -  361 

1316  Violent  dispute  in  regard  to  the  succession,  on  the  death 

of  Louis                 -                 -                 -                 -  ib. 

1317  The  States  of  the  kingdom  solemnly  declare  all  females 

incapable  of  succeeding  to  the  crown  of  France  ib. 

Short  reigns  of  Philip  V.  and  Charles  IV.             -  362 

1328  Philip  de  Valois  is  raised  to  the  throne             -         -  ib. 

LETTER  XLL 

Of  the  Affairs  of  England,  Scotland,  France,  and  Spain,  du- 
ring the  Reign  of  Edward  III. 

1327  Tyrannical  government  of  queen  Isabella  and  Mortimer 

her  gallant            -             -             -             -             -  362 
Vol.  L                                E 


34  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1330  Mortimer  is  seized  by  order  of  young  Edward,  and  pe- 

rishes by  the  hands  of  the  hangman           .  -              -  363 

Edward  HI,  assumes  the  reins  of  government           -  ib. 

1331  He  provides  for  the  impartial  administration  of  justice  ib. 

1332  Secretly  encourages  Edward  Baliol  in  his  claim  upon  the 

crown  of  Scotland  -  _  _  _         364 

Baliol  makes  himself  master  of  that  kingdom  -         ib. 

1333  Is  expelled,  and  takes  refuge  in  England  -  ib. 
Edward  agrees  to  reinstate  him,  and  defeats  the  Scots 

v,-ith  great  slaughter  at  Halidown  Hill  -  365 

Baliol  is  acknowledged  king  by  the  parliament  -         ib. 

1334  The  Scots  revolt  from  him  -  -  -  ib. 
IS'iS")  Edward,  a  second  and  third  time  marches  into  their 
and    L      country,  and  obliges  them  to  take  refuge  in  their  hills 

1336  J       and  fastnesses  -  -  -  -  ib. 

He  claims  the  crown  of  France  .  .  _    366 

1337  Is  flattered  in  his  pretensions  by  Robert  of  Artois  ib. 
The  kings  of  France  and  England  form  alliances  on  the 

continent              -              -              -              -              -  367 

State  of  the  Flemings                  -                  -                  -  ib. 

1338  They  favour  the  cause  of  Edward              -                -  ib. 
1340  The    English    gain  an   important  advantage  over  the 

French  by  sea  .  _  _  -  368 

Heroic  character  of  Jane,  countess  of  Montfort  369 

1342  Her  gallant  defence  of  Hennebone  -  -         370 

1346  Edward  invades  France  with  thirty  thousand  men  ib. 
Philip  de  Valois  advances  against  him  with  ninety  thou- 
sand men                 -                 -                 -                 -         ib. 

Famous  passage  of  the  Somme                 -              -  371 

Battle  of  Cressy,  (Aug.  20.)              -              -              -  ib. 

The  French  are  defeated  with  great  slaughter         -  -  ib. 

Reflections  on  the  invention  of  artillery              -         -  372 

David  Bruce,  king  of  Scotland,  invades  England  ib. 
He  is  defeated  and  made  prisoner  by  an   English  army 

under  queen  Philippa  and  Lord  Percy  (Oct.  17.)  373 

1347  Calais  is  taken  by  Edward  -  -  -  ib. 
He  concludes  a  truce  with  France                  -              -  ib. 

1350  Institutes  the  order  of  the  Garter                  -  -       ib. 

A  dreadful  pestilence  in  Britain                  -                  -  374 

Death  of  Philip  de  Valois              -              -              -  ib. 

Character  of  John,  his  son  and  successor         -  -       ib. 

1353  Dangerous  intrigues  of  Charles,  king  of  Navarre  -     ib. 

1355  His  imprisonment                   -                   _                   _  Qfs 

1356  Edward  the  Black  Prince  invades  France  -  ib. 
Battle  of  Poictiers,  (Sept.  19.)  -  -  -  ib. 
Young  Edward  defeats  the  French,  and  takes  their  king 

prisoner                  .                  _                  _  .            ib. 

His  generous  treatment  of  the  captive  monarch  -        376 

1357  He  concludes  a  truce  for  two  years  -  -  ib. 
Distracted  state  of  France                  -                 -  -     ib. 


CONTENTS.  35 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1358  Insurrection  of  the  peasants              _              „              .  S77 
The  disorders  of  the  country  are  repressed  by  the  dau- 
phin             -              -              -              -              -              -  378 

1359  Edward  III.  again  invades  France             -               -  ib. 

1360  Concludes  an  advantageous  peace  with  John,  who  thus 

obtains  his  liberty                  _                  .                  .  i|j. 

1363  John,  unable  to  fulfil  the  articles  of  the  treaty,  honoura- 

bly returns  to  his  confinement  in  England              -  579 

1364  His  death  -  -  -  -  ib. 
He  is  succeeded  by  his  son,  Charles  V.  -  ib. 
Policy  of  Charles                  -                  -                  -  ib. 

1365  His  general,  Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  defeats  the  king  of 

Navarre              ...              -               -  ib. 

Miserable  state  of  Spain  under  Peter  I.              -            -  380 

1366  Peter  dethroned  by  his  brother  Henry,  assisted  by  an 

army  under  du  Guesclin                -              .              _  38I 

1367  Restored  by  the  Black  Prince  -  -  -  ib. 
His  ingratitude  to  his  benefactor              -              -            -  ib. 

1369  He  is  slain  bv  his  brother  Henry           .              _              .  382 

1370  III  health  of  the  Black  Prince  -  -  -  ib. 
The  English  are  stripped  of  most  of  their  conquests  in 

France             -             -             -             -             -         -  ib. 

1376  Death  of  the  Black  Prince                  -                  -              -  383 

1377  Death  of  King  Edward  III.                  -                  -         -  ib. 
1380  Death  of  Charles  V.  of  France             -             -         -  ib. 


LETTER  XLII. 

Of  the  German  Empire  ajid  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Elec- 
tion of  Louis  of  Bavaria  to  the  Death  of  diaries  IV. 

1313  The  death  of  Henry  VII.  is  followed  by  an  interregnum  384 
Italy  and  Germany  are  desolated  by  civil  wars          -  ib. 
1319  The  battle  of  MuldorfF             -        '          -                -  ib. 
1322  Louis  V.  becomes  sole  emperor                  -                  -  ib. 
1324  The  pope  declares  his  election  void              -              -  385 
1328  He  marches  into  Italy,  and  deposes  John  XXII.         -  ib. 
1338  Establishes  a  constitution,  by  which  it  was  irrevocably 
fixed,  '<  That  the  plurality  of  the  suffrages  of  the  Elec- 
toi-al  College   should  confer  the  empire,  without  the 
consent  of  the  Holy  See.'^                  -         .         .         .  387 
Germany  enjoys  the  blessing  of  peace               -           -  ib. 
1347  Louis  is  succeeded  by  Charles  IV.                  -              -  388 
Nicholas  Rienzi,  an  ambitious  demagogue,  excites  dis- 
orders in  Rome                  -                  -                  -  ib. 
Story  of  Joan  Queen  of  Naples              -              -         -  ib. 
Her  husband's  brother  accuses  her  of  the  murder  of  that 
prince                 _                 -                 -                 _  389 


36  CONTENTS. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1348  She  is  acquitted  by  the  pope                 -                 -  389 

1355  Misconduct  of  Charles  IV.  in  Italy                 -             -  ib. 

1356  In  Germany  he  acts  with  greater  prudence  -  390 
He  fixes  the  number  of  electors  by  the  Golden  Bull  ib. 
Style  of  that  celebrated  charter             -             -             -  ib. 

1378  Death  of  Charles  -  -  -  391 

LETTER  XLIII. 

History  of  England,  from  the  Death  of  Edward  III.  to  the 
Accession  of  Henry  F.  with  some  Account  of  the  Affairs  of 
Scotland. 

1377  Accession  of  Richard  II.  son  of  the  Black  Prince  392 

1380  Discontents  of  the  people                -              -              -  ib. 

1381  Insurrection  of  Wat  Tyler  -  -  -  393 
Suppressed  by  the  address  of  the  young  king  -       394 

1385   Fruitless  expedition  of  Richard  into  Scotland         -  ib,. 

He  is  governed  by  Robert  de  Vere,  a  worthless  favourite  ib. 

1387  A  civil  war                -                   -                   -                   -  395 

1388  The  king  is  obliged  to  resign  the  government             -  ib. 

1389  He  recovers  his  authority                  -              -              -  ib. 

1397  Intrigues  and  murder  of  the  duke  of  Glocester  -      ib. 

1398  Unpopular  conduct  of  Richard  II.  -  -  396 

1399  The  duke  of  Lancaster,  who  had  been  banished,  lands  in 

England,  and  is  joined  by  many  disaffected  noblemen  397 
Richard  is  deposed  and  murdered,  and  the  duke  becomes 

king,  under  the  name  of  Henry  IV.  -  -       ib. 

liOl   Henry  persecutes  the  followers  of  Wickliffe,  the  first 

English  reformer,  in  order  to  procure  the  support  of 

the  clergy  -  _  _  «  398 

Rebellion  of  Owen  Glendour  in  Wales  -  -  ib. 

The  Scots  make  incursions  into  England  -  -     ib. 

1402  They  are  defeated  at  Homeldon         -  _  _       399 
T  he  earl  of  Northumberland,  in  disgust,  forms  an  alli- 
ance with  Glendour             -              -              -  -        ib. 

1403  The  rebels  are  routed  near  Shrewsbury  -  -  ib. 
1405  Conspiracy  of  archbishop  Scrope  -  -  400 
1409  The  Welsh  submit  -  .  -  .  ib. 
1413   Death  and  character  of  Henry  IV.  -               -         401 

LETTER  XLIV. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Acces- 
sion of  Wenceslaus  to  the  Death  of  Sigis7ntmd. 

1371  Wenceslaus  succeeds  his  father,  Charles  IV.  on  the  im- 
perial throne  -  .  _  -  .     402 


CONTENTS.  ar 

A.  D.  PACE 

1379  Gives  himself  up  to  all  kinds  of  debauchery  -  ib. 

Sequel  of  the  story  of  Joan,  queen  of  Naples  -         ib. 

1383  She  is  smothered  between  mattresses  -  -         403 

1400  The  emperor  Wenceslaus  is  deposed  -  -         ib. 

Election  of  Robert,  or  Rupert,  count  Palatine  of  the 
Rhine  -  -  -  -  -      ib. 

1402  Expedition  of  the  new  emperor  into  Italy  -  404 

1409  Disorders  in  Bohemia,  occasioned  by  the  preaching  of 

John  Huss                 -                 -                 -                 -  il). 
The  church  of  Rome  distracted  by  what  is  called  the 

Graiid  Schism  of  the  West             -             -             -  ib. 

1410  Death  of  the  emperor  Robert           .             .             .  405 
Sigismund,  brother  of  Wenceslaus,  succeeds  to  the  im- 
perial throne                  -                  -                  -              -  ib. 

He  convokes  the  council  of  Constance,  with  the  concur- 
rence of  the  pope  -  -  -  -  ib. 

1414  Description  of  the  mectingof  that  council,  and  an  account 

of  its  decrees             -               -               -               -  ib. 

1415  Condemnation  and  death  of  John  Huss           -          -  406 
Proceedings  against  the  antipope,  Peter  de  Luna  -     407 

1416  Trial  and  sufferings  of  Jerome  of  Prague                -  ib. 

1417  The  schism  in  the  church  closed  -  -         408 
1419  The  Hussites  in  Bohemia,  under   Ziska,  revenge  the 

death  of  their  apostle  -  -  -       ib. 

1437  Sigismund  enlists  them  in  his  army,  and  leads  them 

against  the  Turks  _  .  -  409 

His  death  and  character  -  -  -  -       ib. 

Reprehensible  opinions  of  his  wife  Barbara         -         -      ib. 


LETTER  XLV. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  Poland,  Russia,  and  the  Scandinavian  States, 
to  the  Commencement  of  the  Reign  of  Margaret  aver  the 
three  Northern  Kbigdoms. 

Poland. 

Character  and  conduct  of  duke  Ladislaus  L  -           410 

1103  His  death                -                   .                  -  .              ib. 

Boleslaus  IH.  obtains  the  sovereignty  -                  ib. 

His  wars                  -                  -                  -  -         -     ib. 

1139  Succession  of  Ladislaus  II.                  -  -         -       ib. 

1146  Government  of  Boleslaus  IV.                  -  -             ib. 

1178   Accession  of  Casimir  the  Just              -  -                411 

1295  Poland  again  becomes  a  kingdom              -  -         -      ib. 

1296  Ladislaus  III.  seizes  the  throne  -  -  -  ib. 
1333  Reign  of  Casimir  the  Great  -  -  ^  ib. 
1386  Union  of  Lithuania  with  Poland             »-  -           -     ib. 


as  CONTENTS. 


Russia. 


A.  D.  PAGE 

The  tranquillity  of  the  state  is  very  frequently  disturbed  412 
1114  Vladimir  II.  follows  some  obscure  princes  -  -  ib. 
1223  The  Tartars  infest  the  country  -  -  ib, 

1237"  Death  of  the  grand  duke  George  -  -  ib. 

Sweden,  Denmark,  and  Norway. 

1160  Gothland  is  annexed  to  the  crown  of  Sweden  -         ib. 

Conduct  and  success  of  Waldemar  the  Dane  -        413 

1202  Reign  of  his  son  Waldemar  II.                 -  -          ib. 

1286  Death  of  Eric  VII.                 -                 -  -             ib. 

1320  Reign  of  Christopher  II.              -                  -  -        ib. 

1394  Margaret  obtains  the  three  northern  crowns  -           ib. 

LETTER  XLVI. 

History  of  France,  from  the  Death  of  Charles  the  Wise,  to 
the  Invasion  of  that  Kingdom  by  Henry  V.  of  England. 

1380  Distracted  state  of  France  during  the  minority  of  Charles 

VI.                 _                 ...  414 
.^j-  1392  He  falls  into  a  fit  of  frenzy      •  ' '  v             -    •         -  415 
Remarkable  circumstances  accompanying  his  insanity  ib. 
Corrupt  state  of  the  French  court              -               -  ib. 
1407  Assassination  of  the  duke  of  Orleans                  -         -  416 
The  whole  kingdom  is  agitated  with  intestine  commo- 
tions                .                 _                 _                   -  417 
Civil  war  between  the  Burgundians  and  Armagnacs  ib. 
1415  Henry  V.  of  England  resolves  to  take  advantage  of  these 

disorders                  -                  -                  -              -  418 


LETTER  XL VII. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  England  and  France,  from  the  invasion  of  the 
latter  Kingdom  by  Henry  V.  to  the  Death  of  Charles  VI. 

Dissipated  character  of  Henry  V.  while  prince  of  Wales  419 

1413  His  change  of  conduct  on  ascending  the  throne  -  ib. 
He  endeavours  to  banish  all  party  distinctions            -         ib. 

1414  Suppresses  an  insurrection  of  the  Lollards  -  420 

1415  Invades  France  -  -  -  -  -  ib. 
Distress  of  his  army  -  -  -  421 
Battle  of  Agincourt  -  -  -  -  ^''* 
The  French  are  defeated  with  great  slaughter  -  422 
Wretched  state  of  France             _             _             _  423 


CONTENTS.  a9 

A^D.  PAGE 

1418  The  count  of  Armagnac,  and  many  other  persons  of  dis- 

tinction are  murdered  -  -  -  ib. 
The  king  of  England  again  lands  in  France,  and  is  very 

successful                -              -              -              -             -  ib. 

He  negotiates  with  both  the  French  parties              -  424 

1419  Murder  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy             -               -  ib. 

1420  Henry  concludes  the  famous  treaty  of  Troys,  by  which 

the  succession  to  the  crown  of  France  was  secured  to 

his  family              -              -              -              -              -  ib. 

Marries  the  princess  Catharine             -             -             -  ib. 

1421  She  brings  him  a  son                  _                  .                  _  425 

1422  Death  of  Henry  V.  -  -  -  -  ib. 
Death  of  Charles  VI.  of  France  .  -  -  ib. 
Coronation  of  his  son  Charles  VII.              -               -  ib. 

LETTER  XLVIH. 

Continuation  of  the  History  of  France  and  England^  from  the 
Accession  of  Charles  VII.  to  the  Expulsion  of  the  English 
from  their  Continental  Territories^  in  1453. 

1422  Comparative  state  of  France  and  England  -  426 
Duke  of  Bedford  regent  during  the  minority  of  Henry 

VI.                 -                 ...             -  ib. 

Amiable  character  of  Charles  VII.                 -             -  ib, 

1423  Prudent  measures  of  the  duke  of  Bedford             -  ib. 

1424  He   defeats  the  French  and  Scots  in  the  battle  of  Ver- 

neuil              -                  -                  -                  _             _  427 

1428  Undertakes  the  siege  of  Orleans  -  -  -  ib. 
Desperate  state  of  the  affairs  of  Charles             -         -  428 

1429  He  is  roused  to  action  by  his  queen  and  his  mistress  ib. 
Account  of  the  Maid  of  Orleans             -             -             -  ib. 

She  is  introduced  to  the  king  .  -  _  429 
Enters  Orleans  at  the  head  of  a  convoy  -  -  ib. 
Charles  marcht;s  to  Rheims,  where  he  is  solemnly  crown- 
ed and  anointed  at  the  request  of  the  Maid  -  4<30 
Recovers  many  places  -  -  -  -  ib. 
1431  The  young  king  of  England  is  crowned  and  anointed  at 

Paris,  as  king  of  France              -                  -              -  ib. 
The  Maid  5s  taken  prisoner,  and  condemned  to  be  burn- 
ed for  sorcery              _              _               .               .  4,31 
1435  Death  of  the  duke  of  Bedford                  -                  -  ib. 
Feeble  character  of  H.:nry                  -                  -              -  ib. 
1445  He  is  married  to  Margaret  of  Anjou              -              -  432 
1447  Murder  of  the  duke  of  Glocester                  -                  -  ib. 
Flourishing  state  of  France  under  Charles              -  433 
1453  Th'-  English  are  expelled  from  all  their  possessions  on 

the  continent  except  Calais                  -             -             -  ib- 


to  CONTENTS. 


LETTER  XLIX. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies^  from  the  Elec- 
tion of  Albert  II.  to  that  of  Maximilian. 

A.  D.  PAGE 

1438  Short  reign  of  Albert  II.  -  -  -         -     433 

1439  He  is  succeeded  on  the  imperial  throne  by  Frederic  III.    ib. 

1440  Frederic  appears  in  the  council  of  Basil  -         -       ib. 

1451  Visits  Italy  .  .  -  .  -  434 

1452  Is  crowned  king  of  Lombardy  -  -         -      435 
Troubles  in  Austria,  Hungary,  and  Bohemia  -         ib. 

1453  Progress  of  the  Turks  .  -  -  .         436 
1456  John  Huniades  obliges  those  infidels  to  raise  the  siege 

of  Belgrade                 -             _  -             _          _     437 

Death  of  that  celebrated  general  -             -         -       ib.. 

1458  Contest  for  the  crowns  of  Bohemia  and  Hungary               ib. 

1477  Fortunate  marriage  of  Maximilian  -             -             ib. 

1479  His  success  against  the  French  -             ^             -     ib. 

1493  Death  of  Frederic  III.                  -  -                 -     438 

He  is  succeeded  by  Maximilian  -             -             -     ib. 


THE 

HISTORY 

OP 

MODERN    EUROPE 


PART  I. 


PROM  THE  RISE  OF  THE  MODERN   KINGDOMS,   TO  THE    PEACE  OF 
WESTPHALIA,  IN   1648. 


LETTER  I. 


Of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire^  and  the  Settle- 
ment of  the  Barbarians. 

YOU  have  already,  my  dear  Philip,  finished  your  course 
of  Ancient  History,  under  your  preceptor:  in  the  elements  of 
Modern  History  I  myself  will  undertake  to  instruct  you.  The 
establishment  of  the  present  European  nations;  the  origin  of 
our  laws,  manners,  and  customs  ;  the  progress  of  society,  of 
arts,  and  of  letters ;  demand  your  particular  attention,  and  were 
ill  committed  to  the  disquisitions  of  a  mere  scholar. 

Europe  is  the  theatre  on  which  the  human  character  has 
appeared  to  the  greatest  advantage,  and  where  society  has  at- 
tained its  most  perfect  form,  both  in  ancient  and  modern  times. 
Its  history  will  therefore  furnish  us  with  every  thing  worthy  of 
observation  in  the  study  of  men  or  of  kingdoms.  I  shall,  how- 
ever, direct  your  eye  occasionally  to  the  other  parts  of  the 
globe,  that  you  may  have  a  general  idea  of  the  state  of  the 
universe.  But,  before  I  proceed  to  the  history  of  Modern 
Europe,  it  will  be  proper  to  say  a  few  words  concerning  its 
ancient  inhabitants,  and  it  situation  at  the  settlement  of  the  pre- 
sent nations. 

Vol.  I.  F 


42  THE  HISTORY  OV  part  i. 

The  inhabitants  of  ancient  Europe  may  be  divided  into  three 
classes,  Greeks,  Romans,  and  Barbarians;  under  which  last 
term  we  usually  comprehend  all  those  nations  to.  whom  the  two 
former  were  pleased  to  apply  il,  because  they  had  made  less 
progress  in  the  arts  of  civilization.  With  the  Greek  and  Ro- 
uian  story  you  are  well  acquainted.  I  shall,  therefore,  only 
remind  you,  that  the  Greeks,  the  most  polished  people  of  an- 
tiquity, inhabited  the  maritime  parts  of  the  country  now  known 
by  the  name  of  European  Turkey;  that,  when  corrupted,  they 
were  subdued  by  the  Romans;  and  that  the  conquerors  then 
turned  their  arms  against  the  Gauls,  Germans,  and  other  bar- 
barians, whom  they  in  a  great  measure  reduced  to  subjection, 
by  their  superiority  in  the  art  of  war,  but  not  with  the  same 
facility  with  which  they  had  overcome  the  voluptuous  nations 
of  Asia.  A  single  battle  did  not  decide  the  fate  of  a  kingdom. 
Those  brave  and  independent  people,  though  often  defeated, 
resumed  their  arms  with  fresh  valour,  and  defended  with  ob- 
stinate courage  their  possessions  and  their  liberties.  But,  after 
a  variety  of  struggles,  in  which  many  of  them  perished  in  the 
field,  and  many  were  carried  into  slavery,  a  miserable  remnant 
submitted  to  the  Romans;  while  others  fled  to  their  mountains 
for  freedom,  or  took  refuge  in  the  inaccessible  corners  of  the 
North.  There,  defended  by  lakes  and  rivers,  the  indignant 
barbarians  lived,  until  time  had  ripened  among  their  enemies 
the  seeds  of  destruction.  Then,  rushing  forth,  like  an  impetu- 
ous Hood,  and  sweeping  every  thing  before  them,  they  took 
vengeance  on  the  murderers  of  mankind;  overturned  the  vast 
,_~    fabric  of  the  Roman  empire,  the  work  and  the  won- 

A.    D.    47b.      ,  r  ♦    KT   '       1  •* 

der  oi  ages;  estabiisnecl  on  its  ruins  new  govern- 
ments and  new  manners;  and  accomplished  the  most  signal 
revolution  in  the  history  of  nations'. 

Here  we  must  pause,  that  we  may  consider  the  moral  and 
political  causes  of  this  great  event,  and  its  influence  on  the 
Estate  of  society. 

As  soon  as  the  Romans  had  subdued  a  particular  territory, 
they  prepared  to  civilize  it.  They  transferred  into  each  of  the 
conquered  countries  their  laws,  manners,  arts,  sciences,  and  li- 
terature. And  some  have  thought  these  a  sufficient  com- 
ixiiisatiou  for  the  loss  of  liberty  and  independence.     But  you. 


I  It  wrts  long  rasliioiiable  uith  nnockrn  writers,  es|)€ci!iny  (liose  of  a  classical  turn,  to  rai' 
:i.o:4iiist  tlicii-  niilc  aiu'^stofs,  and  Iiiment  tlif  fall  of  tli',-  Koinan  emjjire  as  a  great  misforluiH 
to  liie  lium:!!]  r^.ce.  Tliis  niistiikt'  seems  to  have  arisen  from  an  adnniration  of  ancient  liti'- 
):iliirp,  ami  an  imperfL'cf  kuowleilge  of  iiisloiy  ;  from  not  siiflicienlly  distinguishing  betneci. 
'An-  cxiinclion  cf  Roman  liber(y,  tuid  the  destiuction  of  Roman  despotism. 


LET.  1.  MODERN  EUROPE.  *r, 

my  dear  Philip,  will  judge  very  differently,  I  hope,  whatever  ve~ 
neration  voli  may  have  for  the  Roman  name. 

Good  laws  are  essential  to  good  government,  arts  and  scien- 
ces to  the  prosj)eriiy  of  a  nation,  and  learning  and  politeness  to 
the  perfection  of  the  human  character.  But  these,  in  order  to 
exalt  a  j)eopie,  must  be  the  result  of  the  natural  progress  of  ci- 
vilization, notof  an V  adventitious  ferment  or  external  violence. 
The  fruits  of  summer  are  ripened  in  winter  by  art ;  Ijut  the 
course  of  the  seasons  is  necessary  to  gi\  e  them  their  proper  fla- 
vour, their  regular  size,  and  their  natural  taste.  The  sponta- 
neous produce  of  the  forest,  though  somewhat  harsh,  is  prefe- 
rable to  w  hat  is  raised  by  such  forced  culture  :  and  the  native 
dignity,  the  unsophisticated  manners,  and  rude  virtues  of  the 
barbarian,  are  superior  to  all  that  can  be  taught  to  the  slave. — 
When  mankind  are  obliged  to  look  up  to  a  master  for  honour 
and  consequence,  to  flatter  his  foibles,  and  to  fear  his  frown, 
cunning  takes  place  of  wisdom,  and  treachery  of  fortitude  ;  the 
mind  loses  its  vigour,  the  heart  its  generosity  ;  and  man,  in 
being  polished,  is  only  debased. 

This  truth  was  never,  perhaps,  more  strikingly  exemplified 
than  in  the  history  of  the  Roman  empire.  The  degrading  in- 
fluence of  its  dominion,  more  than  any  other  circumstance,  has- 
tening its  dissolution ;  for,  although  the  conquered  nations  were 
by  such  means  more  easily  kept  in  subjection,  they  became  un- 
able to  resist  a  foreign  enemy,  and  might  be  considered  as  de- 
cayed members  of  the  body  politic,  which  increased  its  size 
without  increasing  its  strength.  An  appearance  of  prosperity, 
indeed,  succeeded  to  the  havoc  of  war  ;  the  ruined  cities  were 
rebuilt,  and  new  ones  founded;  population  flourished  ;  civiliza- 
tion advanced ;  the  arts  were  cultivated :  but  the  martial  and  in- 
dependent spirit  of  the  people  of  the  northern  provinces  was  so 
totally  extinct  in  a  few  centuries,  that,  instead  of  preferring 
death  to  slavery,  like  so  many  of  their  illustrious  ancestors,  they 
patiently  submitted  to  any  contribution  which  a  rapacious  gov- 
ernor was  pleased  to  levy  :  and  the  descendants  of  those  gallant 
warriors  who  had  disputed  the  field  with  the  Roman  legions 
under  Cassar  and  Germanicus,  were  unable  to  oppose  the  desul- 
tory inroads  of  a  troop  of  undisciplined  barbarians.  They  were 
almost  incapable  either  of  thinking  or  acting  for  themselves. — 
Hence  all  the  countries,  which  had  been  subjected  to  the  Ro- 
man yoke,*fell  a  prey  to  the  first  invader,  after  the  retreat  of 
the  imperial  forces. 

Many  other  causes  contributed  to  the  dissolution  of  the  Ro- 
man empire,  beside  the  debility  occasioned  by  its  imwisldy 
corpulence. 


44  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

Rome  owed  her  dominion  as  much  to  the  manners  as  to  the 
arms  of  her  citizens^.  Their  dignity  of  sentiment,  their  love  of 
liberty  and  of  their  country,  their  passion  for  glory,  their  per- 
severance in  toils,  their  contempt  of  danger  and  of  death,  their 
obedience  to  the  laws,  and,  above  all,  their  civil  constitution  and 
military  discipline,  had  extended  and  cemented  the  conquests 
of  the  Romans.  The  very  usurpations  of  that  sovereign  people 
(for  I  speak  of  the  times  of  the  republic)  were  covered  with  a 
certain  majesty,  uhich  rendered  even  tyranny  respectable.  But 
their  government  carried  in  its  bosom  the  seeds  of  destruction. 
The  continual  jealousy  between  the  patricians  and  plebeians,  the 
senate  and  the  people,  without  any  balancing  power,  made  the 
ruin  of  the  republic  inevitable,  as  soon  as  the  manners  were  re- 
laxed :  and  a  relaxation  of  manners  was  necessarily  produced 
by  the  pillage  of  Greece  and  the  conquest  of  Asia^,  by  the  con- 
tagious refinements  of  the  one,  and  the  influx  of  wealth  from 
the  other. 

The  fall  of  Carthage,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Gauls  from  It- 
aly, though  seemingly  the  two  most  fortunate  events  in  the  Ro- 
man history,  contributed  also  to  a  change  of  manners,  and  to  the 
extinction  of  Roman  liberty.  While  Carthage  subsisted,  the  at- 
tention of  all  parties  was  carried  tow^ard  that  rival  state ;  to  de- 
fend themselves,  or  annoy  their  enemies,  was  the  only  care  of 
the  Romans  ;  and  as  long  as  the  Gauls  had  possessions  in  the 
neighbourhood  of  Rome,  her  citizens  were  united  by  the  sense 
of  common  danger;  but  no  sooner  were  their  fears  from  abroad 
removed,  than  the  people  began  to  be  altogether  ungovernable. 
Ambitious  men  took  advantage  of  their  licentiousness  ;  party 
clashed  with  party.  A  master  became  necessary,  in  order  to 
terminate  the  horrors  of  civil  war,  as  well  as  to  give  union  and 
vigour  to  the  state.  Interest  and  vanity  made  courtiers ;  force 
or  fear,  slaves.  The  people  were  disarmed  by  the  jealousy  of 
despotism,  and  corrupted  by  the  example  of  an  abandoned 
court.  Effeminacy,  debauchery,  profligacy,  and  every  atro- 
cious vice,  were  common  upon  the  throne. 

A  new-  source  of  ruin  disclosed  itself.  Some  disputed  succes- 
sions having  convinced  the  troops  that  the  sovereignty  was  in 

2  "  Think  not,"  said  the  younger  Cato  to  the  Roman  senate,  "  It  was  merely  by  force  of 
"  arms  that  our  forefathers  raised  this  republic  from  a  low  coiKhtion  to  its  present  great- 

"  ness  ; — no  !  but  by  things  of  a  very  different  nature industry  and  disci phne  at  home, 

"  moderation  and  justice  abroad,  a  disinterested  spirit  in  council,  unblinded  by  passion,  and 
"  unbiassed  by  pleasure."    Sallust.  Bell.  Catilin. 

3  It  was  in  the  delicious  climate  and  pleasurable  groves  of  Asia  (says  Sallust)  that  the  Ro- 
roan  soldiers  first  learned  to  abandon  themselves  to  wine  and  women — to  admire  pictures, 
statues,  and  vases  of  curious  workmanship — and  to  spare  nothing  civil  or  sacred  in  the  pro- 
secution of  their  rapacious  aims.     Jiell.  Catilm. 


lET.  I.  MODERN  EUROPE.  45 

their  hands,  they  henceforth  sold  it  to  the  highest  bidder.  Sport- 
ing with  the  Hves  of  their  princes,  as  formerly  with  the  laws  of 
the  republic,  they  created  emperors  only  to  extort  money  from 
them,  and  afterw  ards  massacred  them,  in  order  to  extort  like 
sums  from  their  successors.  Emperors  were  opposed  to  emper- 
ors, and  armies  disputed  the  pretentions  of  armies.  With  obe- 
dience discipline  was  lost.  Wise  princes  endeavoured,  but  in 
vain,  to  restore  it :  their  zeal  to  maintain  the  ancient  military 
regulations  only  exposed  them  to  the  fury  of  the  soldiery  ;  the 
very  name  of  discipline  was  a  signal  for  revolt.  The  armies  of 
Rome  did  not  now  consist  of  freemen  who  had  voluntarily  cho- 
sen a  military  life,  or  who,  in  obedience  to  the  laws,  served  for 
a  term  of  years;  but  of  mercenaries  collected  from  the  provinces, 
or  barbarians  bribed  into  the  service,  as  more  able  to  undergo 
the  fatigues  of  war.  Her  soldiers  were  no  longer  citizens  arm- 
ed in  defence  of  their  country  :  they  were  its  oppressors ;  they 
were  licensed  robbers,  insatiably  eager  for  pillage. 

To  prevent  the  continual  treasons  of  the  soldiery,  jDarticular- 
ly  of  the  praetorian  bands,  the  emperors  associated  with  them- 
selves, in  the  supreme  power,  their  sons,  their  brothers,  or 
such  persons  as  they  could  trust ;  and  every  emperor  elected 
a  Caesar,  or  successor.  They  likewise  subdivided,  and  conse- 
quently diminished,  the  power  of  the  prastorian  praefects,  who 
were  the  grand-vizirs  of  their  time,  appointing  four  instead  of 
two.  By  these  means  the  imperial  seat  was  rendered  more 
secure ;  the  emperors  were  permitted  to  die  in  their  beds ; 
manners  were  softened,  and  less  blood  was  shed  by  ferocity  ; 
but  the  state  was  wasted  by  an  enormous  expens?,  and  a  new- 
species  of  oppression  took  place,  no  less  disgraceful  to  huma- 
nity than  the  former  massacres.  The  tyranny  was  transferred 
from  the  soldiery  to  the  prince  ;  the  cause  and  the  mode  were 
changed,  but  the  effect  was  the  same.  Shut  up  within  the 
walls  of  a  palace,  surrounded  by  flatterers  and  women,  and 
sunk  in  the  softness  of  Eastern  luxury,  those  masters  of  em- 
pire governed  in  secret  by  the  dark  and  subde  artifices  of  des- 
potism; Iniquitous  judgments,  under  the  form  of  justice, 
seemed  only  to  set  death  at  a  distance,  in  order  to  make  life 
more  miserable,  and  existence  more  precarious.  Nothing  was 
said,  all  was  insinuated ;  ever  man  of  high  reputation  was  ac- 
cused ;  and  the  warrior  and  the  politician  daily  saw  themselves 
at  the  mercy  of  sycophants,  who  had  neither  ability  to  serve  the 
state  themselves,  nor  generosity  to  suffer  others  to  serve  it  with 
honour*. 

4  See  Montesquieu's  Cnnsiderations  snr  Jes  Causes  de  la  Grandenir  des  Romains,  et  de 
leur  Decadence,  chnp.  xv.  xvi.  xvii.,  and  the  authors  there  cited,  especially  Tacitus,  Am- 
mianus,  Marcellinus,  and  Zosimus. 


46  THE  HISTORY  OF  i^art  i. 

The  removal  of  the  imperial  court  to  Constantinople,  to  say 
nothinp^  of  the  subsequent  division  of  the  empire  into  Eastern 
and  Western,  was  a  new  blow  to  the  grandeur,  of  Rome,  and 
likewise  to  its  security  ;  for  the  veteran  legions,  that  guarded 
the  banks  of  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine,  were  also  removed  to 
the  East,  in  order  to  guard  another  frontier  ;  and  Italy,  robbed 
of  its  wealth  and  inhalDitants,  sunk  into  a  state  of  the  most  an- 
nihilating languor.  Changed  into  a  garden  by  an  Asiatic 
pomp,  and  crowded  with  villas,  now  deserted  by  their  volup- 
tuous owners,  this  once  fertile  country  was  unable  to  maintain 
itself;  and,  when  the  crops  of  Sicily  and  Africa  failed,  tl^ 
people  breathed  nothing  but  sedition. 

The  discontents  occasioned  by  the  removal  of  the  imperial 
court,  were  heightened  by  those  of  religion.  Christianity  had 
long  been  making  progress  in  the  empire  :  it  now  ascended  the 
throne  of  the  Caisars.  As  the  Christians  had  formerly  been 
persecuted,  thev,  in  their  turn,  became  persecutors.  The  gods 
of  Rome  were  publicly  insulted,  their  statues  were  broken, 
their  votaries  were  harassed.  Penal  statutes  were  enacted 
against  the  ancient  worship  :  the  punishment  of  death  was  de- 
nounced against  the  sacrifices  formerly  ordained  by  law  :  the 
altar  of  Victory  was  overturned,  the  cross  was  exalted  in  its 
stead,  and  displayed  in  place  of  that  triumphant  eagle  under 
which  the  world  had  been  concjuered*.  The  most  dreadful 
hates  and  animosities  arose.  The  Pagans  accused  the  Chris- 
tians of  all  their  misfortunes  ;  they  rejoiced  in  the  midst  of  the 
greatest  calamities,  as  if  the  gods  had  come  in  person  to  take 
vengeance  on  the  destroyers  of  their  altars  ;  while  the  Chris- 
tians affirmed,  that  the  remains  of  Paganism  alone  had  drawn 
down  the  wrath  of  Omnipotence.  Both  parties  were  more  oc- 
cupied about  their  religious  disputes  than  the  common  safety  ; 
and  to  complete  the  miseries  of  the  unhappy  people,  the  Chris- 
tians became  divided  among  themselves.  New  sects  sprang 
up  ;  new  disputes  took  place  ;  new  jealousies  and  antipathies 
raged  ;  and  the  same  punishments  were  denounced  against 
Heretics  and  Pagans.  An  universal  bigotry  debased  the  minds 
of  uien.  In  a  grand  assembly  of  the  provinces,  it  was  propos- 
ed, that,  as  they  were  three  persons  in  the  Trinity,  there  should 

5  Four  respectable  deputations  were  successively  voted  to  the  imperial  court,  represent- 
ing the  grievances  of  the  priesthood  and  the  senate,  and  soliciting  the  restoration  of  the 
altar  of  Victory.  The  conduct  of  this  important  business  was  entrusted  to  Symmachus,  a 
noble  and  elotjnent  orator,  who  thus  makts  liome  herself  plead  before  the  imperial  tribu- 
nal, ill  favour  of  the  ancient  worship:  "These  rites  have  repelled  Hannibal  from  the  city, 
«'  and  the  Gauls  from  the  Capitol.  Were  my  grey  hairs  reserved  for  such  intolerable  dis- 
••  grace  .'  1  am  ignorant  of  the  new  system  that  1  am  required  to  adopt ;  but  I  am  well  as- 
"  suied,  that  the  correction  cf  old  age  is  always  an  ungrateful  and  iuvidious  office."  Syra- 
"  mach.  lib.  X.  episl.  54. 


LET.  I.  MODERN  EUROPE.  47 

be  three  emperors.  Sieges  were  raised,  and  cities  lost,  for  the 
sake  of  a  piece  of  rotten  wood,  or  withered  bone,  supposed  to 
have  belonged  to  some  saint  or  martyr.  The  effeminacy  of 
the  age  mingled  itself  with  this  infatuation;  and  generals,  more 
weak  than  humane,  sat  down  to  mourn  the  calamities  of  war, 
when  they  should  intrepidly  have  led  on  their  troops  to 
batde^ 

The  character  of  the  people  with  whom  the  Romans  had  to 
contend,  was  the  reverse  of  their  own.  Those  Barbarians,  as 
they  were  called,  breathed  nothing  but  war.  Their  martial 
spirit  was  yet  in  its  vigour.  They  sought  a  milder  climate, 
and  lands  more  fertile  than  their  forests  and  mountains  ;  the 
sword  was  their  right;  and  they  exercised  it  without  remorse, 
as  the  right  of  nature.  Barbarous  they  surely  were,  but  they 
were  superior  to  the  people  whom  they  attacked,  in  virtue  as 
well  as  in  valour.  Simple  and  severe  in  their  manners,  they 
were  unacquainted  with  the  name  of  luxury;  any  thing  was 
sufficient  for  their  extreme  frugality.  Hardened  by  exercise 
and  toil,  their  bodies  seemed  inaccessible  to  disease  or  pain; 
they  sported  with  danger,  and  met  death  with  expressions  of 
joy.  They  were,  at  the  same  time,  remarkable  for  their  regard 
to  the  sanctity  of  the  marriage  bed,  their  generous  hospitality, 
their  detestation  of  treachery  and  f  ilsehood.  They  possessed 
many  maxims  of  civil  wisdom,  and  wanted  only  the  culture  of 
reason  to  conduct  them  to  the  true  principles  of  social  life^. 

What  could  the  divided,  effeminate,  and  now  dastardly  Ro- 
mans, oppose  to  such  a  people?  Nothing  but  fear  and  folly; 
or,w-hat  was  still  more  ignominious,  treachery.  Soon  convinced 
that  the  combat  was  unequal,  they  attempted  to  appease  the 
invaders  by  money :  but  that  peace  could  not  be  of  long  conti- 
nuance which  put  those  who  sold  it  in  a  better  condition  to  sell 
another.  Force  is  seldom  just.  These  voluntary  contributions 
were  changed  into  a  tribute,  which  was  demanded  as  a  right; 
and  war  was  denounced  when  it  was  refused,  or  fell  short  of  the 
customary  sum.  Tributes  were  multiplied  upon  tributes,  till 
the  empire  was  drained  of  its  treasure.  Another  expedient  was 
then  adopted :  large  bodies  of  the  Barbarians  were  taken  into 
pay,  and  opposed  to  other  Barbarians.  This  mode  of  defence, 
so  contrary  to  the  practice  of  the  first  Romans,  answered  for 

6  Mnntosq.  Considi'rat.  &c.  chap.  xvii. — xxiii.  See  also  Gibbon's  Hist,  of  the  Decline 
■and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  iii. — vi.  and  the  authors  there  quoted. 

7  Tacit,  de  JMnribus  Germ. — Jornand.  de  Reb.  Get. — "  As  in  polished  societies,"  says 
ADiiuiniuis  .Marcellinus,  speaking  of  the  Huns,  «  ease  and  tranquillity  are  courted,  they 
"  delight  i:i  war  ami  dangers.  He  who  falls  in  battle  is  reckoned  happy;  while  they  who 
■■  die  of  old  age  or  disease  are  deemed  infamoTi?."     Uhf.  lib.  xx\'. 


48  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

the  moment,  but  terminated  in  ruin :  those  auxiliaries  proved 
the  most  dangerous  enemies  to  the  empire.  Already  acquaint- 
ed with  the  luxuries,  the  wealth,  and  the  weakness  of  the  Ro- 
mans they  turned  their  arms  against  their  masters,  inviting 
their  countrymen  to  come  and  share  with  them  in  the  spoils  of 
a  people  unworthy  of  so  many  accommodations.  They  had 
likewise  become  acquainted  with  what  little  military  skill  yet 
remained  among  the  Romans;  and  that,  superadded  to  their  na- 
tural intrepidity,  rendered  them  irresistible.  A  third  expedient, 
yet  more  unworthy  of  the  Roman  name,  was  practised: — assas- 
sination was  employed  by  the  emperors  against  those  princes  or 
leaders  whose  arms  they  feared ;  it  was  even  concealed  beneath 
the  mask  of  friendship,  and  perpetrated  under  the  roof  of  hos- 
pitality— in  the  convivial  hour,  and  at  the  festive  board'! 

This  diabolical  practice,  the  want  of  faith,  and  other  unman- 
ly vices  of  the  Romans,  not  only  account  for  the  subversion  of 
their  empire,  but  also  for  many  of  the  cruelties  of  the  conquer- 
ors. Inflamed  with  the  passion  of  revenge,  no  less  than  with 
the  thirst  of  conquest  and  the  lust  of  plunder,  the  inflexible  and 
high-spirited,  though  naturally  generous.  Barbarians,  were 
equally  deaf  to  the  oflfers  of  treaty  and  the  voice  of  supplication. 
Wherever  they  marched,  their  route  was  marked  with  blood, 
the  most  fertile  and  populous  provinces  were  converted  into 
deserts.  Italy  was  often  pillaged ;  and  the  metropolis  itself  did 
not  escape  the  licentiousness  of  barbarous  outrage.  New  in- 
vaders, from  regions  more  remote  and  barbarous,  drove  out  or 
exterminated  the  former  colonists;  and  Europe  was  successive- 
ly ravaged,  till  the  countries  which  had  poured  forth  their  my- 
riads were  drained  of  people,  and  the  sword  of  slaughter  was 
tired  of  destroying. 

The  overwhelming  progress  of  the  Barbarians  soon  diffused 
its  powerful  effects  over  Europe.  In  the  course  of  the  fifth  cen- 
tury, the  Visigoths  took  possession  of  Spain ;  the  Franks,  of 
Gaul;  the  Saxons,  of  the  Roman  provinces  in  South-Britain; 
the  Huns,  of  Pannonia;  the  Ostrogoths,  of  Italy  and  the  adja- 
cent provinces.  New  governments,  laws,  languages;  new  man- 
ners, customs,  dresses ;  new  names  of  men  and  of  countries, 
prevailed;  and  an  almost  total  change  took  place  in  the  state  of 
Europe^. 

8  Montesquieu  and  Gibbon,  ubl  sup, 

9  A  similar  change  was  soon  to  occur  in  the  state  of  Asia,  a  considerable  ])art  of  which  was 
still  subject  to  the  em])erors  of  Constantinople.  These  princes,  though  gradually  robbed  ot 
their  Asiatic  provinces  by  the  followers  of  Mohammed,  continued  to  preserve  in  the  EaS"  (as 
ve  shall  have  occasion  to  see)  an  image  of  Roman  greatness,  long  after  Rome  had  been  sr  xed 
by  the  Uarbarians,  and  the  Roman  domiaion  finally  extinguished  in  the  West.    The  Ro- 


LET.  I.  MODERN  EUROPE.  49 

How  far  this  change  ought  to  be  lamented  is  not  now  a  point 
of  great  dispute.  The  human  species  was  reduced  to  such  a 
degree  of  debasement  by  the  pressure  of  Roman  despotism,  that 
we  cannot  be  displeased  at  any  means,  hewever  violent,  which 
removed  or  lightened  the  load.  But  we  cannot  help  lamenting- 
at  the  same  time,  that  this  revolution  was  the  work  of  nations 
so  little  enlightened  by  science  or  polished  by  civilization;  for 
the  Roman  laws,  thought  corrupted,  were  in  general  the  best 
that  human  wisdom  had  framed;  and  the  Roman  arts  and  liter- 
ature, though  they  had  greatly  declined,  were  still  superior  to 
any  thing  found  among  rude  nations,  or  which  those  who  spur- 
ned them  produced  for  many  ages. 

The  contempt  of  the  Barbarians  for  the  Roman  improvements 
must  not,  however,  be  ascribed  wholly  to  their  ignorance,  nor 
the  suddenness  of  the  revolution  to  their  desolating  fury  ;  the 
manners  of  the  conquered  must  come  in  for  a  share.  Had  the 
Romans  not  been  in  the  lowest  state  of  national  degeneracy, 
they  might  surely  have  civilized  their  conquerors;  had  they  re- 
tained any  of  the  virtues  of  men  among  them,  they  might  have 
continued  under  the  government  of  their  own  laws.  Many  of 
the  Gothic  leaders  were  endowed  with  great  abilities,  and  some 
were  acquainted  both  with  the  policy  and  literature  of  the  Ro- 
mans; but  they  were  justly  afraid  of  the  contagious  influence  of 
Roman  example  ;  and  therefore  avoided  every  thing  allied  to 
that  name,  whether  hurtful  or  beneficial'".  They  erected  a  cot- 
tage in  the  neighbourhood  of  a  palace,  breaking  down  the  state- 
ly building,  and  burying  in  its  ruins  the  finest  works  of  human 
ingenuity  :  they  ate  out  of  vessels  of  wood,  and  made  the  van- 
quished be  served  in  vessels  of  silver;  they  hunted  the  boar  on  the 
voluptuous  parterre,  the  trim  garden,  and  expensive  pleasure- 
ground,  where  effeminacy  was  wont  to  saunter,  or  indolence  to 
loll ;  and  they  pastured  their  herds  where  they  might  have  rai- 
sed a  luxuriant  harvest  They  prohibited  their  children  from 
acquiring  a  knowledge  of  literature,  and  of  all  the  elegant  arts  ; 
because  they  concluded,  from  the  dastardly  behaviour  of  the  Ro- 
mans, that  learning  tends  to  enervate  the  mind,  and  that  he  who 
has  trembled  under  the  rod  of  a  pedagogue  will  never  dare  to 
meet  a  sword  with  an  undaunted  eye."  Upon  the  same  princi- 

fiian  provinces  in  Africa  were  already  overrun  by  the  Vandals,  who  had  spread  desolation 
with  fire  and  sword. 

10  "When  we  would  brand  an  enemy,''  says  an  enlightened  barbarian,  "  with  disgraceful 
"  and  cnntutnelious  appellations,  we  call  him  a  Roman;  a  narae  which  comprehends  what- 
««  evfp  ig  base,  cowardly,  avaricious,  luxurious— in  a  word,  falsehood,  and  all  other  «icff." 
Li'^fprand.  Legal,  ap.  Murat,  vol.  ii. 

tj,  Piocop.  Bell.  Goth. 

Vol.  I.  G 


60  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

pies,  they  rejected  the  Roman  jurisprudence.  It  reserved  no- 
thinj]^  to  the  vengeance  of  man :  they,  therefore,  not  unphiloso- 
phically,  thought  that  it  would  rob  him  of  his  active  powers. 
Nor  could  they  conceive  how  the  person  injured  could  rest  sa- 
tisfied, but  by  pouring  out  his  fury  upon  the  author  of  the  in- 
justice. Hence  arose  all  those  judicial  combats,  and  private 
wars,  which  for  many  ages  desolated  Europe. 

In  what  manner  light  sprang  from  this  darkness,  order  from 
this  confusion,  and  taste  from  this  barbarism,  we  shall  have  oc- 
casion to  observe  in  the  course  of  the  history.  We  shall  find 
that  genius  and  magnificence  displayed  themselves  in  a  new 
mode,  which  prevailed  for  a  time,  and  was  exploded  ;  that  the 
sons  at  length  idohsed  that  literature  which  their  fathers  had 
proscribed,  and  wept  over  the  ruins  of  those  sculptures,  paint- 
ings, and  buildings  which  they  could  not  restore;  digging  from 
dunghills,  and  the  dust  of  ages,  the  models  of  their  future  imi- 
tation, and  enervating  themselves  with  the  same  arts  which 
had  enervated  the  Romans. 

In  the  mean  time  we  must  take  a  view  of  the  system  of  poli- 
cy and  legislation  established  by  the  Barbarians. 


LETTER  II. 


Of  the   System  of  Policy  and  Legislation  established  by  the 
Barbarians  in  the  Provinces  of  the  Roman  Empire. 

THE  ancient  Germans,  Scandinavians,  and  other  nations 
of  Europe,  had  a  certain  degree  of  conformity  in  their  govern- 
ment, manners,  and  opinions.  The  same  leading  character  was 
also  observable  among  the  Goths  and  Vandals  who  dismernber- 
ed  the  Roman  empire.  Alike  distinguished  by  a  love  of  war  and 
of  liberty,  by  a  persuasion  that  force  only  constitutes  right,  and 
that  victory  is  an  infallible  proof  of  justice,  they  were  equally 
bold  in  attacking  their  enemies,  and  in  resisting  the  absolute  do- 
mination of  anv  one  man.  They  were  free,  even  in  a  state  of 
submission.  Their  primitive  government  was  a  kind  of  military 
democracy,  under  a  general  or  chieftain,  who  had  commonly  the 
title  of  King.  Matters  of  little  consequence  were  determined  by 


J.ET.  II.  MODERN  EUROPE.  51 

the  principal  men ;  but  the  ^vhole  community  assembled  to  deli- 
berate on  national  objects.  The  authority  of  their  kinj^s  or  ge- 
nerals, who  owed  their  eminence  entirely  to  their  military  ta- 
lents, and  held  it  by  no  other  claim,  was  extremely  limited  :  it 
consisted  rather  in  the  privilege  of  advising,  than  in  the  power 
of  commanding.  Every  individual  was  at  liberty  to  choose  whe- 
ther he  would  engage  in  any  warlike  enterprise.  They  there- 
fore followed  the  chieftain  who  led  them  forth  in  quest  of  new 
settlements,  from  inclination,  not  control^  as  volunteers  who 
offered  to  accompany  him,  not  as  soldiers  whom  he  could  order 
to  march  ;  and  they  considered  their  conquests  as  common  pro- 
perty, in  which  all  had  a  right  to  share,  as  all  had  contributed 
to  procure  them  ;  nor  was  any  obligation  whatever  entailed  on 
the  possessors  of  lands  thus  acquired.  Every  one  was  the  lord 
of  his  own  little  territory. 

Some  neW'  arrangements,  however,  became  expedient  when 
these  conquerors  had  settled  in  the  Roman  provinces,  where 
their  acquisitions  were  to  be  maintained  not  only  against  the 
ancient  inhabitants,  but  also  against  the  inroads  of  new  inva- 
ders. They  then  saw  the  necessity  of  forming  a  closer  union, 
and  of  relinquishing  some  of  their  private  rights  for  public  safe- 
ty. They  continued,  therefore,  to  acknowledge  the  general 
who  had  led  them  to  victory  :  he  was  considered  as  the  head 
of  the  colony  ;  he  had  the  largest  portion  of  the  conquered 
lands ;  while  every  warrior,  on  receiving  a  share  according  to 
his  military  rank,  tacitly  bound  himself  to  appear  against  the 
enemies  of  the  community^. 

This  new  division  of  property,  and  the  obligations  consequent 
upon  it,  gave  rise  to  a  species  of  government  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  the  Feudal  System.  The  idea  of  a  feudal  king- 
dom was  borrowed  from  that  of  a  mjli^jr  establishment.  The 
victorious  army,  cautioned  out  in  the  country  whicH  it  had  seiz- 
ed, continued  arranged  under  its  proper  officers,  who  were  or- 
dered to  hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  assem.ble  whenever 
occasion  should  require  their  united  operations  or  counsels. 

But  this  system  of  policy,  apparently  so  well  calculated  for 
national  defence  or  conquest,  did  not  sufficiently  provide  for  the 
interior  order  and  tranquillity  of  the  state.  The  bond  of  politi- 
cal union  was  feeble  ;  the  sources  of  dissension  were  many ; 
and  corruption  was  interwoven  with  the  very  frame  of  the  con- 
stitution. The  new  partition  of  the  conquered  lands,  which 
were  chiefly  swallowed  up  by  the  great  officers,  gave  the  few 

1  T^ch  de  Moribiis  German,  cap.  xi. — xlvi. Amm.  Marcel,  lib.  xxxi. Pris.  Rhet. 

ap.  Byz.  Scrip,  vol.  i. 

'2  Du  Cange ;  Gloss,  voca  M'les  ct  Modi's. 


52  THE  HISTORY  OF  paht  i. 

a  dangerous  ascendancy  over  the  many.  The  king  or  general, 
by  his  superior  allotment,  had  it  amply  in  his  power  to  reward 
past  services,  or  attach  new  followers  for  the  purpose  of  future 
wars.  With  this  view  he  parcelled  out  his  lands,  binding 
those  on  whom  he  bestowed  them,  to  attend  him  in  all  his  mi- 
litary enterprises,  under  the  penalty  of  forfeiture.  The  nobles, 
or  great  officers,  followed  his  example,  annexing  the  same  con- 
ditions to  their  benefices  or  grants  of  land,  and  appearing  at  the 
he-ad  of  their  numerous  vassals,  like  so  many  independent 
princes,  whenever  their  pride  was  wounded  or  their  property 
injured.  They  disputed  the  claims  of  the  sovereign  ;  they 
withdrew  their  attendance,  or  turned  their  arms  against  him*. 
A  strong  barrier  was  thus  formed  against  a  general  despotism 
in  the  state  ;  but  the  nobles  themselves,  by  means  of  their  war- 
like retainers,  were  the  tyrants  of  every  inferior  district,  hold- 
ing the  people  in  servitude,  and  preventing  any  regular  admini- 
stration of  justice,  every  one  claiming  that  prerogative  within 
his  own  domain.  Nor  was  this  the  only  privilege  usurped  by 
those  haughty  chieftains  :  they  also  extorted  from  the  crown 
the  right  of  coining  money  in  their  own  name,  and  of  carrying 
on  war  against  their  private  enemies'*. 

In  consequence  of  these  encroachments  on  the  royal  preroga- 
tive, the  powerful  vassals  of  the  crown  obtained  grants  during 
life,  and  afterwards  others  including  their  heirs,  of  such  lands 
as  thev  had  originally  enjoyed  only  during  pleasure  ;  and  they 
appropriated  to  themselves  titles  of  honour,  as  well  as  offices  of 
power  and  of  trust,  u  hich  became  hereditary  in  many  families. 
The  ties  which  connected  the  principal  members  of  the  con- 
stitution with  its  head  were  dissolved  :  almost  all  ideas  of  poli- 
tical subjection  were  lost,  and  little  appearance  of  feudal  subor- 
dination remained.  The  nobility  openly  aspired  at  indepen- 
dence ;  they  scorned  to  consider  themselves  as  subjects  ;  and  a 
kingdom,  considerable  in  name  and  extent,  was  often  a  mere 
shadow  of  monarchy,  and  really  consisted  of  as  many  separate 
principalities  as  it  contained  baronies.  A  variety  of  feuds  and 
jealousies  subsisted  among  the  barons,  and  gave  rise  to  very 
frequent  wars.  Hence  every  country  in  Europe,  wasted  or 
kept  in  continual  alarm  by  these  internal  hostilities,  was  filled 
with  castles  and  places  of  strength,  in  order  to  protect  the  in- 
habitants from  the  fury  of  their  fellow- subjects. 

Kingdoms  so  divided,  and  torn  by  domestic  broils,  were  little 
capable  of  any  foreign  effort.     The  wars  of  Europe,  therefore, 

3  Montesquieu,  Z'£s/»rj7</e«  LoiV,  !iv.  sxx.  xxxi. 

4  Montesquieu,  ubi  supra. — Robertson's  Introi!.  Iliat.  CharlesY.  Hume's  Hi&t.  Eng^. 
Ai>pend.  ii. 


LET.  II.  MODERN  EUROPE.  53 

during  several  centuries,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see,  re- 
sembled more  the  wild  and  desultory  incursions  of  pirates,  or 
banditti,  than  the  regular  and  concerted  operations  of  national 
force.  Happily,  however,  for  posterity,  the  state  of  every 
kingdom  was  nearly  the  same;  otherwise  all  must  have  fallen  a 
prey  to  one;  the  independent  spirit  of  the  North  might  have 
been  extinguished  for  ever:  and  the  present  harmonious  system 
of  European  policy,  which  so  gloriously  struggled  from  the 
chaos  of  anarchy,  would  have  sunk  in  eternal  night. 

The  particular  manner  in  which  the  Barbarians  conducted 
their  judicial  proceedings,  when  they  first  settled  in  the  pro- 
vinces of  the  Roman  empire,  cannot  now  be  ascertained;  but 
their  form  of  government,  their  manners,  and  a  variety  of  other 
circumstances,  lead  us  to  believe  that  it  was  nearly  the  same 
with  that  which  prevailed  in  their  original  countries;  where  the 
authority  of  the  magistrate  was  so  limited,  and  the  independence 
of  individuals  so  great,  that  they  seldom  admitted  any  umpire 
but  the  sword.* 

Our  most  ancient  historical  records  justify  this  opinion;  they 
represent  the  exercise  of  justice  in  all  the  kingdoms  of  Europe, 
and  the  ideas  of  men  with  respect  to  equity,  as  little  different 
from  those  which  prevail  in  a  state  of  nature,  and  deform  the 
first  stages  of  society  in  every  country.  Resentment  was  almost 
the  sole  motive  for  prosecuting  crimes ;  and  the  gratification  of 
that  passion,  more  than  any  view  to  the  prosperity  and  good 
order  of  society,  was  the  end,  and  also  the  rule  in  punishing 
them.  He  that  suffered  the  wrong  was  the  only  i)erson  who  had 
a  right  to  pursue  the  aggressor — to  demand  or  remit  the  punish- 
ment: and  he  might  accept  a  compensation  for  any  offence,  how 
heinous  soever.  The  prosecution  of  criminals  in  the  name  and 
by  the  authority  of  the  community,  in  order  to  deter  others  from 
violating  the  laws,  now  justly  deemed  the  great  object  of  legis- 
lation, was  a  maxim  of  jurisprudence  then  little  understood  in 
theory,  and  still  less  regarded  in  practice.  The  civil  and  crimi- 
nal judges  could,  in  most  cases,  do  no  more  than  appoint  the 
lists,  and  leave  the  parties  to  decide  their  cause  by  the  sword. 
Fierce  and  haughty  nobles,  unfriendly  to  the  restraints  of  lavv» 
considered  it  as  infamous  to  give  up  to  another  the  right  of  de- 
termining what  reparation  they  should  accept,  or  w'nh  what  ven- 
geance they  should  rest  satisfied :  they  scorned  to  appeal  to  any 
tribunal  but  their  own  right  arm.  And  if  men  of  inferior  con- 
dition sometimes  submitted  to  award  or  arbitration,  it  was  only 
to  that  of  the  leader  whose  courage  they  respected,  and  whom 

5  Ferguson's  Essay  on  Civil  Society,  part.  ii. 


S4  THE  HISTORY  OF  paiit  i. 

in  the  field  they  had  been  accustomed  to  obey^.  Hence  every 
chieftain  became  the  judge  of  his  tribe  in  peace,  as  well  as  its 
general  in  war. — Of  the  pernicious  effects  of  this  power  upon 
governments  and  manners,  and  the  absurd  modes  of  trial  esta- 
blished before  its  abolition,  we  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to 
take  notice  in  the  history  of  the  modern  kingdoms. 

The  feudal  system,  however,  with  all  its  imperfections,  and 
the  disorders  to  which  it  gave  birth,  was  by  no  means  so  de- 
basing to  humanity  as  the  uniform  pressure  of  Roman  despo- 
tism. Very  different  from  that  de^d  calm  which  accompanies 
peaceful  slavery,  and  in  which  every  faculty  of  the  soul  sinks 
into  a  kind  of  somnolency,  it  kept  the  minds  of  men  in  continual 
ferment,  and  their  hearts  in  agitation.  If  animosities  were 
keen,  friendships  also  were  xAarm.  The  commonalty  were  un- 
fortunately degraded  to  the  condition  of  slaves;  but  the  nobility 
were  exalted  to  the  rank  of  princes.  The  gentry  were  their 
associates :  and  the  king,  without  the  form  of  compact,  was  in 
realit}^  but  chief  magistrates,  or  head  of  the  community,  and 
could  literally  do  no  wrong  ;  or  none,  at  least,  with  impunity. 

C  This  subject  bas  been  finely  illustrated  by  Dr.  Robertson  (liitrod.  Hist.  Charles  V.), 
anil  by  the  president  Montesquieu  (L'Esfirit  des  Loix,  lib.  xviii. — xx.\i.),  who  has  written 
a  ])hilosophical  commeiilary  on  the  Lotos  of  the  Barbwinns.  It  has  also  been  treated,  with 
much  learning  and  ingenuity,  by  Dr.  Stuart,  in  his  Vinu  of  Socieiy ,  »ri(\  by  Air.  Gibbon,  in 
his  History  of  the  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  chap,  xxxviii. 


LETTER  III. 


Q/'  the  Rise  of  the  French  Monarchy.,  and  its  Progress  under 
the  Kings  of  the  First  Race. 

IN  history,  as  in  all  other  sciences,  it  is  necessary  to  affix 
certain  limits  to  our  inquiries,  if  we  would  proceed  with  cer- 
tainty; and,  where  utility  more  than  curiosity  is  our  object,  we 
must  even  contract  these  boundaries.  We  must  not  only  con- 
fine ourselves  to  those  periods  where  truth  can  be  ascertained, 
but  to  those  events  chiefly  which  were  followed  by  some  civil 
or  political  consequence,  which  produced  some  alteration  in 
the  government  or  the  manners  of  a  people;  and,  even  of  such 
events,  we  should  be  more  particularly  attentive  to  those  which 
continue  to  operate  upon  our  present  civil  or  political  system. 

In  these  few  words,  my  dear  son,  to  avoid  egotism,  I  have  in- 
direcdy  given  you  an  account  of  the  manner  in  which  I  mean  to 


LET.  III.  MODERN  EUROPE.  55 

conduct  that  History  of  Modern  Europe  which  is  intended  for 
your  instruction.  The  first  epochs  of  modern,  as  well  as  an- 
cient history,  are  involved  in  fable  ;  and  the  transactions  of  the 
immediately  succeeding  periods  are  handed  down  to  us  in  bar- 
ren chronicles,  which  convey  no  idea  of  the  characters  of  the 
agents,  and  conseciuently  are  destitute  alike  of  instruction  and 
amusement ;  \\  hile  the  events  of  later  ages  are  related  with  a 
copiousness  so  profuse  and  undistinguishing,  that  a  selection 
becomes  absolutely  necessary  for  such  as  are  unwilling  to  em- 
ploy a  long  course  of  years  in  acquiring  knowledge  of  past  trans- 
actions. And,  as  I  would  rather  have  you  acquainted  with 
one  living  than  with  ten  dead  statesmen  or  heroes,  I  shall  be 
as  concise  in  my  narration  as  is  consistent  with  perspicuity, 
and  as  select  in  my  matter  as  information  will  allow ;  yet  always 
taking  care  to  omit  no  anecdote  which  can  throw  light  on  the 
history  of  the  human  heart,  nor  any  circumstance  that  marks 
the  progress  of  civil  society. 

Modern  History  is  of  little  importance  before  the  time  of 
Charlemagne :  and  a  late  celebrated  writer  has  fixed  upon  the 
coronation  of  that  prince  at  Rome,  in  the  year  800,  as  the  pro- 
per zera  of  its  commencement.  But  for  the  sake  of  order,  as 
well  as  to  gratify  the  natural  desire  of  becoming  acquainted 
with  the  origin  of  nations,  I  shall  give  you  a  short  sketch  of  the 
state  of  Modern  Europe  previous  to  that  sera. 

The  French  monarchy  first  claims  our  notice ;  not  only  on 
account  of  its  antiquity,  but  because  of  its  early  and  continued 
importance.  The  Roman  power  in  Gaul  had  long  been  de- 
clining, when  the  Franks,  a  nation  of  Gothic  descent,  crossed 
the  Rhine,  with  views  of  conquest  and  settlement.  They  are 
^  said  to  have  founded  a  kingdom  on  the  Gallic  frontiers,  under 
//  Pharamond;  but  of  the  acts  of  this  prince  we  have  no  certain 
^  knowledge,  and  even  his  existence  has  been  doubted.  With 
regard  to  the  reign  of  Clodion  there  is  less  doubt;  and  he  ap- 
pears to  have  extended  his  dominion  to  the  banks  of  the  Somme. 
Dying  in  the  year  448,  he  was  succeeded  by  Merovee,  who 
liad  a  share  in  the  great  victory  obtained  over  Attila  the  Hun, 
on  the  plains  of  Chalons.  Childeric,  though  a  debauched 
prince,  acquired  new  territories ;  and  his  son  Clovis  established 
that  kingdom  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  France  or  the 
Land  of  Free  Men. — How  ill  applied  in  later  times. 

Clovis,  in  early  life,  displayed  both  valour  and  prudence. 
His  age  did  not  exceed  nineteen  years  when  he  crushed  the 
efforts  of  Syagrius,  his  Roman  competitor:  and  various  cir- 
cumstances conspired  to  his  farther  aggrandisement.     The 


3€-  THE  HISTORY  OP  part  i. 

Gauls  hated  the  dominion  of  the  Romans,  and  were  strongly 
attached  to  Christianity:  Clovis  gained  on  their  piety,  by  fa- 
vouring their  bishops :  and  his  marriage  with  Clotilda,  a  Chris- 
tian princess,  induced  them  to  hope  that  he  would  speedily 
embrace  their  religion.  The  attachment  of  his  countrymen 
to  their  ancient  worship  was  the  sole  objection:  the  pious  ex- 
hortations of  the  queen  had  some  effect ;  and  the  king,  having 
vanquished  the  AUemanni  at  Tolbiac,  near  Cologne,  after  an 
obstinate  engagement,  politically  ascribed  that  victory  to  the 
God  of  Clotilda,  whom  he  said  he  had  invoked  at  the  time  of 
the  battle,  under  a  promise  of  becoming  a  Christian,  if  his  ex- 
ertions should  be  crowned  with  success.  He  was  accordingly 
.Q-  baptised  by  St.  Remigius,  bishop  of  Rheims;  and  al- 
*  most  the  whole  French  nation  followed  his  example^ 

This  was  a  grand  circumstance  in  favour  of  Clovis;  and  he 
did  not  fail  to  take  advantage  of  it.  The  Gauls  were  zealous 
Catholics ;  but  the  Arian  creed  was  followed  by  the  Visigoths, 
who  occupied  the  country  between  the  Loire  and  the  Pyrenees, 
and  also  by  the  Burgundians,  who  had  seized  some  of  the  east- 
ern and  southern  provinces  of  the  Gallic  continent.  Clotilda 
herself  was  a  Catholic,  though,  being  a  Burgundian,  she  had 
been  nursed  in  the  bosom  of  Arianism  ;  and  Clovis  overflowed 
with  zeal  for  her  faith,  when  he  found  that  it  would  second  his 
ambitious  views.  Under  colour  of  religion,  he  made  war  upon 
i-^j  Alaric,  king  of  the  Visigoths  :  the  Gallic  clergy  fa- 
voured his  pretensions  ;  and  the  battle  of  Vouille  in 
which  that  prince  was  vanquished  and  slain,  added  to  the  king- 
dom of  France  a  considerable  territory  to  the  southward  of  the 
Loire.^ 

But  Clovis,  instead  of  enjoying  his  good  fortune  with  digni- 
ty, disgraced  the  latter  part  of  his  reign  by  perfidies  and  cruel- 
ties towards  the  princes  of  his  house,  whom  he  extirpated.  He 
died  at  the  age  of  forty-five  years,  after  endeavouring  to  atone 
for  his  crimes  by  building  and  endowing  churches  and  monas- 
teries, and  assembling  a  council  at  Orleans  for  the  regulation 
of  church-discipline.* 


1  Gest.  Franc,  cap.  xv. — Greg.  Turon.  lib.  ii.  cap.  31.  Of  the  miracles  said  to  have  been 
wrought  On  the  conversion  of  Clovis,  the  author  of  this  work  says  nothing;,  as  he  would  not 
■wish  to  foster  pious  credulitj';  but  the  lovers  of  the  marvellous  will  6nd  sufficient  food  tor 
their  passion  in  Hincmar  jj^rif.  St.  Remiff.)  It  may  not,  however,  be  improper  to  ob- 
serve, that  Clovis,  when  warmed  with  the  eloquence  of  the  bishop  of  Rheims,  in  describing 
the  passion  and  death  of  Christ,  started  up,  and,  seizing  his  spear,  violently  exclaimed, 
♦'  Had  I  been  there  with  my  valiant  Franks,  I  would  have  redressed  his  wrongs!"  Frede- 
garii  Epitom.  cap.  xxi. 

2  Greg.  Tur.  lib.  ii.  cap.  37. 

3  Id.  Auc».  lib.  ii.  cap.  40—43. 


LET.  Ill,  MODERN  EUROPE.  57 

The  death  of  Clovis  was  a  severe  blow  to  the  grandeur  of 
the  French  monarchy.     He  left  four  sons,  who  di-  ^i  i 

•J   ju-         *        •         1        •    •  *U  ^i.-  NOV.  511. 

vided  his  extensive  dominions  among  them.  1  nier- 
ry,  the  eldest,  had  the  largest  share  ;  he  was  king  of  A-.istrasia, 
which  not  only  comprehended  the  north-eastern  part  of  France, 
but  included  the  German  conquests  of  Clovis  :  Metz  was  his 
capital.  Clodomir  was  king  of  Orleans,  Childebert  of  Paris, 
and  Clotaire  of  Soissons.  This  division  of  the  empire  of  the 
Franks,  into  four  independent  kingdoms,  not  only  weakened 
its  force,  but  gave  rise  to  endless  broils.  The  brothers  became 
enemies  whenever  their  interests  jarred  ;  and  the  most  dread- 
ful barbarities  were  the  consequence  of  their  dissensions. 

The  experience  of  these  evils,  however  did  not  prevent  a  si- 
milar division  from  taking  place  after  tlie  death  of  Clotaire,  the 
sole  successor  of  his  brothers  and  nephews.  His  four  sons  divi- 
ded the  four  kingdoms  by  lot*.  That  of  Paris  fell  to  Caribert ; 
Soissons  to  Chilperic ;  Austrasia  to  Sigebert;  and  Or-  j.^, 

leans  to  Gontran,  in  whose  lot  was  also  included  the 
Burgundian  realm,  which  had  been  conquered  by  the  united 
forces  of  Childebert  and  Clotaire.  This  new  division  was  fol- 
lowed by  consequences  still  more  fatal  than  the  foraier.  Tvo 
queens,  who  might  rather  be  called  furies  than  women,  sacrifi- 
ced every  thing  to  their  bloody  ambition — Brunechilda,  or 
Brunehaud,  princess  of  Spain,  wife  to  Sigebert,  and  Fredegon- 
da,  first  concubine  and  afterwards  wife  to  Chilperic.  Their 
mutual  hatred,  conjoined  with  their  influence  over  their  hus- 
bands, produced  a  series  of  crimes,  equally  ruinous  to  the  royal 
family  and  the  poople. 

After  the  murder  of  a  multitude  of  princes,  and  many  years  of 
civil  war,  carried  on  with  the  most  vindictive  spirit,  and  ac- 
companied with  every  form  of  treachery  and  cruelty,  Clotaire 
II.,  son  of  Chilperic  and  Fredegonda,  was  left  sole  -,„ 

ting  of  France.'  He  re-established  tranquillity,  and 
gained  the  hearts  of  his  people  by  his  justice  and  generosity  ; 
and  he  attached  the  nobles  to  him  by  augmenting  their  conse- 
quence. He  committed  the  government  of  the  provinces  of 
Austrasia  and  Burgundy  to  the  Mayors  of  the  Palace,  as  they 
were  called  ;  a  kind  of  viceroys,  who,  daily  acquiring  power, 
at  last  made  their  way  to  the  throne. 

The  vices  of  Dagobert,  the  son  of  Clotaire  ;  the  taxes  with 
which  he  loaded  the  people,  to  furnish  his  debauches,  or  to  atone 
for  them,  according  to  the  custom  of  those  times,  by  pious  pro- 

4  Id.  lib.  iv.  cap.  22 — Gest.  Franc,  cap.  xxix. 

5  Predeg.  cap.  xliii. 

Vol.  I.  H 


5»  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

fusions,  weakened  the  royal  authority,  at  the  same  time  that 
they  debased  it.  His  two  sons  Sigebert  II.  and  Clovis  IL,  were 
only  the  founders  of  monasteries.  They  were  ciphers  in  their 
kingdoms  ;  the  mayors  were  the  actual  sovereigns. 

On  the  death  of  Sigebert,  Grimoald,  mayor  of  Austrasia,  pla- 
ced his  own  son  upon  the  throne  of  that  kingdon.     The  usur- 

-  £. .  per  was  deposed ;  but  the  seducing  example  remained 
*  *  *  *  as  a  lure  to  future  ambition.  The  succeeding  princes 
were  as  weak  as  their  predecessors;  and  Pepin  d'Heristal,  duke 
of  Austrasia,  governed  France  for  twenty-eight  years,  under 
the  title  of  mayor,  with  great  prudence  and  fortitude.  The  kings 
were  no  more  than  decorated  pageants,  occasionally  shown  to 
the  people.  The  appellation  of  faineans^  which  was  given  to 
them,  aptly  expresses  their  stupid  inactivity. 

After  the  death  of  Pepin — who,  by  restoring  national  assem- 

_.  .  blies  (which  the  despotism  of  former  mayors,  had 
^'^'  '  abolished),  by  turning  the  restless  impetuosity  of  the 
French  against  foreign  enemies,  and  other  wise  measures,  had 
quietly  enjoyed  the  supreme  power — his  authority  passed  into 
the  handsgof  his  widow  Plectrude,  whose  grandson,  yet  an  in- 
fant, was  created  mayor.  So  high  was  the  veneration  of  the 
French  for  the  memory  of  that  great  man  ! — But  the  govern- 
ment of  a  woman  was  ill  suited  to  those  turbulent  times,  though 
the  insignificant  kings  were  content  to  live  under  the  guardian- 
ship of  a  child.  Charles  Martel,  natural  son  of  Pepin,  was 
suspected  of  ambitious  views  by  Plectrude,  and  imprisoned.  He 
found  means,  however,  to  make  his  escape,  and  was  received 
by  the  Austrasians  as  their  deliverer.  His  superior  talents  soon 
exalted  him  to  the  same  degree  of  power  which  his  father  had 
enjoyed,  and  he  was  no  less  worthy  of  it.  By  a  signal  victory, 
obtained  near  Tours  in  733,  he  saved  France  from  the  sword 
of  the  Saracens,  who  had  already  subjected  Spain  :  and  he  kept 
all  the  neighbouring  nations  in  awe  by  his  wise  and  vigorous 
administration ;  yet  he  would  not  assume  any  higher  appellation 
than  that  of  Duke  of  France,  conscious  that  the  title  of  King 
could  add  nothing  to  his  power.  But  his  son  Pepin,  less  modest 

-to  or  more  vain,  assumed  the  sovereignty  in  name  as 
'  well  as  reality,  excluded  for  ever  the  descendants  of 
Clovis,  or  the  Merovingian  race ;  from  the  throne  of  France. 
The  circumstances  of  that  revolution  I  shall  soon  have  occa- 
sion to  relate.     At  present  we  must  take  a  view  of  the  other 
states  of  Europe. 


LET.  IV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  ^9 


LETTER  IV. 

Qf  the  Affiiirs  of  Spain  under  the  dominion  of  the  Visigoths, 
and  under  the  Moors,  till  the  Reign  of  Abdarrahman, 

SPAIN,  my  dear  Philip,  next  merits  your  attention,  as  the 
second  great  kingdom  on  this  side  of  the  Alps.  Soon  after  the 
Visigoths  had  founded  their  monarchy  in  that  Roman  province, 
already  over-run  by  the  Vandals  and  the  Suevi,  the  ^^_ 

clergy  became  possessed  of  more  power  than  the 
/^  prince.  So  early  was  the  tyranny  of  the  church  in  Spain.  Al- 
most all  causes,  both  civil  and  ecclesiastical,  were  referred  to 
the  bishops:  they  even  decided  in  their  councils  the  most 
weighty  affairs  of  the  nation.  With  the  nobles,  among  whoni 
they  held  the  first  rank,  they  often  disposed  of  the  crown, 
which  was  more  elective  than  hereditary^  The  kingdom  was 
one  theatre  of  revolutions  and  crimes.  The  number  of  kings 
assassinated  fills  the  soul  with  horror.  The  Barbarians,  after 
their  establishment,  contracted  new  vices:  their  ferocity  be- 
came bloody.     What  crimes  did  not  bigotry  alone  produce ! 

In  order  to  make  you  fully  sensible  of  this,  as  well  as  inform 
you  of  all  that  is  necessary  to  be  known  in  the  history  of  the 
Visigoths  in  Spain,  I  need  only  mention  the  principal  reigns. 

Leovigild,  who  died  in  586,  and  who  is  so  much  celebrated 
for  his  victories  over  the  Suevi,  whom  he  entirely  subdued, 
put  to  death  his  son  Hermenegild,  because  he  had  embraced 
the  Catholic  faith,  he  himself  being  an  Arian.  Recared,  how- 
ever, his  other  son  and  successor,  abjured  Arianism.  The 
Arians  were  persecuted  in  their  turn.  The  spirit  of  persecution 
daily  increased.  Sisebut,  a  prince  in  other  respects  wise,  and 
whose  valour  dispossessed  the  Greek  emperors  of  what  territory 
they  had  continued  to  hold  on  the  Spanish  coasts,  -.^ 

obliged  the  Jews,  on  pain  of  death,  to  receive  baptism. 
In  the  reign  of  this  monarch  the  empire  of  the  Visigoths  was 
at  its  height,  comprehending  not  only  Spain,  but  also  some 
neighbouring  provinces  of  Gaul,  and  part  of  Mauritania.  Chin- 
tila,  a  subsequent  king,  banished  all  the  Jews;  and,  in  an  as- 
sembly of  divines,  convoked  during  his  reign,  it  was  declared 
that  no  prince  should  ascend  the  Spanish  throne  without  swear- 
ing to  enforce  all  the  laws  enacted  against  that  unfortunate  peo- 
ple.    Under  the  reign  of  Recesuint,  the  election  of  kings  was 

1  Cedes'  Tracts,  vol.  ii.    See  also  Saavedra,  Corona  Gothicn. 


60  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

reserved  by  a  council  to  the  bishops,  and  to  the  palatines,  or 
principal  officers  of  the  croT\n. — Thus  the  Spanish  nobility  lost 
one  of  their  most  essential  rights. 

Wamba,  w  ho  defeated  the  Saracens  in  an  attempt  upon  Spain, 
^^^  was  deprived  of  the  crown,  because  he  had  been  cloth- 
*  ed  in  the  habit  of  a  penitent^  while  labouring  under 
the  influence  of  poison,  administered  by  the  ambitious  Erviga  I 
This  stroke  of  priestcraft,  the  first  of  the  kind  that  we  ob- 
serve in  history,  shows  at  a  distance  what  might  be  expected 
from  clerical  finesse.  A  council  adjudged  the  throne  to  Er- 
viga ;  and  another  council,  holden  during  his  reign,  prohibited 
the  kings,  under  penalty  of  damnation,  from  marrying  a  king's 
widow.  This  canon  is  a  sufficient  proof  of  the  spirit  of  legis- 
lation which  at  that  time  prevailed  in  Spain.  The  debauchery, 
cruelty,  and  impiety  of  Witiza,  whose  wickedness  knew  no 
bounds,  occasioned  a  civil  war  in  710.  Roderic,  or  Roderigue, 
deihron  .'d  this  prince,  and  was  himself  dethroned  by  a  people 
whom  nothing  could  withstands 

The  Mohammedan  religion  was  already  established  in  many 
countries.  Mohammed,  who  erected  at  Mecca  a  spiritual  and 
temporal  monarchy,  had  died  in  632;  and  his  countrymen,  the 
Arabs  or  Saracens,  soon  after  overran  great  part  of  Asia,  and 
all  that  part  of  jVfrica  which  was  under  the  Roman  dominion. 
Animated  by  the  most  violent  spirit  of  fanaticism,  their  valour 
was  altogether  irresistible.  The  Koran  promised  heaven  and 
eternal  sensuality  to  such  as  fell  in  battle,  and  the  conquerors 
always  tendered  liberty  and  protection  to  those  who  embraced 
their  superstition.  They  threatened  the  whole  world  with  sub- 
jection. Count  Julian,  whose  daughter  king  Roderic  had  dis- 
honoured, invited  them,  it  is  said,  to  land  in  Spain.  Nor  can 
this  circumstance  be  deemed  improbable,  if  w^e  consider  the 
character  of  the  times,  revolutions  being  then  more  frequently 
occasioned  by  the  private  vices  of  princes  than  by  any  other 
cause. 

The  Saracens,  already  masters  of  Mauritania,  now  Barbary 
(a  name  ^^hich  the  lawless  ferocity  of  their  descendants  gave  to 
that  country,  as  it  gave  to  them  the  name  of  Maures  or  Moors,) 
_,  .  made  a  descent  upon  Spain;  and  by  the  decisive 
'  battle  of  Xeres,  put  an  end  to  the  empire  of  the  Visi- 
goths^. Mousa,  viceroy  of  Africa  under  the  khalif  Walid,  came 
over  to  finish  the  conquest.  According  to  the  prudent  policy 
of  the  Mohammedans  (the  only  enthusiasts  who  ever  united 

2  Ferrcrns,  TJist.  Hisp.  vol.  ii. — Marian;^  de  Rebus  HicpanLc,  lib.  vi. — Gre°r.  Turon.  lib.  vJ. 
S  i^'!.      '■■■■t    flirt  A>-:h. — Hist,  de  VJfdqtCb  el  de  VEs^agne,  sous  la  Domination  des 
Arabes,pnr  Cardonne,  tome  i. 


LET.  IV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  61 

the  spirit  of  toleration  with  a  zeal  for  making;  proselytes),  he 
ofiered  the  inhabitants  their  religion  and  laws,  on  condition  that 
they  should  pay  to  him  the  same  subsidy  which  they  had  paid 
to  their  former  sovereigns;  and  such  as  embraced  the  religion 
of  the  conquerors  were  eniitled  to  all  their  privileges.  Most  ci- 
ties submitted  without  resistance  to  the  bold  invader ;  others  he 
reduced  by  force,  burning  and  pillaging  them.  Oppas,  arch- 
bishop of  Seville,  and  uncle  to  the  children  of  Witiza,  traitor- 
ously joined  the  Saracens,  and  sacrificed  his  country  and  his 
religion  to  his  hatred  against  Roderic.  But  Pelagius,  a  prince 
of  the  royal  blood,  remained  firm  in  his  faith  and  duty  ;  and, 
when  he  could  no  longer  keep  the  field  against  the  Infidels,  he 
retired  to  the  mountains  of  Asturias,  followed  by  a  -.- 

number  of  faithful  adherents.     There  he  founded  a 
Christian  kingdom,  which  he  defended  by  his  valour,  and  trans- 
mitted to  his  posterity*. 

Unwilling  to  confine  their  ambition  within  the  limits  of  the 
Pyrenees,  the  conquerors  of  Spain  invaded  France.  Though 
baffled,  they  renewed  their  irruptions  ;  and  their  leader  Abdar- 
rahman  penetrated  to  the  banks  of  the  Loire.  Charles  Martel, 
as  you  have  already  seen,  put  a  stop  to  their  career  by  a  me- 
morable batde;  and,  if  we  believe  the  historians  of  those  times, 
they  lost  in  this  action  above  three  hundred  thousand  men. 
But  such  exaggerations  are  fit  only  for  romance. 

Spain  was  at  first  very  miserable  under  the  dominion  of  the 
Moors.  The  governors,  being  dependent  on  the  viceroy  of 
Africa,  who  allow  ed  them  to  continue  but  a  short  time  in  their 
government,  were  more  busy  in  fleecing  the  Spanish  nation, 
tlian  in  the  administration  of  justice  or  the  preservation  of  good 
order.  Civil  wars  arose  among  the  Moslems  themselves;  and 
the  khalifs  or  successors  of  the  pseudo-prophet,  who  had  made 
Damascus  the  seat  of  their  court,  were  unable  to  quell  these 
disorders.  The  competitions  for  the  khalifate,  as  might  be 
expected,  even  favoured  the  views  of  the  rebels.  At  length 
that  august  dignity,  which  included  both  the  highest  -c-. 

regal  and  sacerdotal  eminence,  passed  from  the  fa-  ^  '    " 
mily  of  the  Ommiades  to  that  of  the  Abassides.     This  revo- 
lution, which  was  bloody,  gave  birth  to  another,  truly  advan- 
tageous to  Spain,  but  injurious  to  the  Christian  faith. 

Abdarrahman,  called  also  Al-Mansour,  a  prince  of  the  blood 
royal,  who  escaped  in  the  massacre  of  the  Ommiades,  -r^ 

founded  in  Spain  an  independent  kingdom,  consisting 
of  all  those  provinces  which  had  been  subject  to  the  khalifs.*  He 

4  Mariana,  lib.  vi.  et  vii. — FerreraB,  vol.  ij. 

5  Abulfcda's  JMoslem  Annals, 


62  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt.  i. 

fixed  his  residence  at  Cordova,  which  became  the  seat  of  the 
arts,  of  magnificence,  and  of  pleasure.  Without  persecuting 
the  Christians,  he  was  able,  by  his  artful  policy,  almost  to  ex- 
tinguish Christianity  in  his  dominions,  by  depriving  the  bishops 
of  their  dioceses,  by  reserving  all  honours  and  offices  for  the 
followers  of  his  prophet,  and  by  promoting  intermarriages  be- 
tween the  Christians'  and  the  Moslems.  No  prince  in  Europe, 
of  that  age,  was  equal  to  Abdarrahman  in  wisdom,  nor  did  any 
people  surpass  the  Arabs,  in  whatever  tends  to  the  aggran- 
disement of  the  human  soul.  Lately  enemies  to  the  sciences, 
they  now  caltivated  them  with  success,  and  enjoyed  a  conside- 
rable share  both  of  learning  and  politeness,  while  the  rest  of 
mankind  were  sunk  in  ignorance  and  barbarism. 

I  shall  afterward  have  occasion  to  be  more  particular  on  this 
subject.  In  the  mean  time  we  must  take  a  survey  of  Italy, 
the  Grecian  empire,  and  France,  from  the  time  of  Charles 
Martel  to  that  of  Charlemagne. 


LETTER  V. 


Of  the  Dominion  of  the  Ostrogoths  in  Italy^  and  the  Affairs  of 
the  Lombards^  till  the  Reign  of  Luitprand. 

ITALY  experienced  a  variety  of  fortunes  after  it  lost  its 
ancient  masters,  before  it  fell  into  the  hands  of  Charlemagne. 

.„r.  It  was  first  conquered  by  the  Heruli,  a  people  from 
^'^'  '  the  extremity  of  the  Euxine  or  Black  Sea,  who  held 
it  only  a  short  time,  being  expelled  by  the  Ostrogoths,  under 

.  Q^  Theodoric.  Several  of  the  Ostro-Gothic  kings  of  Italy 
'^'  '  '  vvere  princes  of  prudence  and  humanity.  They  al- 
lowed the  Italians  (or  Romans,  as  they  still  affected  to  be  call- 
ed,) to  retain  their  possessions,  their  laws,  their  religion,  their 
own  government,  and  their  own  magistrates,  reserving  only  to 
the  Goths  the  principal  military  employments.  They  acknow- 
ledged the  emperors  of  Constantinople  as  their  superiors  in 
rank,  but  not  in  jurisdiction.  Ravenna  was  the  seat  of  their 
court,  and  in  real  magnificence  vied  with  ancient  Rome,  as 
their  equitable  administration  did  with  the  reigns  of  Trajan  and 
Antoninus.* 

I  Procop.  Bell.  Go<^.— Cassiodor.  lib.  viii. — Tlie  lenity  of  the  Ostrogoths,  on  their  set- 
tling in  Italy,  may  be  attributed  to  two  causes — partly  to  that  polish  which  their  manners 


XET.  V.  MODERN  EUROPE.  e$ 

They  were  at  last  subdued  by  Belisarius  and  Narses,  the  gene- 
rals of  Justinian,  who  having  recovered  Africa  from  the  Van- 
dals, had  the  pleasure  of  ur-itina:  Italy  once  more  to  the  -  ^- 
Eastern  or  Greek  empire. 

Soon  after  the  extinction  of  the  Ostro-Gothic  realm,  a  great 
part  of  Italy  was  seized  by  Alboin,  king  of  the  Lom- 
bards or  Longobards,  a  Gothic  nation.  He  and  his  '^' 
successors  made  Pavia  the  ])lace  of  their  residence.  The  go- 
vernment of  Italy  was  now  considerable  changed.  Alboin  esta- 
blished the  feudal  iX)licy  in  those  countries  which  he  had  con- 
quered, settling  the  principal  officers  of  the  army,  with  the  du- 
cal title,  in  the  chief  cities  of  every  province.  A  similar  kind  of 
government  prevailed  in  that  part  of  Italy  which  remained  sub- 
ject to  the  emperors  of  Constantinople;  the  exarch  or  supreme 
governor,  who  resided  at  Ravenna,  appointing  the  dukes  or 
chief  magistrates  of  the  other  cities,  and  removing  them  at  plea- 
sure. Even  Rome  itself  was  governed  by  a  duke,  the  verv 
name  of  the  senate  and  consuls  being  abolished. 

Alboin  was  one  of  the  greatest  princes  of  his  time,  and  no  less 
skilled  in  the  science  of  reigning  than  in  the  art  of  war; 
but  he  was  slain  by  the  treachery  of  his  wife  Rosa-  ^•°'  ^'^* 
mond,  before  he  had  leisure  to  perfect  the  government  of  his 
kingdom.  Clephis,  his  successor,  was  an  able,  but  a  barbarous 
prince.  His  cruelties  gave  such  a  disgust  to  regal  power,  that 
they  resolved,  after  his  death,  to  change  their  form  of  govern- 
ment ;  and  for  the  space  of  twelve  years  they  chose  no  other 
king,  but  lived  subject  to  their  dukes.  These  dukes  had  hitherto 
acknowledged  the  royal  authority ;  but  when  the  kingly  power 
was  abolished,  each  duke  became  sovereign  of  his  own  city 
and  the  neighbouring  district^. 

The  Lombards,  during  that  interregnum,  extended  their  con- 
quests  in  Italy.  But,  when  they  were  threatened  by  foreign  ene- 
mies, they  were  sensible  of  the  expediency  of  restoring  their  an- 
cient form  of  government,  and  committing  the  management  of 
the  war  to  a  single  person.  For  this  purpose  the  heads  of  the 
nation  assembled,  and  with  one  voice  called  Autharis, 
the  son  of  Clephis,  to  the  throne.  This  prince  per-  ^'^' 
fected  that  form  of  government  which  had  been  introduced  by 
Alboin.  Perceiving  that  the  dukes,  who  had  ruled  their  several 
districts  like  independent  princes  for  sg  many  years,  were  un- 

may  be  supposed  to  have  received  during  their  intercourse  with  the  Romans,  whom  they 
had  long  served  as  auxiliaries  against  iht-  Huns  and  other  barbarous  nations;  partly  to  the 
character  ofTlieodoric  the  (iothic  conqueror,  who,  having  been  educated  at  Constantinople, 
and  initiated  in  all  the  learning  of  the  times,  retained  ever  after  a  just  admiration  of  the  Ro- 
ma" laws  and  arts. 
2  Paul.  Diac.  de  Gestis  Langob.  lib.  ii. 


6k  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

willing  to  part  with  their  authority,  he  allowed  them  to  continue 
in  their  governments,  but  reserved  to  himself  the  supreme  juris- 
diction. He  obliged  them  to  contribute  a  part  of  their  revenues 
towards  the  support  of  his  royal  dignity,  and  take  an  oath  that 
they  would  assist  him  to  the  utmost  of  their  power  in  time  of 
Tfvar^  After  settling  the  government  of  his  kingdom,  he  enacted 
several  salutary  laws  for  the  preservation  of  tranquillity  and 
good  order.  He  was  the  first  of  the  Lombard  kings  who  em- 
braced Christianity,  and  many  of  his  subjects  followed  his  ex- 
ample ;  but,  as  he  leaned  to  the  Arian  system,  like  most  of  the 
barbarian  conquerors,  whose  simple  minds  ct)uld  not  compre- 
hend the  mysteries  of  the  Trinity  and  incarnation,  many  dis- 
putes arose  between  the  Arian  and  Catholic  bishops ;  for  the 
Romans,  or  native  Italians,  were  then  as  zealous  Catholics  as 
they  are  at  this  day. 

Liberty  of  conscience,  however,  was  allowed  under  all  the 
Lombard  kings;  and  Rotharis,  who  surpassed  all  his  predeces- 
sors in  wisdom  and  valour,  was  so  moderate  in  his  principles, 
and  so  indulgent  to  his  people,  that  during  his  reign,  most  cities 
of  Italy  had  two  bishops,  one  Catholic,  and  the  other  Arian.  He 
^  .  -  was  the  first  prince  who  gave  written  laws  to  the  Lom- 

*  bards.  He  summoned  at  Pavia  a  general  diet  of  the 
nobles ;  and  such  regulations  as  they  approved  he  ordered  to  be 
digested  into  a  code,  and  observed  over  all  his  dominions.  His 
military  talents  were  not  inferior  to  his  civil  merits.  He  greatly 
extended  the  limits  of  his  kingdom,  and  was  so  successful 
over  the  imperial  forces,  that  no  future  hostilities  passed  be- 
tween the  exarchs  and  the  kings  of  the  Lombards,  till  the 
reign  of  Luitprand. 

But  the  eastern  emperor  Constans,  before  that  time,  landed 
^^^  in  Italy  with  a  considerable  army,  in  the  hope  of  ex- 

*  pelling  the  Lombards  and  re-uniting  their  kingdom  to 
his  dominions.  He  at  first  gained  some  inconsiderable  advan- 
tages ;  but  his  army  was  afterwards  totally  routed  by  Romuald, 
duke  of  Benevento,  whose  father  Grimoald  had  been  elected 
king  of  the  Lombards. 

Grimoald  was  a  prudent  prince,  and  in  all  respects  worthy  of 
-^o  the  dignity  to  which  he  had  been  raised.  As  soon  as 
'he  u  as  free  from  the  alarms  of  war,  he  applied  him- 
self wholly  to  the  arts  of  peace.  He  reformed  the  laws  of  Ro- 
tharis, to  which  the  Italians  as  well  as  the  Lombards  now 
appealed  from  choice.  Influenced  by  the  arguments  of  John,  bi- 
shop of  Bergamo,  he  renounced  the  tenets  of  Arius.     His  sue- 

3  Paul.  Diac.  lib.  iii. 


Xet.  v.  modern  EUROPE.  6i 

cessors  following  his  exiimple,  Arianism  was  at  length  relin- 
quished by  the  whole  nation  of  the  Lombards\ 

Luitprand  gave  strong  proofs  of  his  wisdom  and  valour  from 
the  moment  he  ascended  the  throne  :  but  his  courage  j,  719 
sometimes  bordered  on  rashness.  Being  informed  that 
two  of  his  attendants  had  conspired  against  his  life,  and  only 
waited  an  opportunity  of  executing  their  intent,  he,  in  a  private 
conference,  upbraided  them  with  their  guilt.  Moved  by  such  he- 
roic firmness,  they  threw  themselves  at  his  feet,  as  wretches  un- 
worthy of  mercy.  The  king,  however,  thought  otherwise  ;  he 
not  only  pardoned  them,  but  received  them  into  favour  and 
confidence.  Having  thus  wun  his  domestic  enemies  by  kind- 
ness, and  strengthened  his  interests  abroad  by  marrying  the 
daughter  of  the  duke  of  the  Boiarii,  Luitprand  applied  himself, 
in  imitation  of  his  two  illustrious  predecessors,  Rotharis  and 
Grimoald,  to  the  formation  of  new  laws.  In  one  of  these,  his 
sagacity  appears  highly  conspicuous.  He  blames  "  the  ridicu- 
"lous  custom  of  trials  by  duel,  in  which  we  would  force  God 
**  to  manifest  his  justice  according  to  the  caprice  of  men  ;" 
adding,  that  "  he  has  only  tolerated  the  abuse,  because  the 
"  Lombards  are  so  much  attached  to  it*." 

But  Luitprand's  great  qualities  were  in  some  measure  shaded 
by  his  boundless  ambition.  Not  satisfied  with  the  extensive  do- 
minions left  him  by  his  predecessors,  he  formed  the  intention 
of  making  himself  sole  master  of  Italy  ;  and  an  opportunity 
soon  offered  for  attempting  the  execution  of  that  enterprise. 

Leo  the  Isaurian,  then  emperor  of  Constantinople,  where  the- 
ological disputes  had  long  mingled  with  affairs  of  state,  and  where 
casuists  were  more  common  upon  the  throne  than  politicians, 
piously  prohibited  the  worship  of  images;  ordering  all  -^^ 

the  statues  to  be  broken  in  pieces,  and  the  paintings  in 
the  churches  to  be  pulled  down  and  burned.  The  populace, 
whose  devotion  did  not  extend  beyond  such  objects — and  the 
monks  and  secular  priests,  interested  in  supporting  the  mumme- 
ry*— were  so  highly  provoked  at  this  innovation,  that  they  pub- 
licly revolted  in  many  places.  The  emperor,  however,  took 
care  to  have  his  edict  put  in  force  in  the  East ;  and  he  com- 
manded the  exarch  of  Ravenna,  and  his  other  officers  in  the 
West,  to  see  it  as  punctually  obeyed  in  their  governments.  In 
obedience  to  that  injunction,  the  exarch  began  to  pull  down  the 
images  in  the  churches  and  public  places  at  Ravenna;  a  conduct 
which  incensed  the  superstitious  multitude  to  such  a  degree, 
that  they  openly  declared  they  would  rather  renounce  their  al- 

4  Paul.  Diac.  lib.  r.  5  Leches  Longob.  in  Codice  Lindenbrog; 

Vol.  L  I 


66  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

legiance  to  the  emperor  than  the  worship  of  images.  They 
considered  him  as  an  abominable  heretic,  whom  it  was  lawful 
to  resist  by  force,  and  took  arms  for  that  purpose^. 

Luitprand,  judging  this  the  proper  season  to  put  his  ambitious 
project  in  execution,  quickly  assembled  his  forces,  and  unex- 
pectedly appeared  before  Ravenna;  not  doubting  that  the  reduc- 
tion of  that  important  place  would  be  speedily  followed  by  the 
conquest  of  all  the  imperial  dominions  in  Italy.  The  exarch, 
though  not  fully  prepared  for  such  an  assault,  defended  the  city 
%vith  great  courage  ;  but,  finding  that  he  could  not  long  with- 
stand so  great  a  force,  and  desparing  of  relief,  he  privately  re- 
tired, Luitprand,  informed  of  this,  made  a  vigorous  attack, 
took  the  c\ty  by  storm,  and  gave  it  up  to  be  plundered  by  his 
soldiers,  who  found  in  it  an  immense  booty,  as  it  had  been  suc- 
_po  cessively  the  seat  of  the  western  emperors,  of  the  Go- 
*  '  *  ihic  kings,  and  of  the  exarchs.  Alarmed  at  the  fate 
of  Ravenna,  most  of  the  other  cities  in  the  exarchate  surrender- 
ed without  resistance'.  Luitprand  seemed,  therefore,  in  a  fair 
way  to  become  master  of  all  Italy.  But  that  conquest  neither 
he  or  any  of  his  successors  could  ever  complete  :  and  the  at- 
tempt proved  fatal  to  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards. 

6  Meimb.  Hist.  Iconoclast.  7  Paul.  Diao.  lib.  vl. 


LETTER  VI. 


Of  the  Pope^s  temporal  Power  y  and  the  Affairs  of  Italy  in  gene- 
ral^ the  Empire  of  Constantinople.,  and  the  Kingdom  of  France^ 
from  the  Time  of  Charles  Martel  to  that  of  Charlemagne. 

THOUGH  Rome  was  now  governed  by  a  duke,  who  de- 
pended on  the  exarch  of  Ravenna,  the  pope,  or  bishop,  had  the 
chief  authority  in  that  city.  He  was  yet  less  conspicuous  by 
his  power  than  the  respect  which  religion  inspired  for  his  see, 
and  the  confidence  which  was  reposed  in  his  character.  St. 
Gregory,  who  died  in  604,  had  negotiated  with  princes  upon 
matters  of  state,  and  his  successors  divided  their  attention  be- 
tween clerical  and  political  pursuits.  To  free  themselves  from 
the  dominion  of  the  Greek  emperors,  without  falling  a  prey  to 
the  kings  of  Italy,  was  the  great  object  of  these  ambitious  pre- 
lates. In  order  to  accomplish  this  important  purpose,  they  em- 
ploped  with  success  both  religion  and  intrigue  ;  and  at  last  es- 
tablished a  spiritual  and  temporal  monarchy,  which  of  all  hu- 


lET.  VI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  67 

man  institutions,  perhaps,  most  merits  the  attention  of  man, 
whether  we  consider  its  nature,  its  progress,  or  its  prodigious 
consequence. 

Gregory  the  II.  had  offended  the  emperor  Leo,  by  opposing 
his  edict  against  the  worship  of  images  ;  but  he  was  more  afraid 
of  the  growing  power  of  the  Lombards  than  of  the  emperor's 
threats;  he  therefore  resolved  to  check  the  career  of  Luitprand. 
The  only  prince  in  Italy,  to  whom  he  could  have  recourse,  was 
Ursus,  duke  of  Venice,  the  Venetians  making  already  no  con- 
temptible figure.  Not  less  alarmed  than  Gregory  at  the  pro- 
gress of  so  powerful  a  neighbour,  Ursus  and  the  Venetians 
promised  to  assist  the  exarch  (who  had  fled  to  them  for  pro- 
tection) with  the  whole  strength  of  the  republic.  They  ac- 
cordingly fitted  out  a  considerable  fleet,  while  the  exarch  con- 
ducted an  army  by  land,  and  retook  Ravenna  before  Luitprand 
could  march  to  its  relief. 

As  Ravenna  had  been  chiefly  recovered  by  the  interposition 
of  Gregory,  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  prevail  on  the  emperor  to 
revoke  his  edict  against  the  worship  of  images,  in  the  West. 
Leo,  however,  sensible  that  the  pope  had  been  influenced  on 
that  occasion  merely  by  his  own  interest,  was  only  more  provo- 
ked at  his  obstinacy,  and  resolved  that  the  edict  should  be  obey- 
ed even  in  Rome  itself.  He  even  ordered  tlie  exarch  Paul  to 
procure  the  assassination  of  the  pope,  or  send  him  in  chains  to 
Constantinople.  But  Gregory,  far  from  being  intimidated  by 
the  emperor's  threats,  solemnly  excommunicated  the  exarch  for 
attempting  to  put  the  imperial  edict  in  execution,  exhorting  all 

the  Italian  cities  to  continue  stedfast  in  the  catholic  faith.-- ■ 

Luitprand,  though  highly  incensed  against  Gregory,  assisted 
him  in  his  distress;  and  the  populace,  rising  at  Ravenna,  mur- 
dered the  exarch,  and  made  great  slaughter  of  the  Iconoclasts, 
or  image-breakers.  The  duke  of  Naples  shared  the  same  fate 
with  Paul ;  and,  as  Leo  still  required  that  his  favourite  edict 
should  be  enforced  at  Rome,  the  people  of  that  city,  at  -nQ 

the  instigation  of  Gregory,  withdrew  their  allegiance 
from  the  Greek  emperor\     Such  was  the  rise  of  the  pope's 
temporal  power. 

Informed  of  this  revolt,  and  not  doubting  who  was  the  author 
of  it,  the  emperor  levied  a  powerful  army,  to  chastise  the  re- 
bels, and  take  vengeance  on  the  pope.  Gregory  alarmed  at 
these  warlike  preparations,  looked  round  for  some  power  on 
which  he  might  depend  for  protection.  The  Lombards  were 
possessed  of  sufficient  force ;  but  they  were  too  near  neighbours 

1  Anastas,  Vit.  Greg.  II. — Meimb.  Iliit.  Jconoclast. 


68  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

to  be  trusted :  the  Venetians,  though  zealous  catholics,  could 
not  resist  with  effect  the  strength  of  the  empire ;  and  the  Spa- 
nish peninsula  was  under  the  yoke  of  the  Saracens.  The 
French  seemed  the  only  people  to  whom  it  was  advisable  to 
apply  for  aid,  as  they  were  at  once  able  to  oppose  the  emperor, 
and  enemies  to  his  edict.  France  was  then  governed  by  Charles 
Martel,  the  greatest  commander  of  his  age,  to  whom  Gregory 
sent  a  solemn  embassy,  entreating  him  to  defend  the  Romans 
and  the  church  against  the  attempts  of  Leo.  The  ambassadors 
were  received  with  extraordinary  marks  of  honour:  a  treaty 
\\as  concluded^;  and  the  French,  glad  to  get  any  con- 
^*  *  *  cern  in  the  aftairs  of  Italy,  became  the  protectors  of 
the  church. 

In  the  mean  time  considerable  alterations  were  made  by 
death.  Gregory  II.  did  not  live  to  see  his  negotiation  with 
France  finished.  He  was  succeeded  by  Gregory  III. ;  and, 
ten  years  after,  Leo  was  followed  on  the  imperial  throne  by  his 
son  Constantine  Copronymus,  who  not  only  renewed  his  fa- 
ther's edict  against  the  worship  of  images,  but  prohibited  the 
invocation  of  saints.  This  new  edict  confirmed  the  Romans 
in  the  resolution  they  had  taken  of  separating  themselves  en- 
tirely from  the  empire,  more  especially  as,  being  now  under 
the  protection  of  France,  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  Con- 
stantinople. They  accordingly  drove  out  of  their  city  such  of 
the  imperial  oflicers  as  had  hitherto  been  suffered  to  continue 
in  it,  and  thus  abolished  the  very  shadow  of  subjection  to  the 

_  . .  emperor.  Soon  after  Leo,  died  Charles  Martel,  and 
'^'  '  '  also  Gregory  III.  The  next  pope  was  Zachary,  an 
active  and  enterprising  prelate,  who  immediately  after  his  elec- 
tion, visited  Luitprand,  and  obtained  the  restitution  of  the 
tovi'ns  which  had  been  yielded  to  that  prince  as  a  ransom  for 
Rome,  when  it  was  in  danger  of  falling  into  his  hands^. 

Luitprand  henceforth  relinquished  all  ambitious  thoughts ; 

^.Q  dying  in  peace  with  the  church  and  with  men.  Rachis, 
*  *  '  '  'his  successor,  confirmed  the  treaty  with  the  pope;  but, 
being  afterwards  inflamed  with  a  thirst  of  conquest,  he  invaded 
the  Roman  dukedom,  and  laid  siege  to  Perugia.     Trusting  to 

-(.^  the  influence  of  persuasion,  Zachary  repaired  to  the 
*  camp  of  Rachis,  and  so  forcibly  represented  to  him 
the  punishment  reserved  for  those  who  unjustly  invade  the  pro- 
perty of  others,  that  the  king  not  only  raised  the  siege,  but, 
being  completely  subdued  by  the  eloquence  of  the  pontiff,  re- 
signed his  crow  n,  and  retired  to  the  monastery  of  Monte  Cas- 

2  Sigon.  ife^,  Ital.  3  Paul.  Diac.  lib,  vi. 


lET.  vr.  MODERN  EUROPE.  69 

sino,  prostrating  himself  first  at  Zachary's  feet,  and  taking  the 
habit  of  St.  Benedict\ 

While  affairs  were  in  this  situation  in  Italy,  Pepin,  son  of 
Charles  Martel,  governed  France  in  the  character  of  mayor 
under  Childeric  III. ;  and,  being  probably  acquainted  with  the 
sentiments  of  his  holiness,  proposed  to  Zachary  a  case  of  con- 
science, which  had  not  hitherto  been  submitted  to  the  bishop  of 
Rome.  He  desired  to  know,  whether  a  prince  incapable  of  go- 
verning, or  a  minister  who  ably  supported  the  weight  of  royal 
authority,  ought  to  have  the  title  of  king.  Zachary  decided  in 
favour  of  the  minister  ;  and  the  French  clergy  encouraged  the 
pretensions  of  Pepin,  because  he  had  restored  the  lands  of  which 
Charles  Martel  had  robbed  them.  The  nobles  respected  him, 
because  he  was  powerful  and  brave  ;  and  the  people  despised 
the  sluggard  kings,  whom  they  scarcely  knew  by  name.  The 
judgment  of  the  pope,  therefore,  silenced  every  scruple.  Chil- 
deric was  deposed  ;  or,  more  properly,  degraded,  for  he  could 
never  be  said  to  reign.     He  was  shut  up  in  a  monas-  -^^^ 

tery. — Pepin  was  raised  to  the  throne ;  and  Boniface,    '    * 
archbishop  of  Mentz,  the  famous  apostle  of  the  Germans, 
anointed  him  solemnly  at  Soissons*. 

This  ceremony  of  anointing,  borrowed  from  the  Jews,  and 
hitherto  unknown  to  the  French  nation,  or  only  used  at  the 
baptism  of  Clovis,  seemed  to  bestow  on  the  king  a  kind  of  di- 
vine character  :  and  so  far  it  was  useful,  by  inspiring  respect. 
But,  as  ignorance  abuses  all  things,  the  bishops  soon  imagined 
that  they  could  confer  royalty  by  anointing  princes — an  opi- 
nion which  was  followed  by  many  pernicious  consequences. 
The  Eastern  emperors  had  long  been  crowned  by  the  patriarchs 
of  Constantinople :  the  popes,  in  like  manner,  crowned  the  em- 
perors of  the  West.  Crowning  and  anointing  were  deemed 
necessary  to  sovereignty.  A  pious  ceremony,  it  was  imagin- 
ed or  pretended,  gave  the  church  a  power  of  disposing  of  king- 
doms. 

These  observations,  my  dear  Philip,  you  will  find  frequent 
occasion  to  apply.  I  offer  them  here,  in  order  to  awaken  your 
attention.  We  must  see  things  in  their  causes,  to  reason  dis- 
tinctly on  their  effects. 

Success  soon  attended  the  crafty  policy  of  the  popes :  the  new 
king  of  France  repaid  their  favour  with  interest.  Astul- 
phus,  king  of  the  Lombards,  less  piously  inclined  than  his  bro- 
ther Rachis,  thought  only  of  conquest.  In  imitation  of  Luit- 
prand,  he  resolved  to  make  himself  master  of  all  Italy  :  and 
while  the  emperor  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Saracens 

4  Paul.  Diac.  lib.  ri  5  Sigon.  Reg.  Itah 


ro  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

and  Bulgarians,  and  in  a  still  more  hot  and  dangerous  war 
_- .  against  images,  the  Lombards  invaded  the  exarchate, 
'    *        'took  Ravenna,  and  subdued  the  whole  province. 

Ambition  is  only  increased  by  accession  of  dominion.  Astul- 
phus  no  sooner  saw  himself  master  of  Ravenna  and  its  territory, 
than  he  began  to  lay  claim  to  the  Roman  dukedom,  and  to  Rome 
itself.  He  urged  the  right  of  conquest.  This,  he  alleged,  enti- 
tled him  to  the  same  power  over  that  city  and  its  dukedom  which 
the  emperors,  and  also  the  exarchs,  their  viceroys,  had  former- 
ly enjoyed,  as  he  was  now  in  possession  of  the  whole  exar- 
chate. To  enforce  his  demand,  he  led  an  army  towards, 
Rome,  reducing  many  cities  in  its  neighbourhood,  and  threat- 
ening to  put  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword,  if  they  should  refuse 
to  acknowledge  him  as  their  sovereign.  Stephen  III.  then  pope, 
no  less  alarmed  at  the  approach  of  so  powerful  a  prince  than  at 
the  severity  of  his  message,  endeavoured  to  appease  him  by  a 
solemn  embassy.  But  presents,  prayers,  and  entreaties,  were 
employed  in  vain  ;  Astulphus  wished  to  govern  Rome. 

Stephen  now  resolved  to  solicit  the  aid  of  France.  Pepin, 
mindful  of  his  obligations  to  Zachary,  and  now  firmly  seated  on 
the  throne  of  Clovis,  readily  promised  his  assistance,  and  sent 
two  ambassadors  to  conduct  the  pope  to  Paris.  Astulphus  per- 
mitted him  to  pass  ;  and  a  treaty  favourable  to  the  see  of  Rome, 
was  concluded.  Pepin  and  his  two  sons,  on  this  occasion,  re- 
ceived from  Stephen  the  honours  of  holy  unction,  and  a  grant 
of  the  title  of  Patrician^  Pepin  endeavoured,  before  he  com- 
mepced  his  expedition,  to  persuade  Astulphus  to  restore  what 
he  had  conquered,  and  thus  prevent  the  effusion  of  Christian 
blood.  But,  finding  the  king  of  the  Lombards  deaf  to  his  en- 
treaties, he  crossed  the  Alps,  and  advanced  to  Pavia.  Astul- 
phus now,  convinced  of  his  danger,  sued  for  peace,  and  obtain- 
ed it,  on  condition  that  he  should  deliver  up  to  the  pope,  not  to 
the  emperor,  all  the  places  which  he  had  taken.  He  consented; 
but  instead  of  fulfilling  his  engagements,  no  sooner  did  he  hear 
of  the  departure  of  Pepin,  than  he  again  rushed  into  the  Roman 
territory,  took  several  cities,  and  laid  siege  to  the  capital. 

In  this  extremity,  Stephen  had  recourse  to  his  protector  the 
king  of  France,  writing  to  him  those  remarkable  letters  which 
are  still  extant,  and  in  which  he  artfully  introduces  St.  Peter,  to 
whom  the  donation  of  the  exarchate  had  been  made  in  the  late 
treaty,  conjuring  Pepin,  his  two  sons,  and  the  states  of  France, 
to  come  to  his  relief;  promising  them  all  good  things,  both  in 
this  world  and  the  next,  in  case  of  compliance,  and  denouncing 
damnation  as  the  consequence  of  a  refusaF.  Pepin,  much  affect- 

6  Leonis  Osiiensis,  Hist.  lib.  j,  7  Anastas,  Vit.  Steph.  IIT. 


LET.  VI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  71 

ed  by  his  eloquence,  wild  as  it  may  seem,  crossed  the  Alps  a 
second  time,  and  Astulphus  again  took  refuge  in  Pavia. 

The  emperor  informed  of  the  treaty,  remonstrated  by  his  am- 
bassadors against  it,  and  offered  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  war. 
But  Pepin  replied,  that  the  exarchate  lately  belonged  to  the 
Lombards,  who  had  acquired  it  by  the  right  of  arms,  as  the 
Romans  had  originally  done;  and  that  the  right  of  the  Lom- 
bards was  now  in  him,  so  that  he  could  dispose  of  that  terri- 
tory as  he  thought  proper.  He  had  bestowed  it,  he  said,  on 
St.  Peter,  that  the  catholic  faith  might  be  preserved  in  its  pu- 
rity, free  from  the  damnable  heresies  of  the  Greeks;  and  all 
the  money  in  the  world,  he  added,  should  never  make  him 
revoke  that  gift,  which  he  was  determined  to  maintain  to  the 
church  with  the  last  drop  of  his  blood.  In  consequance  of 
this  resolution,  the  ambassadors  were  dismissed,  without  being 
suffered  to  reply.  Pepin  pressed  the  siege  of  Pavia;  and  As- 
tulphus, finding  himself  unable  to  hold  out,  promised  to  fulfil 
the  former  agreement,  giving  hostages  as  a  pledge  of  his  fide- 
lity, and  putting  the  pope  immediately  in  possession  of  Co- 
machio,  a  place  of  great  importance  at  that  time. 

Before  Pepin  returned  to  France  he  renewed  his  donation  to 
St.  Peter,  yielding  to  Stephen  and  his  successors  the  --^ 

exarchate;  ^Emilia,  now  Romagna,  and  Pentapolis, 
now  Marca  d'Ancona,  to  be  possessed  by  them  for  ever;  the 
kings  of  France,  as  patricians  or  protectors  of  the  Roman  peo- 
ple, retaining  only  an  ideal  superiority,  which  was  soon  forgot- 
ten^  Thus  was  the  sceptre  added  to  the  keys,  the  sovereignty 
to  the  priesthood ;  and  thus  were  the  popes  enriched  with  the 
spoils  of  the  Lombard  kings  and  the  Roman  emperors. 

Astulphus,  soon  after  he  had  ratified  his  treaty  with  France, 
was  killed  by  accident,  when  he  was  preparing  to  recover  his 
conquests.  Pepin  continued  to  extend  his  sway  and  his  renown; 
and,  after  having  imposed  tribute  on  the  Saxons  and  Sclavo- 
nians,  having  exacted  an  oath  of  fidelity  from  the  duke  of  Bava- 
ria, and  annexed  Aquitaine  to  his  crown  he  died  in  o  ,,^0 
the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age,  equally  respected  at  P*' 
home  and  abroad.  He  never  affected  absolute  power,  but  re- 
ferred all  matters  of  importance  to  the  national  assemblies,  of 
which  he  was  the  oracle.  By  the  consent  of  the  nobles,  he 
divided  his  kingdom  between  his  sons  Charles  and  Carloman. 

The  reign  of  Charles,  known  by  the  name  of  Charlemagne 

8  The  nature  of  Pepin's  donation  has  been  disputed,  and  some  writers  have  even  denied 
that  such  a  grant  ever  occurred  ;  but,  on  comparing  authorities,  and  observing  the  scope  of 
history,  the  matter  seems  to  have  been  nearly  as  represfnted  in  the  text.  The  imperti- 
nences of  Voltaire  on  this  subject,  under  the  form  of  reasoning,  are  too  contemptible  to  de- 
serve notice. 


72  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

or  Charles  the  Great,  introduces  a  new  sera,  and  will  furnish 
the  subject  of  a  future  Letter.  In  the  mean  time,  we  must 
trace  the  settlement  of  other  Barbarians,  and  the  rise  of  ano- 
ther great  kingdom. 


LETTER  VII. 


OfBritaitiy  from  the  time  it  was  relinquished  by  the  RomanSy 
to  the  End  of  the  Saxon  Heptarchy. 

THE  affairs  of  our  own  island,  my  dear  son,  now  claim 
your  attention.  It  was  ultimately  evacuated  by  the  Romans 
about  the  year  420,  after  they  had  been  masters  of  the  southern 
and  most  fertile  part  of  it  above  three  centuries. 

Never,  perhaps,  was  the  debasing  influence  of  despotism  so 
fully  displayed  as  in  its  effects  on  our  ancient  countrymen.  No 
people  were  ever  more  brave,  none  more  jealous  of  liberty, 
than  the  Britons.  With  ordinary  weapons,  and  little  know- 
ledge of  military  discipline,  they  struggled  long  with  the  Roman 
power,  and  were  only  subdued  at  last  in  consequence  of  their 
want  of  union.  But,  after  a  long  course  of  tranquil  submission, 
when  the  exigencies  of  the  empire  obliged  the  Romans  to  recal 
their  legions  from  this  island,  and  resign  to  the  inhabitants  their 
native  rights,  the  degenerate  South-Britons  were  incapable  of 
prizing  the  gift.  Conscious  of  their  inability  to  protect  them- 
selves against  their  northern  neighbours,  and  wanting  resolution 
to  attempt  it,  they  would  gladly  have  lived  in  security  and  sla- 
very ^  They,  therefore,  repeatedly  had  recourse  to  their  con- 
querors :  and  the  Romans,  beside  occasionally  sending  over  a 
legion  to  the  aid  of  the  Britons,  assisted  them  in  repairing  the 
rampart  of  Antoninus,  which  extended  between  the  friths  of 
Forth  and  Clyde.  This  wall  was  deemed  by  the  Romans  a 
necessary  barrier  against  the  Scots  and  Picts. 

Much  time  has  been  spent  in  investigating  the  origin  of  the 
Scots  and  Picts,  and  warm  disputes  have  arisen  on  the  sub- 

1  Gild.  Hist. — Bedse,  Hist.  Eccles.  Gentis  Jlnglorum,  lib.  i.  Mr.  Gibbon,  whose  histo- 
i:ical  scepticism  is  as  well  known  as  his  theological  incredulity,  has  attempted  to  controvert 
the  degeneracy  of  the  Britons  under  the  Roman  government.  But  facts  will  speak  for 
themselves  ;  these  he  has  not  been  able  to  destroy.  The  Britons,  who  fled  before  their  na- 
ked and  barbarous  neighbours,  were  surely  inferior  to  those  that  intrepidly  contended  with 
the  Roman  legionsj  under  Julius  Cxsar  and  other  great  commanders. 


LET.  VII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  73 

ject'^.  It  is  unnecessary  to  trouble  you  with  a  detail  of  the  va- 
rious opinions  of  historians  and  antiquaries  on  these  points.  I 
was  once  inclined  to  think  that  the  Picts  were  the  descendants 
of  those  South-Britons  who,  at  different  times,  fled  to  the  north- 
ward from  Roman  violence  ;  but,  on  more  attentive  reflection 
and  inquiry,  I  am  convinced,  by  the  express  authority  of  Bede, 
and  by  other  considerations,  that  they  were  Scandinavian  emi- 
grants, who  passed  from  Norway  into  the  country  now  called 
Scotland,  long  before  the  Romans  visited  this  island,  and  were 
not  of  the  Celtic,  but  of  the  Gothic  race.  With  regard  to  the 
Scots,  I  am  disposed  to  admit  the  assertion  that  they  came  from 
Ireland,  and  formed  a  settlement  in  North-Britain  about  the 
middle  of  the  third  century,  and  that,  in  the  fifth,  their  descen- 
dants were  compelled,  by  the  fierce  hostilities  of  the  Picts,  to 
take  refuge  in  the  sister  island,  till  an  opportunity  offered  itself 
for  a  renewal  of  colonization. 

The  Picts  no  sooner  heard  of  the  final  departure  of  the  Ro- 
mans, than  they  considered  the  whole  British  island  as  their 
own.  One  party  crossed  the  frith  of  Forth,  in  boats  .  ^  421 
made  of  leather,  while  another  attacked  with  fury  the  *  ' 
Roman  wall,  which  the  Britons  soon  abandoned,  fleeing  like 
timorous  deer,  and  leaving  their  country  a  prey  to  the  enemy. 
The  Picts  made  dreadful  havoc  of  the  fugitives  ;  and,  meeting 
with  no  opposition,  they  ravaged  the  southern  parts  of  the  island 
with  fire  and  sword.  Famine  followed  with  all  its  horrid  train, 
and  the  mischiefs  of  pestilence  were  added. 

When  the  South-Britons  had  long  been  harassed  with  these 
irruptions,  they  once  more  had  recourse  to  Rome.  They  wrote 
to  Aetius,  then  consul  for  the  third  time,  that  memo-  ^  ^  ^^g 
rable  letter  (entitled  The  Groans  of  the  Britons)  which 
paints  their  unhappy  condition  as  strongly  as  it  is  possible  for 
words  :  "  We  know  not,"  said  they,  "  even  which  way  to  flee. 
"  Chased  by  the  Barbarians  to  the  sea,  and  forced  back  by  the 
"  sea  upon  the  Barbarians,  we  have  only  the  choice  of  two 
"  deaths ;  for  we  must  either  perish  by  the  sword,  or  be  swal- 
"  lowed  up  by  the  waves^^'  What  answer  they  received  is 
uncertain  ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  they  obtained  no  assis- 
tance, Rome  being  then  threatened  by  Attila,  the  most  terrible 
enemy  that  ever  invaded  the  empire. 

The  Britons,  however,  amidst  all  their  calamities,  had  one 
consolation ;  they  had  embraced  Christianity  :  a  religion  which, 

2  SeeMacpherson'sIntrod.     Bist.ofBrit.  Origiih&c.of  the  Caledonians.    Whitaker's 
Hist,  of  Manchester,  Genuine  Hist.  Brit,  and  Hume's  Kst.  of  England,  vol.  i.  note  A. 

3  Gild.  Hist.—Qtix,  i/j.tf . 

Vol.  I.  K 


74  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.!/ 

above  all  others,  teaches  the  endurance  of  misfortunes — which 
encourages  its  votaries  to  triumph  in  adversity,  and  inspires  the 
soul  with  joy  in  the  hour  of  affliction.  Many  of  them  fled  over 
to  Gaul,  and  settled  in  the  province  of  Armorica,  t©  which  they 
gave  the  name  of  Brittany,  or  Bretagne.  Some  of  them  sub- 
mitted to  the  Picts;  while  others,  collectinsj  courage  from  de- 
spair, sallied  from  their  woods  and  caves  upon  the  secure  and 
roving  invaders,  cut  many  of  them  to  pieces,  and  obliged  the 
rest  to  retire  into  their  own  country.  But,  the  enemy  threaten- 
ing to  return  with  superior  forces,  the  distressed  Britons,  by  the 
advice  of  Vortigern  (who  then  possessed  the  principal  authority 
among  them),  called  the  Saxons  to  their  assistance,  by  a  solemn 
deputation"*. 

The  Saxons,  like  all  the  ancient  German  tribes,  were  a  free, 
brave,  independent  people.  They  had  arrived  at  that  degree  of 
civilization  in  which  the  mind  has  acquired  sufficient  force  for 
enterprise,  and  seems  to  derive  energy  from  the  unimpaired 
vigour  of  the  body.  A  nation,  taken  collectively,  is  never  per- 
haps capable  of  such  great  achievements  as  in  this  state  of  half- 
civilization.  The  Saxons  had  spread  themselves  over  an  exten- 
sive tract  of  country  ;  and,  when  the  Britons  implored  their  aid, 
they  were  masters  not  only  of  Holstein,  Westphalia,  Saxony, 
East  and  West  Friseland,  but  also  of  Holland  and  Zealand. — 
They  readily  complied  with  the  request  of  Vortigern  ;  and,  ha- 
ving fitted  out  three  large  transports,  about  fifteen  hundred  of 
them  put  to  sea  under  the  command  of  the  enterprising  bro- 
thers, Hen^ist  and  Horsa.  These  chieftains  landed  in  the  isl6 
of  Thanet,  which  was  assigned  to  them  as  a  possession  ;  and  a 
AAQ  '^^g^-^  ^"^'^s  formed  between  them  and  the  British 
'prince*.  Soon  after  their  arrival, they  marched  against 
the  northern  ravagers,  who  had  made  a  new  irruption,  and  ad- 
vanced as  far  as  Stamford.  Unable  to  withstand  the  steady 
valour  of  the  Saxons,  the  Picts  were  routed  with  great  slaugh- 
ter ;  and  the  Britons,  felicitating  themselves  on  an  expedient 
by  which  they  had  freed  their  country  from  so  cruel  an  ene- 
my, hoped  thenceforth  to  enjoy  security  under  the  protection 
of  their  warlike  auxiliaries. 

4  DliI.  lib.  i. — Gul.  Malmesburiens.  da  Guslis  Regiim  Jltic^Iiiriifn ,  lib.  i. 

5  See  Gildasand  Bede  ;  also  the  Saxon  Chronicles,  p.  13. — Mr.  Gibbon,  on  llie  aiUlvirity 
of  Netiniiis,  pvi's  a  (lifTiM-eiit  accouni  oflbis  afFiir.  He  represents  Ht'iigist  and  Uorsa  as 
two  fugitivL'.s  ailvpnttin-rs,  v.'ho,  in  a  piratical  cruise,  wei-e  taken  into  the  pay  of  the  British 
jtriiice.  Hilt  I  can  see  no  reason  for;;doptit:g  such  an  opinion  :  for  not  only  the  circumstrui- 
ces favour  the  coir.nion  mode  of  teliinp;  the  story,  but  ibe  aiitboritv  of  ihr-  veti"rable  Bede.  is 
surely  superior  to  that  of  the  fabulous  Nenntus. 


LET.  VII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  75 

But  mankind  in  the  possession  of  present  good,  are  apt  to 
oveilook  the  prosi)ect  of  future  evil.  The  Britons  did  not  fore- 
see that  their  deliverers  were  to  be  their  conquerors  ;  though  it 
must  have  been  evident  to  any  disinterested  observer,  that  the 
day  of  subjection  was  nigh.  The  reflections  of  Hengist  and 
Horsa,  after  their  late  victory,  were  very  different  from  those 
of  the  Britons.  They  considered  with  what  ease  they  might 
subdue  an  indolent  and  degenerate  people,  and  sent  to  their 
countrymen  intelligence  of  the  fertility  and  opulence  of  South- 
Britain,  inviting  them  to  come  and  share  in  the  spoils  of  the 
country*. 

The  invitation  was  readily  accepted.  Seventeen  vessels  soon 
arrived  with  five  thousand  men,  who,  joined  to  those  already  in 
the  island,  formed  a  considerable  army^  Though  now  justly 
alarmed  at  the  number  of  their  allies,  the  Britons  sought  secu- 
rity and  relief  only  in  passive  submission  ;  and  even  that  un- 
manly expedient  soon  failed  them.  The  Saxons  pulled  off  the 
mask:  they  complained  that  the  promised  subsidies  were  ill 
paid,  and  demanded  larger  supplies  of  corn  and  other  provisions. 
These  being  refused,  as  exorbitant,  they  formed  an  alli- 
ance with  the  Picts,  and  proceeded  to  open  hostilities  against 
the  people  whom  they  had  come  over  to  protect. 

The  Britons  were  at  last  under  the  necessity  of  taking  arms ; 
and,  having  deposed  Vortigern,  who  had  rendered  himself  odi- 
ous by  his  vices,  and  the  unfortunate  issue  of  his  rash  coun- 
sels, they  put  themselves  under  the  command  of  his  son  Vor- 
timer.  Many  battles  were  fought  between  the  Saxons  and  Bri- 
tons with  various  success,  but  chiefly  to  the  advantage  of  the 
former  ;  and  in  one  of  these  conflicts,  Horsa  was  slain.  The 
sole  command  now  devolved  upon  Hengist ;  who,  reinforced 
with  fresh  adventurers  from  Germany,  furiously  ravaged  the 
territories  of  the  Britons.  Anxious  to  spread  the  terror  of  his 
arms,  he  massacred  multitudes  of  all  ranks,  of  both  sexes,  and 
all  ages'.  The  description  is  too  horrible  to  read;  and,  for  the 
honour  of  humanity,  I  am  willing  to  suppose  it  to  be  partly 
untrue. 

Of  the  unhappy  Britons  who  escaped  the  general  slaughter, 
some  took  refuge  among  rocks  and  mountains  ;  many  perished 
by  hunger  :  and  many  forsaking  their  asylum,  preserved  their 
lives  at  the  expense  of  their  liberty.  Others,  crossing  the  sea, 
sought  shelter  among  their  countrymen  in  Armorica.     Those 

6  ^inii.  BexerlT(,.  49. 

7  Had  Hengist  and  Horsa  been  mere  exiles,  they  would  not  soon  have  found  so  many  fol- 
lowers. 

8  Bed.  lib,  i. — Gild,  sec  xxiv. — Usserii  Antiq.  p.  226. 


id  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

who  remained  at  home  suffered  every  species  of  misery  ;  they 
were  not  only  robbed  of  all  temporal,  but  spiritual  benefits^.  In 
this  extremity,  a  British  and  a  Christian  hero  appeared.  Ar- 
thur, prince  of  the  Silures  (supposed  by  some  to  have  been  the 
same  with  Ambrosius),  revived  the  expiring  valour  of  his  coun- 
trymen. He  defeated  the  Saxons  in  several  engagements,  par- 
-^^  ticularly  in  the  famous  battle  of  Badon-hill,  which 
^'  *  'procured  the  Britons  many  years  of  tranquillity. 
But,  the  success  of  Hengist  and  his  followers  having  excited 
the  ambition  of  other  German  tribes,  successive  swarms  poured 
upon  the  Britons,  who  ultimately  found  themselves  unequal 
i-^c  to  the  contest,  and  therefore  retired  into  Cornwall, 
^'  °-  •  Wales,  and  Cumberland,  where  they  formed  inde- 
pendent principalities'". 

The  Saxons  and  Angles,  or  Anglo-Saxons"  (for  they  are 
mentioned  under  both  these  denominations),  were  now  absolute 
masters  of  the  greater  part  of  South-Britain,  which  had  changed 
not  only  its  inhabitants,  but  its  language,  customs,  and  politi- 
cal institutions.  History  affords  examples,  of  few  conquests 
more  bloody,  and  few  revolutions  so  violent,  as  that  which  was 
effected  by  the  Saxons,  In  the  course  of  their  long  war  with 
the  Britons,  they  established  seven  kingdoms,  namely,  those 
of  Kent,  Sussex,  Essex,  Wessex,  Mercia,  East  Anglia,  and 
Northumberland.  These  realms  formed  what  is  commonly 
called  the  Saxon  Heptarchy^^. 

While  the  Saxons  were  contending  with  the  Britons  for  do- 
minion, their  several  princes  leagued  against  the  common  ene- 
my, preserving  an  union  of  counsels  and  interests.  But,  after 
the  wretched  natives  were  shut  up  in  their  barren  mountains, 
and  the  conquerors  had  nothing  to  fear  from  them,  the  bond  of 
alliance  was  in  a  great  measure  dissolved  among  the  princes 
of  the  heptarchy ;  and,  although  one  prince  seems  still  to  have 
assumed  or  to  have  been  allowed,  some  ascendant  over  the 
rest,  his  authority  was  so  limited,  that  each  state  acted  as  if 
entirely  independent.  Jealousies  and  dissensions  arose  among 
the  Saxon  chiefs,  and  these  were  followed  by  perpetual  wars ; 

9  Bede,  Gildas,  Usher,  ubi  sup. 

10  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  i.— H.  Huntingd.  lib.  U.—Chron.  Sax.  p.  20. 

11  The  Saxons  and  Angles  were  originally  distinct  tribes  ;  but,  at  the  time  of  their  land- 
ing in  Britain,  they  were  so  nuich  incorporated,  as  to  pass  sometimes  under  the  one  name, 
sometimes  under  the  oilier.  Hence  arose  the  compound  name  of  Anglo-Saxons.  The  Jutes 
had  also  a  considerable  share  in  the  conquebt  of  South-Britain. 

12  The  extent  of  eacii  kingdom  is  of  too  little  importance  now  to  deserve  a  particular  de- 
scriplfon. 


IBT.  VII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  77 

which,  in  Milton's  opinion,  are  no  more  worthy  of  a  particular 
narration,  than  the  combats  of  kites  or  crows.  And,  indepen- 
dent of  so  great  an  authority,  which  however  it  would  be  pre- 
sumption to  slight,  it  may  be  safely  affirmed,  that  the  barren 
records  transmitted  to  us,  and  the  continued  barl)arities  of  the 
times,  render  it  impossible  for  the  most  eloquent  and  discern- 
ing writer  to  make  this  portion  of  our  history  either  instructive 
or  entertaining.  It  will  therefore  be  sufficient  for  me  to  ob- 
serve, that,  after  a  variety  of  inferior  revolutions,  the  seven 
kingdoms  were  united  by  the  valour  and  policy  of  Eg-  ^^^ 

bert,  king  of  Wessex^^     His  dominions  were  nearly 
of  the  same  extent  with  the  territory  now  called  England; 
a  name  which  was  given  to  the  empire  of  the  Saxons  in  Bri- 
tain at  the  union  of  the  heptarchy,  or,  as  some  suppose,  soon 
after  the  erection  of  the  seventh  kingdom. 

The  Anglo-Saxons,  long  before  the  time  of  Egbert,  had 
been  converted  to  Christianity  by  the  preaching  of  Augustine, 
a  Roman  monk,  and  the  zeal  of  Bertha,  daughter  of  Caribert 
king  of  Paris,  and  wife  to  Ethelbert  king  of  Kent ;  but,  as  they 
received  that  doctrine  through  the  polluted  channels  of  the 
church  of  Rome,  though  it  opened  an  intercourse  with  the  more 
polished  states  of  Europe,  it  had  not  hitherto  been  very  effec- 
tual either  in  purifying  their  minds,  or  in  softening  their  man- 
ners. The  grossest  ignorance  and  superstition  prevailed  among 
them.  Reverences  to  saints  and  reliques  seemed  to  supplant  the 
worship  of  the  Supreme  Being ;  donations  to  the  church  were 
supposed  to  atone  for  every  violation  of  the  laws  of  society ; 
and  monastic  observances  were  more  esteemed  than  moral  vir- 
tues. Even  the  military  virtues  so  habitual  to  the  Saxons  fell 
into  neglect.  The  nobles  themselves  began  to  prefer  the  indo- 
lence and  security  of  the  cloister  to  the  toils  and  tumults  of  war; 
and  the  crown,  impoverished  by  continual  benefactions  to  the 
church,  had  no  rewards  for  the  encouragement  of  valour. 

This  corrupt  species  of  Christianity  was  attended  with  ano- 
ther train  of  inconveniences,  proceeding  from  a  superstitious  at- 
tachment to  the  see  of  Rome.  The  Britons  had  conducted  all 
ecclesiastical  affairs  by  their  own  synods  and  councils,  acknow- 
ledging no  subordination  to  the  Roman  pontiff:  but  the  Saxons, 
having  received  their  religion  through  the  medium  of  Italian 
monks,  were  taught  to  consider  Rome  as  the  capital  of  their 
faith.  Pilgrimages  to  that  city  were  accordingly  represented 
as  the  most  meritorious  acts  of  devotion  ;  and  not  only  noble- 

13  Wessex,  or  the  kingdom  of  the  West  Saxons,  extended  over  the  counties  of  Hants, 
Dorset,  Devon,  Somerset,  Wilts,  and  Berks 


78  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

men  and  ladies  of  rank  undertook  this  tedious  journey,  but  kings 
themselves,  resigning  their  crowns,  implored  a  safe  passport  to 
heaven  at  the  foot  of  St.  Peter's  chair,  and  exchanged  the  pur- 
ple for  the  sackcloth". 

But  England,  even  in  those  times  of  British  darkness,  gave 
birth  to  some  men  equal  at  least  to  any  of  the  age  in  which 
they  lived.  Offa,  king  of  Mercia,  was  thought  worthy  of  the 
friendship  of  Charlemagne,  the  greatest  prince  that  Europe  had 
produced  for  many  centuries  ;  and  Alcuin,  an  English  clergy^ 
man,  had  the  honour  of  instructing  that  illustrious  monarch  in 
the  sciences,  at  a  time  when  he  was  surrounded  by  all  the  li- 
terati of  Christendom. 

Having  mentioned  Charlemagne,  I  think  it  necessary  to  ob- 
serve, that  I  shall  finish  the  history  of  that  great  conqueror  and 
legislator  before  I  treat  of  the  reign  of  Egbert,  the  first  English 
monarch — a  prince  who  was  educated  in  the  court  and  in  the 
armies  of  the  new  emperor  of  the  West.  Meanwhile,  my  dear 
Philip,  I  must  say  a  few  words  of  the  government,  laws,  and 
manners,  which  prevailed  among  the  Saxons  after  their  settle- 
ment in  Britain. 

14  Bed.  lib.  i.  2. — Spelm.  Cone. 


LETTER  VIII. 


Of  the  Government  and  Laws  of  the  Anglo-Saxons. 

IF  the  Saxons  on  their  settlement  in  this  island,  had  esta- 
blished the  same  form  of  government  with  the  r  ther  Gothic  na- 
tions that  seized  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire,  this  letter 
would  have  been  in  a  great  measure  unnecessary ;  but  as  they 
rather  exterminated  than  subdued  the  natives,  and  were  under 
few  apprehensions  from  foreign  enemies,  they  had  no  occasion 
to  subject  themselves  to  feudal  services.  They  therefore  retain- 
ed entire  their  civil  and  military  institutions  :  they  transplanted 
into  this  island  those  principles  of  liberty  and  independence 
which  they  had  so  highly  cherished  at  home,  which  had  been 
transmitted  to  them  from  their  ancestors,  and  which  still  con- 
tinue to  flourish  among  their  descendants.  Their  original  con- 
stitution was  a  kind  of  military  democracy,  in  which  the  protec- 
tion of  the  state  was  the  voluntary  care  ot  its  members,  as  every 
free  man  had  a  share  in  the  government;  and  conquest  was  the 
interest  of  all.  as  all  partook  of  the  acquisitions.    Their  king, 


lET.  VIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  79 

or  chief,  was  only  the  first  citizen  of  the  community  :  his  au- 
thority depended,  as  did  his  station,  principally  on  his  personal 
qualities.  The  succession  was  neither  elective  nor  hereditary. 
A  son  who  inherited  his  father's  virtues  and  talents,  was  sure 
to  succeed  to  his  sway  ;  but,  if  he  happened  to  be  weak  or 
profligate,  or  was  a  minor,  the  next  in  blood,  or  the  person  of 
the  greatest  eminence  in  the  state,  generally  procured  an  ele- 
vation to  the  throne. 

We  owe  to  the  masterly  pen  of  Tacitus  this  account  of  the 
primitive  government  of  the  Saxons.  Unfortunately  the  Sax- 
on Annals  are  too  imperfect  to  enable  us  to  delineate  exactly 
the  prerogatives  of  the  kings,  and  the  privileges  of  the  people, 
after  the  settlement  which  was  effected  in  Britain.  The  go- 
vernment might  be  somewhat  different  in  the  different  king- 
doms of  the  heptarchy,  and  might  also  undergo  several  changes 
before  the  Norman  conquest ;  but  of  those  changes  we  are  in 
a  great  measure  ignorant.  We  only  know,  that  at  all  times, 
and  in  all  the  kingdoms,  there  was  a  national  council,  a  Witte- 
na-Gemot,  or  Assembly  of  the  Wise  men,  whose  consent  was 
necessary  to  the  enactment  of  laws,  and  to  give  sanction  to 
the  measures  of  public  administration.  But,  who  the  con- 
stituent members  of  that  assembly  were,  has  not  hitherto  been 
determined  with  certainty.  The  most  probable  conjecture 
seems  to  be,  that  it  consisted  of  the  nobility,  the  dignified 
clergy,  and  all  possessors  of  a  certain  portion  of  land^ 

The  Saxons  were  divided  into  three  orders  of  men  ;  the 
noble,  the  free,  and  the  servile.  The  nobles  were  called 
thanes,  and  were  of  two  kinds,  the  principal  and  the  inferior 
thanes.  The  latter  seem  to  have  had  some  dependence  on  the 
former,  as  the  former  had  on  the  king ;  but  of  what  nature  is 
uncertain.  The  lower  freemen  among  the  Saxons  were  deno- 
minated ceoiies,  and  were  chiefly  employed  in  husbandry  ; 
whence  a  husbandman  and  ceorle  became  synonymous  terms. 
They  farmed  the  lands  of  the  nobility,  or  higher  orders,  and 
appear  to  have  been  removable  at  pleasure.  But  the  slaves 
or  villains  were  by  much  the  most  numerous  class  in  the  com- 
munity ;  and  being  the  property  of  their  masters,  were  inca- 
pable of  holding  any  property  themselves.  They  were  of  two 
kinds  :  household  slaves,  after  the  manner  of  the  ancients  ; 
and  rustic  slaves,  who  were  sold  or  transferred,  like  cattle, 
with  the  soil.  The  long  wars  between  the  Saxons  and  Bri- 
tons, and  afterwards  between  the  different  princes  of  the  hep- 
tarchy, seem  to  have  been  the  cause  of  the  disproportionate 

1  At  first,  five  liides  were  deemed  a  sufficient  qualification  ;  but  the  required  ainoont 
gradually  rose  to  forty. 


80  THE  HISTORY  OF  pabt  i. 

number  of  these  unhappy  men :  for  prisoners  taken  in  battle 
were  reduced  to  slavery  by  the  laws  of  war,  and  were  entirely 
at  the  disposal  of  their  masters^. 

The  higher  nobility  and  dignified  clergy  among  the  Anglo- 
Saxons  possessed  a  criminal  jurisdiction  within  their  own  ter- 
ritories, and  could  punish  without  appeal  such  as  they  judged 
worthy  of  death.  This  was  a  dangerous  privilege,  and  liable 
to  the  greatest  abuse.  But,  although  the  Anglo-Saxon  go- 
vernment seems,  at  last  to  have  become  in  some  measure  aris- 
tocratical,  there  were  still  considerable  remains  of  the  ancient 
democracy.  All  the  freeholders  assembled  twice  a  year  in  the 
county- court,  or  shire-gemot,  to  receive  appeals  from  the  infe- 
rior courts — a  practice  well  calculated  for  the  preservation  of 
general  liberty,  and  for  restraining  the  exhorbitant  power  of  the 
nobles.  In  these  courts  were  decided  all  causes  ecclesiastical 
as  well  as  civil,  the  bishop  and  the  alderman,  or  earl,  presiding 
over  them.  The  case  was  determined  by  a  majority  of  voices, 
without  much  pleading,  formality,  or  delay ;  the  bishop  and 
earl  having  no  further  authority  than  to  keep  order  among  the 
freeholders,  and  offer  advice^.  Though  it  should  be  granted, 
therefore,  that  the  wittena-gemot  was  composed  entirely  of  the 
greater  thanes  and  dignified  clergy,  yet  in  a  government  where 
few  taxes  were  imposed  by  the  legislature,  and  few  statutes 
enacted — where  the  nation  was  less  governed  by  laws  than  by 
customs,  which  allowed  much  latitude  of  interpretation — the 
county-courts,  where  all  the  freeholders  were  admitted,  and 
which  regulated  the  daily  occurrences  of  life,  formed  a  wide 
basis  for  freedom. 

The  criminal  laws  of  the  Anglo-Saxons,  as  of  most  barba- 
rous nations,  were  far  from  being  severe ;  a  compensation  in 
money  being  deemed  sufficient  for  murder  of  any  species,  and 
for  the  lives  of  persons  of  any  rank,  including  the  king  and 
the  primate,  whose  head,  by  the  laws  of  Kent,  was  estimated 
at  a  higher  rate  than  that  of  the  king.  The  prices  of  all  kinds  of 
wounds  were  also  settled ;  and  he  who  was  detected  in  adultery 
with  his  neighbour's  wife,  was  ordered,  by  the  laws  of  Ethel- 
bert,  to  pay  him  a  fine,  and  buy  him  another  wife.  The  pu- 
nishments for  robbery  were  various,  but  none  of  them  capital. 
If  any  person  could  trace  his  stolen  cattle  into  another's  ground, 
the  owner  of  the  ground  was  obliged  to  show  their  tracks  out 
of  it,  or  pay  the  value  of  the  cattle"*. 

But,  if  the  punishments  for  crimes  among  the  Anglo-Saxons 
were  remarkable,  their  pretended  proofs  were  no  less  so.  Wheji 

2  L.  Edg.  sec.  xiv.  apud.  Spelm.  Cone.  vol.  i. — Preface  to  Brady's  Hist. 

3  Hickes'  Dissert.  Epist.  ii— viii.  4  Anglo-Saxon  Laws,  published  by  Wilkins. 


XET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  Si 

any  controversy  about  a  fact  was  too  intricate  for  the  ignorant 
judges  to  unravel,  they  had  recourse  to  what  they  called  the 
judgment  of  God,  or  in  other  words,  to  chance.  Their  modes 
of  consulting  that  blind  divinity  were  various ;  but  the  most 
common  was  the  ordeal.  This  method  of  trial  was  practised 
either  by  boiling  water,  or  red  hot  iron.  The  water,  or  iron, 
was  consecrated  by  prayers,  masses,  fastings,  and  exorcisms ; 
after  which  the  person  accused  either  took  up  with  his  bare 
hand  a  stone  sunk  in  the  water  to  a  certain  depth,  or  carried 
the  iron  to  a  particular  distance.  The  hand  was  immediately 
wrapped  up,  and  the  covering  sealed  for  three  days :  and  if,  on 
examining  it,  there  appeared  no  marks  of  burning  or  scalding, 
the  person  accused  was  pronounced  innocent ;  if  otherwise,  he 
was  declared  guilty*.  The  same  kinds  of  proof,  or  others 
equally  extravagant,  prevailed  among  all  the  nations  of  the  con- 
tinent ;  and  money,  in  like  manner,  was  every  where  the  atone- 
ment for  guilt,  both  in  a  civil  and  ecclesiastical  sense. 

5  Spelman,in  Verb.  Ordeal. 


LETTER  IX. 


Of  the  Reign  of  Charlemagne^  o?'  Charles  the  Great,  king  of 
France,  and  Emperor  of  the  West. 

CHARLES  and  Carloman,  the  successors  of  Pepin  in  the 
French  monarchy,  were  men  of  very  different  dispositions. 
Charles  was  open  and  generous,  Carloman  dark  and  suspicious; 
it  was  therefore  happy  for  mankind  that  Carloman  died  soon 
after  his  father,  as  intestine  wars  might  have  conti-  __^ 

Dually  resulted  from  the  opposite  tempers  and  inter- 
fering interests  of  the  brothers.  Now  alone  at  the  head  of  a 
powerful  kingdom,  the  great  and  ambitious  genius  of  Charles 
soon  gave  birth  to  projects  which  will  render  his  name  im- 
mortal. A  prosperous  reign  of  forty-five  years,  abounding 
with  military  enterprises,  political  institutions,  and  literary 
foundations,  offers  to  our  view,  in  the  midst  of  barbarism,  a* 
spectacle  worthy  of  more  polished  ages. 

But,  before  I  proceed  to  the  history  of  this  illustrious  reign, 
I  must  say  a  few  words  of  the  state  of  Germany  at  that  time. 

Germany  was  formerly  possessed  by  a  number  of  free  and 
independent  nations,  who  bravely  defended  their  Hberties 
against  the  Romans,  and  were  never  totally  subjected  by  them. 

Vol.  L  L 


82  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

On  the  decline  of  the  Roman  empire,  many  of  those  nations 
left  their  country,  and  founded  empires  or  principahties  in  other 
parts  ;  so  that  Germany,  at  the  accession  of  Charlemagne  to 
the  crown  of  France,  was  principally  occupied  by  the  Saxons. 
Of  their  government  I  have  already  spoken.  They  were  still 
Pagans.  What  was  then  considered  as  their  territory  com- 
prehended a  vast  tract  of  country,  extending  from  Bohemia  to 
the  Baltic  and  the  German  ocean.  This  spacious  empire  was 
governed  by  many  independent  princes,  and  inhabited  by  va- 
rious tribes,  who  had  become  tributary  to  the  French  crown. 
But,  whenever  the  throne  of  France  was  vacated  by  death,  or 
when  the  kings  were  engaged  either  in  foreign  or  domestic 
wars,  the  Saxon  princes  threw  off  their  allegiance,  and  entered 
the  French  territories'.  Charles  had  occasion  to  quell  one  of 
these  revolts  immediately  after  the  death  of  his  brother  ;  and 
the  work  was  but  imperfectly  executed,  when  his  arms  were 
wanted  in  another  quarter. 

The  two  brothers  are  said  to  have  married  two  daughters  of 
Didier  or  Desiderius,  king  of  the  Lombards  ;  but  this  point 
is  doubtful  with  regard  to  Carloman.  Charles  had  divorced 
his  consort,  under  pretence  that  she  was  incapable  of  bearing 
children,  and  married  Hildegarda,  a  Suabian  princess.  Ber- 
tha, the  widow  of  Carloman,  not  thinking  herself  and  her 
children  safe  in  France  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  retired 
into  Italy,  and  implored  the  protection  of  Desiderius,  who  re- 
ceived her  with  joy.  Highly  incensed  against  Charles  for  di- 
vorcing his  daughter,  he  hoped  by  means  of  these  refugees  to 
raise  such  disturbances  in  France  as  might  both  gratify  his 
revenge,  and  prevent  the  French  monarch  from  intermeddling 
in  the  affairs  of  Italy.  In  this  hope  he  was  encouraged  by 
--^  his  intimacy  with  pope  Adrian  I,  to  whom  he  pro- 
posed the  crowning  and  anointing  of  Carloman's 
two  sons.  But  Adrian,  though  disposed  to  oblige  him,  refused 
to  comply  with  the  request,  as  he  apprehended  that  by  such 
conduct  he  might  incur  the  displeasure  of  Charles,  the  natural 
ally  of  the  church,  and  the  only  prince  capable  of  protecting 
him  against  his  ambitious  enemies.  Enraged  at  the  refusal, 
Desiderius  ravaged  the  papal  territories,  or,  as  they  were 
called,  the  Patrimojnj  of  St.  Feter,  and  threatened  to  besiege 
Rome  itself.  To  avert  the  pressing  danger,  Adrian  pri- 
vately sent  ambassadors  to  Charlemagne,  not  only  entreat- 
ing his  aid,  but  inviting  him  to  the  conquest  of  Italy,  his 
friendship  for  Desiderius  being  now  converted  into  the  most 
rancorous  hatred.     The  French  monarch,  who  only  waited  an 

1  Egirihai'di  Vit.  Car.  Mag. 


LET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  83 

opportunity  to  revenge  himself  on  that  prince  for  keeping  his 
nephews,  and  still  more  for  wishing  to  crown  them,  received  the 
pope's  invitation  with  great  satisfaction.  He  immediately  left 
Germany,  after  a  hasty  accommodation  with  the  Saxons,  and  col- 
lected such  an  army  as  evidently  showed  that  his  object  was  no- 
thing less  than  the  extinction  of  the  Kingdom  of  the  Lombards^. 

Desiderius  now  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  great  army,  and 
sent  troops  to  guard  the  passes  of  the  Alps.  But  Charlemagne, 
apprised  of  this  precaution,  sent  a  detachment  under  experienc- 
ed guides  to  cross  the  mountains  by  a  different  route.  The 
French  completed  their  march  ;  and,  falling  unexpectedly  upon 
the  Lombards  who  guarded  the  passes,  struck  them  __„ 

with  such  terror,  that  they  fled  in  the  utmost  confusion.    *    ' 
Charles  now  entered  Italy  unmolested,  and  marched  in  quest 
of  Desiderius.     Unable  to  keep  the  field,  the  king  of  the  Lom- 
bards retired  to  his  capital ;  sending  his  son  Adalgisus,  as  well 
as  Bertha  and  her  two  sons,  to  Verona. 

As  soon  as  Charlemagne  understood  that  Desiderius  had  ta- 
ken shelter  in  Pavia,  he  assembled  his  whole  army,  and  laid 
siege  to  that  city,  resolving  not  to  withdraw  his  forces  till  it 
should  have  submitted  ;  but,  as  the  Lombards  made  a  gallant 
defence,  he  changed  die  siege  into  a  blockade,  and  marched 
with  part  of  his  troops  to  invest  Verona.  Adalgisus  defended 
the  place,  for  a  time,  with  great  bravery ;  but,  when  he  was 
reduced  to  extremities,  he  secredy  withdrew,  and  fled  to  Con- 
stantinople, where  he  was  cordially  received  by  the  emperor. 
Verona  now  surrendered  to  Charles,  who,  having  seized  Bertha 
and  her  sons,  sent  them  under  a  strong  guard  into  France.  What 
afterwards  became  of  them,  history  has  not  informed  us.  It 
is  much  to  be  feared,  however,  that  their  fate  was  litde  to  the 
honour  of  the  conqueror.  Humanity  was  not  the  characteris- 
tic of  those  times. 

The  siege  of  Pavia  was  renewed,  and  pushed  with  fresh  vi- 
gour ;  but,  before  the  reduction  of  the  town,  Charles  repaired 
to  Rome.     The  pope  received  his  deliverer  in  the  __ . 

most  pompous  manner,  the  magistrates  and  judges 
walking  before  him  with  their  banners,  and  the  clergy  repeat- 
ing, "■  Blessed  is  he  that  cometh  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  !'' 
After  Charles  had  satisfied  his  curiosity,  and  confirmed  the  do- 
nation which  his  father  had  made  to  St.  Peter,  he  returned  to 
the  camp  before  Pavia.  The  Lombards  continued  to  defend 
that  city  with  obstinate  valour ;  but,  a  plague  breaking  out 
among  the  besieged,  the  unfortunate  Desiderius  was  obliged  at 
last  to  surrended  his  capital,  and  deliver  up  himself,  his  wife^ 

2  Sigon.  Reg.  Ital. — Anast.  Vit.  Hadriani. 


84  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

and  his  children,  to  Charles,  who  sent  them  all  into  France, 
where  they  either  died  a  violent  death,  or  languished  out  their 
days  in  obscurity^ 

Thus  ended  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards  in  Italy,  after  it 
had  subsisted  two  hundred  and  six  years.  They  are  represent- 
ed by  the  monkish  historians  as  a  cruel  and  barbarous  people, 
because  they  opposed  the  ambitious  views  of  the  popes;  but  the 
salutary  laws  which  they  left  behind  them,  and  which  devour- 
ing time  has  still  spared,  are  convincing  proofs  of  their  justice, 
humanity,  and  wisdom. 

Of  the  state  of  Italy,  at  that  time,  it  is  proper  that  I  should 
give  you  a  sketch.  It  was  then  shared  by  the  Venetians,  the 
Lombards,  the  pope,  and  the  emperor  of  the  East.  The  Vene- 
tians had  become  very  considerable  by  their  trade  to  the  Levant, 
and  bore  no  small  sway  in  the  affairs  of  Italy,  though  they  had 
a  very  small  portion  of  territory  on  the  continent.  The  pope 
was  master  of  the  exarchate  and  Pentapolis  ;  the  dukedom  of 
Naples,  and  some  cities  in  the  two  Calabrian  provinces,  were 
ruled  by  the  emperor  of  the  East.  The  other  parts  of  Italy  be- 
longed to  the  Lombards ;  namely,  the  dukedoms  of  Friuli, 
Spoleto,  and  Benevento,  together  with  the  provinces  of  Ligu- 
ria,  Venetia,  Tuscany,  and  the  Alpes  Cottise,  which  were 
properly  called  the  kingdom  of  the  Lombards.  These  Charles 
claimed  by  right  of  conquest,  and  caused  himself,  in  imitation 
of  their  princes,  to  be  crowned  king  of  Italy,  with  an  iron  crown, 
which  is  still  preserved  in  the  little  town  of  Monza. 

The  conqueror  thought  it  necessary  to  settle  the  government 
of  his  new  kingdom,  before  he  left  Italy  ;  and,  after  consulting 
with  the  pope,  he  agreed  that  the  people  should  be  permitted  to 
live  under  their  former  laws,  and  that  all  things  should  remain 
as  established  by  his  predecessors.  Accordingly  he  allowed  the 
dukes  of  Friuli,  Spoleto,  and  Benevento,  the  same  authority 
which  they  had  enjoyed  under  the  Lombard  kings.  He  also  per- 
mitted the  other  dukes,  to  hold  their  dukedoms,  contenting  him- 
self with  an  oath  of  allegiance,  which  he  obliged  them,  as  well 
as  the  three  great  dukes  to  take  annually.  It  was  conceived  in 
these  words  :  "I  promise,  without  fraud  or  deceit,  to  be  faith- 
"  ful  to  my  sovereign  Charles,  and  his  sons,  as  long  as  I  live  : 
"  and  I  swear,  by  these  holy  Gospels,  that  I  will  be  faithful  to 
"  him,  as  a  vassal  to  his  lord  and  sovereign  ;  neither  will  I  di- 
"  vulge  any  thing  which,  in  virtue  of  my  allegiance,  he  shall 
"  commit  to  me."  He  never  transferred  a  dukedom  from  one 
family  to  another,  unless  when  the  duke  broke  his  oath,  or  died 
Mnthout  male  issue.     This  translation  from  one  to  another  was 

3  Leonis  Ostiens.  Hisi. 


lET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  85 

called  investiture;  and  hence  it  came,  that  fiefs  were  not  grant- 
ed but  by  investiture". 

Charles  committed  the  boundaries  of  this  new  kingdom,  and 
the  territory  of  cities,  to  the  care  of  counts,  who  were  invested 
with  great  authority.  These  boundaries  were  called  Marches^ 
and  those  who  had  the  care  of  them  were  styled  Counts  of  the 
Marches,  or  Marquises  ;  whence  the  title  of  Marquis  had  its 
rise.  He  also  occasionally  sent  commissaries,  who  were  en- 
trusted with  higher  powers,  and  examined  the  conduct  of  the 
counts,  whose  province  it  was  to  administer  justice  over  all  his 
dominions. 

That  Italy  might  retain  at  least  some  shadow  of  liberty,  he 
convoked,  as  often  as  he  returned  to  that  country,  a  general  as- 
sembly of  the  bishops,  abbots,  and  barons,  in  order  to  settle  af- 
fairs of  national  importance.  The  Lombards  had  but  one  or- 
der in  their  councils,  that  of  the  barons ;  but,  as  the  French  had 
two  (the  clergy  and  nobility),  he  added,  in  Italy,  the  order  of 
ecclesiastics  to  that  of  the  nobles*. 

The  affairs  of  Italy  being  thus  settled,  Charles  returned  to 
France,  and  marched  immediately  against  the  Saxons,  -^ - 

who  had  again  revolted  during  his  absence.  But  a  de- 
tail of  his  wars  with  that  barbarous  though  brave  people,  which 
continued  during  the  greater  part  of  his  reign,  can  afford  little 
pleasure  to  a  humanized  mind.  I  shall  therefore  only  observe, 
that,  after  a  number  of  battles  gallantly  fought,  and  many  cru- 
elties committed  on  both  sides,  the  Saxons  were  totally  subject- 
ed, and  Germany  became  part  of  the  empire  of  Charlemagne. 
A  desire  of  converting  the  Saxons  to  Christianity  seems  to  have 
been  one  of  the  principal  motives  for  prosecuting  this  conquest; 
and,  as  they  were  no  less  tenacious  of  their  religion  than  of 
their  liberty,  persecution  marched  in  the  train  of  war,  and  stain- 
ed with  blood  the  fetters  of  slavery. 
y^  Witikind,  so  deservedly  celebrated  by  his  nation,  was  the 
^  most  eminent  Saxon  general  during  these  hostilities.  He  fre- 
quently roused  the  drooping  valour  of  his  countrymen,  and  re- 
vived in  their  hearts  the  love  of  liberty  and  independence.  They 
requited  his  gallant  exertions  with  zeal  and  attachment,  for 
which,  however,  they  severely  suffered.  After  an  unsuccessful 
revolt,  when  they  went  to  make  submission  to  Charlemagne,  he 
ordered  four  thousand  five  hundred  of  their  principal  men  to  be 
massacred,  because  they  refused  to  deliver  up  their  generaK 
An  equal  instance  of  severity  is  scarcely  to  be  found  in  the  his- 
tory of  mankind ;  especially  if  we  consider,  that  the  Saxons 

4  SJgon,  Re^.  Ital,  5  Sigon.  6  Eginhavdi  .5«n«^. 


8.6  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

were  not  the  natural  subjects  of  Charles,  but  an  independent 
people  struggling  for  freedom.  Witikind  at  last  submitted,  and 
embraced  Christianity,  continuing  ever  after  faithful  to  his  en- 
gagements. But  he  could  never  inspire  his  associates  with  the 
same  docile  sentiments  :  they  were  continually  revolting ;  and 
submitting,  that  they  might  have  it  in  their  power  to  revolt 
again.  On  the  final  reduction  of  their  country,  the  more  reso- 
lute spirits  retired  into  the  northernmost  parts  of  Europe,  carry- 
ing with  them  their  vindictive  hatred  to  the  dominion  and  the 
religion  of  France. 

On  the  subject  of  religion  it  may  here  be  observed,  that 
Charlemagne  justly  considered  the  mild  doctrines  of  Christian- 
ity as  the  best  means  of  taming  a  savage  people  ;  but  he  erred 
in  supposing  that  force  would  ever  make  Christians.  His 
Capitulars  or  ordinances  for  the  Saxons  were  almost  as  barba- 
rous as  their  manners.  He  obliged  them  under  pain  of  death, 
to  receive  baptism  ;  he  condemned  to  the  severest  punishments 
the  breakers  of  Lent ;  in  a  word,  he  every  where  substituted 
force  for  persuasion.  Instead  therefore  of  blaming  the  obstinacy 
of  these  barbarians,  we  ought  to  be  filled  with  horror  at  the 
cruel  bigotry  of  the  conqueror. 

Almost  every  year  of  the  reign  was  signalised  by  some  mili- 
tary expedition,  though  very  different  from  those  of  our  times. 
"War  was  then  carried  on  without  any  settled  plan  of  operations. 
The  troops  were  neither  regularly  disciplined  nor  paid.  Every 
nobleman  led  forth  his  vassals,  who  were  only  obliged  to  serve 
for  a  certain  time ;  so  that  there  was  a  kind  of  necessity  for  con- 
cluding the  war  with  the  campaign.  The  army  was  dissolved 
on  the  approach  of  winter,  and  assembled  in  the  next  season, 
if  necessary.  Hence  we  are  enabled  to  account  for  some  cir- 
cumstances, which  would  otherwise  appear  inexplicable,  in  the 
reign  of  this  great  prince. 

Besides  the  Lombards  and  Saxons,  whom  he  conquered, 
Charles  vanquished  in  several  engagements  the  Abares  or  Huns, 
plundered  their  capital,  and  penetrated  as  far  as  Raab  on  the 
Danube.  He  likewise  made  an  expedition  into  Spain,  and 
carried  his  arms  to  the  banks  of  the  Ebro'. 

Abdarrahman,  the  Moorish  king,  whom  I  have  already  men- 
tioned, still  reigned  with  lustre  at  Cordova.  A  superb  mosque, 
now  the  cathedral  of  that  city,  six  hundred  feet  in  length,  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  in  breadth,  supported  by  three  hundred 
and  sixty-five  columns  of  alabaster,  jasper,  and  black  marble, 
continues  to  manifest  the  grandeur  of  this  monarch.  No  other 
people  but  the  Arabs  could  then  either  have  conceived  or  execu- 

7  Eginhardi  ./^TZTza^, 


LET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  87 

ted  such  a  work.  The  little  Christian  king  of  the  Asturias  had 
prudently  sued  for  peace  from  Abdarrahman  ;  but  some  of  the 
Moorish  governors,  having  revolted  from  that  prince,  offered 
to  acknowledge  Charlemagne  as  their  sovereign.  Willing  toex- 
Q^  tend  his  empire  on  that  side,  Charles  crossed  the  Py- 
^'  ^'  '  renees  with  all  expedition,  took  Pampeluna  and  Sar- 
agossa,  and  re-established  the  Moorish  governors  underhis  pro- 
tection. In  re-passing  the  mountains,  his  rear-guard  was  defeat- 
ed by  the  duke  of  Gascony,  at  Roncevaux*.  Here  fell  the  fa- 
mous Roland,  so  much  celebrated  in  romance,  and  represented 
as  nephew  to  Charlemagne  ;  though  history  only  tells  us  that 
he  commanded  on  the  frontiers  of  Bretagne. 

Charles,  though  engaged  in  so  many  wars,  was  far  from  ne- 
glecting the  arts  of  peace,  the  happiness  of  his  subjects,  or  the 
cultivation  of  his  own  mind.  Government,  manners,  religion, 
and  letters,  were  his  constant  pursuits.  He  frequently  conven- 
ed the  national  assemblies,  for  regulating  the  affairs  both  of 
church  and  state.  In  these  assemblies  he  proposed  such  laws 
as  he  considered  to  be  of  public  benefit,  and  allowed  the  same 
liberty  to  others ;  but  of  this  liberty,  indeed,  it  would  have  been 
difficult  to  deprive  the  French  nobles,  who  had  been  accustomed, 
from  the  foundation  of  the  monarchy,  to  share  the  legislation  with 
their  sovereign.  His  attention  extended  even  to  the  most  distant 
corner  of  his  empire,  and  to  all  ranks  of  men.  Sensible  how 
much  mankind  in  general  reverence  old  customs,  and  those  con- 
stitutions under  which  they  have  lived  from  their  youth,  he  per- 
mitted the  inhabitants  of  all  the  countries  that  he  conquered  to 
retain  their  own  laws,  making  only  such  alterations  as  he  judg- 
ed absolutely  necessary  for  the  good  of  the  community.  He  man- 
ifested a  particular  regard  for  the  common  people,  and  studied 
their  ease  and  advantage.  This  benevolence  of  mind,  which  can 
never  be  sufficiently  admired,  was  both  more  necessary  and  more 
meritorious  in  those  times,  as  the  commonalty  were  then  in  a 
state  of  almost  universal  oppression,  and  were  scarcely  thought 
to  be  entitled  the  sympathies  of  humanity.  The  same  love  of 
mankind  led  him  to  repair  and  form  public  roads;  to  build  bridges, 
where  necessarv;  to  make  rivers  navigable,  for  the  purposes  of 
commerce  ;  and  to  project  that  grand  canal  which  would  have 
opened  a  communication  between  the  German  Ocean  and  the 
Black  Sea,  by  uniting  the  Danube  and  the  Rhine^  This  illus- 
trious project  failed  in  the  execution,  for  want  of  those  machines 
which  art  has  since  constructed.  But  the  greatness  of  the  con- 
ception, and  the  honour  of  heving  attempted  it,  were  beyond  the 
power  of  contingencies  ;  and  posterity  has  done  justice  to  the 

8  Eginhardi  Annal.  9  Egia  Vit.  Car,  Mag. 


8^  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

memory  of  Charles,  by  considering  him,  on  account  of  that  and 
his  other  public  spirited  plans,  as  one  of  those  few  conquerors 
who  did  not  merely  desolate  the  earth  ;  as  a  hero  truly  worthy 
of  the  name,  who  sought  to  unite  his  own  glory  with  the  wel- 
fare of  his  species. 

This  great  prince  was  no  less  amiable  in  private  life  than  il- 
lustrious in  his  public  character.  He  was  an  affectionate  father, 
a  fond  husband,  and  a  generous  friend.  His  house  was  a  model 
of  economy,  and  his  person  of  simplicity  and  true  grandeur. 
"  For  shame  !"  said  he  to  some  of  his  nobles,  who  were  more 
finely  dressed  than  the  occasion  required ;  "  learn  to  dress 
"  like  men,  and  let  the  world  judge  of  your  rank  by  your  merit, 
"  not  your  habit.  Leave  silks  and  finery  to  women,  or  reserve 
*^  them  for  those  days  of  pomp  and  ceremony  when  robes  are 
"  worn  for  show,  not  use."  On  some  occasions  he  himself  ap- 
peared in  imperial  magnificence,  and  freely  indulged  in  every 
luxury ;  but  in  general  his  dress  was  plain,  and  his  table  fru- 
gal. His  only  excess  was  in  the  pleasure  of  the  sexes ;  and  this 
he  sometimes  carried  to  such  a  height  as  to  endanger  his  very 
athletic  constitution,  he  being  almost  seven  feet  high,  and  pro- 
portionably  strong.  He  had  his  set  hours  for  study,  which  he 
seldom  omitted,  either  in  the  camp  or  the  court ;  and,  notwith- 
standing his  continual  wars,  and  unremitted  attention  to  the  af- 
fairs of  a  great  empire,  he  found  leisure  to  collect  the  old  French 
poems  and  historical  ballads,  with  a  view  to  illustrate  the  his- 
tory of  the  monarchy.  The  loss  of  this  collection  is  much  to 
be  lamented,  and  could  never  have  happened  if  every  one  had 
been  as  well  acquainted  with  its  importance  as  Charles.  But  he 
was  the  phoenix  of  his  age ;  and,  though  not  altogether  free 
from  its  prejudices,  his  liberal  and  comprehensive  mind,  which 
examined  every  thing,  and  yet  found  time  for  all  things,  would 
have  done  honour  to  the  most  enlightened  period.  He  was  fond 
of  the  company  of  learned  men,  and  assembled  them  from  all 
parts  of  Europe,  forming  in  his  palace  a  kind  of  academy,  of 
which  he  condescended  to  become  a  member.  He  also  establish- 
ed schools,  in  the  cathedrals  and  principal  abbeys,  for  teaching 
writing,  arithmetic,  grammar,  and  church  music^° ;  certainly  no 
very  elevated  sciences,  yet  considerable  at  a  time  when  many 
dignified  ecclesiastics  could  not  subscribe  the  canons  of  those 
councils  in  which  they  sat  as  members,  and  when  it  was  deem- 
ed a  sufficient  qualification  for  a  priest  to  be  able  to  read  the 
Gospels  and  understand  the  Lord's  Prayer^\ 

Alcuin,  our  learned  countryman,  was  the  companion  and  par- 
ticular favourite  of  Charlemagne,  and  was  at  the  head  of  his 

30  Eglr\,  Fit.  Cur.  Mag.  11  Reg.  Brumiens.  apud  Bruck.  JJist.  Fhilos. 


LET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  ^89 

Royal  Academy.  A  circumstance  so  much  to  the  honour  of 
this  island  should  not  be  omitted  by  a  British  historian.  Three 
rich  abbeys  were  the  reward  of  the  learning  a^id  talents  of  Al- 
CLiin.  This  benevolence  has  been  thought  to  border  on  profu- 
sion ;  but  in  that  age  of  darkness,  when  even  an  enthusiastic 
zeal  for  learning  was  a  virtue,  no  encouragement  could  be  too 
great  for  the  illuminators  of  the  human  mind. 

Had  the  religious  enthusiasm  of  this  monarch  been  attended 
with  no  worse  consequences  than  his  literary  ardour,  his  piety 
would  have  been  as  deservedly  admired  as  his  taste.  But  a 
blind  zeal  for  the  propagation  of  Christianity,  which  extin- 
guished his  natural  feelings,  made  him  guilty  of  severities  that 
sh  )ck  humanity;  and  a  superstitious  attachment  to  the  see  of 
Rome,  which  mingled  itself  with  his  policy,  led  him  to  engage 
in  theological  disputes  and  quibbles  unworthy  of  his  character. 
Only  the  honours  which  his  father  and  himself  owed  to  the 
popes,  can  render  him  in  any  degree  excusable.  But,  although 
the  theological  part  of  Charles's  character  is  by  no  means  the 
brightest,  it  merits  your  attention,  as  it  serves  to  show  the  pre- 
judices of  the  age,  the  littlenesses  of  a  great  man,  and  the  great 
effects  that  frequently  proceed  from  little  causes. 

As  Charlemagne  was  ecjually  a  friend  to  religion  and  letters, 
and  as  anv  learning  which  yet  remained  among  mankind,  in 
our  quarter  of  the  globe,  was  monopolised  by  the  clergy,  it  is 
not  surprising  that  they  obtained  strong  marks  of  his  favour. 
Even  the  payment  of  tithes,  then  considered  as  a  grievous  op- 
pression, but  \A  hich  he  ordered  as  a  compensation  for  the  lands 
withholden  from  the  church;  and  the  consequence  which  he 
gave  to  churchmen,  by  admitting  them  into  the  national  assem- 
blies, and  associating  them  with  the  counts  in  the  administra- 
tion of  justice ;  appear  less  extravagant  than  his  sitting  in  coun- 
cils merely  ecclesiastical,  assembled  about  the  most  frivolous 
points  of  a  vain  theology.  But,  like  some  princes  of  later 
times,  Charles  seems  to  have  been  strongly  desirous  of  being 
considered  not  only  as  the  protector,  but  as  the  head  of  the 
church  ;  and,  from  the  imposing  effect  of  his  power  and  muni- 
ficence, this  usurpation  was  overlooked,  notwithstanding  the 
height  which  the  papal  dignity  had  then  attained.  „q  . 

We  accordingly  find  him  seated  on  a  throne  in  the    '    * 
council  of  Frankfort,  with  one  of  the  pope's  legates  on  each 
hand,  and  three  hundred  bishops  waiting  his  nod. 

The  purpose  of  that  council  was  to  examine  the  doctrine  of 
two  Spanish  bishops,  who,  in  order  to  refute  the  accusation  of 
polvtheism,  brought  against  the  Christians  by  the  Jews  and 

Vol.  L  '  M 


90  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Mohammedans,  maintained  that  Jesus  Christ  was  the  son  of 
God  only  by  adoption.  The  king  opened  the  assembly  himself, 
and  proposed  the  condemnation  of  this  heresy.  The  council 
decided  conformably  to  his  will :  and  in  a  letter  to  the  churches 
of  Spain,  in  consequence  of  that  decision,  Charles  expressed 
himself  in  these  remarkable  words  :  "  You  entreat  me  to  judge 
"  of  myself:  I  have  done  so  :  I  have  assisted  as  an  auditor,  and 
"  an  arbiter,  in  an  assembly  of  bishops  ;  we  have  examined, 
"  and,  by  the  grace  of  God,  we  have  settled,  what  must  be 
'<  believed  I"  Neither  Constantine  nor  any  other  of  the  Greek 
emperors,  so  jealous  of  their  theological  prerogative,  ever  used 
a  more  positive  language. 

Charlemagne  went  still  farther  in  the  question  of  images. 
Leo  IV.,  the  son  of  Constantine  Copronymous,  as  zealous  an 
image-breaker  as  his  father,  had  banished  his  wife  Irene,  be- 
cause she  hid  images  beneath  her  pillow.  This  devout  and 
ambitious  princess  coming  afterwards  to  the  government,  dur- 
ing the  minority  of  her  son  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta,  with 
whom  she  was  associated  in  the  empire,  re-established  that 
worship  which  she  loved,  from  policy  no  less  than  piety.  The 
second  council  of  Nice  accordingly  decreed,  that  we  ought  to 
render  to  images  an  honorary  worship,  but  not  a  real  adoratioHy 
which  is  due  to  God  alone.  Unfortunately,  however,  the 
translation  of  the  acts  of  this  council,  which  pope  Adrian  sent 
into  France,  was  so  incorrect,  that  the  sense  of  the  article  rela- 
ting to  images  was  entirely  perverted,  running  thus  :  "  I  receive 
"  and  honour  images  according  to  that  adoration  which  I  pay  to 
the  Trinity.''  Charles  was  so  much  incensed  at  this  impiety, 
that  he  composed,  with  the  aid  of  the  clergy,  what  are  called 
the  Caroline  Books,  in  which  the  council  of  Nice  is  treated 
with  the  utmost  contempt  and  abuse.  He  sent  those  books  to 
Adrian,  desiring  him  to  excommunicate  the  empress  and  her 
son.  The  pope  prudently  excused  himself  on  the  score  of 
images,  making  Charles  sensible  of  the  mistake  upon  which 
he  had  proceeded  ;  but  he  insinuated  at  the  same  time,  that  he 
would  declare  Irene  and  Constantine  heretics,  unles  they  should 
restore  certain  lands  which  had  belonged  to  the  church;  artful- 
ly hinting  at  certain  projects  which  he  had  formed  for  the  exal- 
tation of  the  Romish  church  and  the  French  monarchy  ^^.  The 
exaltation  of  the  monarchy  was  approaching,  though  Adrian 
did  not  live  to  be  the  instrument  of  it. 

Leo  III.,  who  succeeded  Adrian  in  the  papacy,  sent  to  Char- 

«Q-  lemagne  the  standard  of  Rome,  requesting  him  to  send 

*  some  person  to  receive  the  oath  of  fidelity  from  the 

\2  El^ mens  d' Hist.  Gen.  parAI.  I'Abbe  Millot,  par.  II. 


LET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  91 

Romans'^ ;  a  most  flattering  instance  of  submission,  as  well  as 
a  proof  that  the  soverei.s:nty  of  Rome,  at  that  time,  belonged  to 
the  kings  of  France.  Three  years  after,  Pascal  and  Campule, 
two  relatives  of  the  late  pope,  not  only  offered  themselves  as 
accusers  of  Leo,  but  attacked  him  in  the  public  streets,  and 
severely  wounded  him.  He  made  his  escape  by  the  assistance 
of  some  friends,  and  the  duke  of  Spoleto,  general  of  the  French 
forces,  sent  him  under  an  escort  to  Charlemagne.  The  king 
received  him  with  great  respect,  sent  him  back  with  a  nume- 
rous retinue,  and  went  soon  after  to  Italy  to  do  him  justice. 

At  Rome,  Charles  passed  six  days  in  private  conferences 
with  the  pope  ;  after  which  he  convoked  the  bishops  ^^^ 

and  nobles,  to  examine  the  accusation  brought  against 
the  pontiff.  "  The  apostolic  see,"  exclaimed  the  bishops,  *'  can- 
^'  not  be  judged  by  man!"     Leo,  however,  spoke  to  the  accu- 
sation :  he  said  that  the  king  came  to  k?iow  the  cause;  and  no 
proof  appearing  against  him,  he  purged  himself  by  oath^^. 

The  trial  of  a  pope  was  doubtless  an  uncommon  scene;  but 
one  soon  followed  yet  more  extraordinary.  On  Christmas-day, 
as  the  king  assisted  at  mass  in  St.  Peter's  church,  in  the  midst 
of  the  ecclesiastical  ceremonies,  and  while  he  was  on  his  knees 
before  the  altar,  the  supreme  pontiff  advanced,  and  put  an  im- 
perial crown  upon  his  head.  As  soon  as  the  people  perceived 
it,  they  cried  ''  Long  life  and  victory  to  Charles  Augustus, 
*'  crowned  by  the  hand  of  God  ! — Long  live  the  great  and  pi- 
"  ous  emperor  of  the  Romans  !"  The  pope  then  conducted  him 
to  a  magnificent  throne,  which  had  been  prepared  for  the  occa- 
sion ;  and  as  soon  as  he  was  seated,  paid  him  those  honours 
which  his  predecessors  had  been  accustomed  to  pay  to  the  Ro- 
man emperors,  declaring,  that,  instead  of  bearing  the  title  of 
Patrician,  he  should  henceforth  be  styled  Emperor  and  Augus- 
tus. Leo  now  presented  him  with  the  imperial  mantle;  uith 
which  being  invested,  Charles  returned  amidst  the  acclamations 
of  the  multitude  to  his  palace'*. 

The  pope  had  surely  no  right  to  proclaim  an  emperor  ;  but 
Charles  w^as  worthy  of  the  imperial  ensigns ;  and,  although  he 
cannot  be  properly  ranked  among  the  successors  of  Augustus, 
he  is  justly  considered  as  the  founder  of  the  New  Empire  of 
the  West. 

Charlemagne  was  no  sooner  proclaimed  emperor  than  his 
title  was  generally  acknowledged  ;  and  he  received  several  em- 
bassies, which  must  have  given  him  high  satisfaction,  as  they 
did  equal  honour  to  the  prince  and  the  man.  Irene,  the  most 
artful  and  ambitious  woman  of  her  time,  who  had  deposed  her 

13  Egin.  Fit.  Car.  Ma^.  14  Anast.  Vit.  Leon.  15  Anast.— Egia.  Ann. 


J2  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

son  that  she  might  reign  alone,  proposed  marriage  to  the  new 
emperor.  This  proposal  was  made  with  a  view  of  securing  her 
Italian  dominions,  which  she  was  informed  Charles  intended  to 
seize;  and  the  matrimonial  treaty  was  actually  concluded,  when 
Nicephorus,  the  patrician,  conspired  against  her,  banished  her 
to  the  isle  of  Lesbos,  and  ascended  the  imperial  throne.  By  a 
Q., ,  treaty  between  Charles  and  this  prince,  the  limits  of 
'  the  two  empires  were  settled  ;  and  Calabria,  Sicily, 
the  coast  of  Naples,  Dalmatia,  and  Venice,  were  to  continue 
under  the  dominion  of  the  Greek  emperor'*.  This  treaty  proves 
that  the  Venetians  were  not  yet  altogether  independent;  but 
they  aspired  at  independence,  and  soon  deservedly  attained  it. 

The  renown  of  Charles  extended  even  into  Asia.  He  i^ept  a 
coiTespondence  with  the  famous  Haroun  Al-Rashid,  one  of 
those  khalifs  who  contributed  most  to  enlighten  and  polish  the 
Arabs.  This  prince  valued  the  friendship  of  Charlemagne 
above  that  of  all  other  potentates  ;  as  a  proof  of  which,  he 
complimented  him  with  an  embassy  soon  after  he  was  pro- 
claimed emperor,  and  ceded  to  him — if  not  the  lordship  of  Je- 
rusalem, as  some  authors  affirm — at  least  the  holy  places  in 
that  city,  whither  devotion  already  led  a  great  number  of  Chris- 
tians. Among  the  presents  which  the  ambassadors  of  Al-Rashid 
brought  into  France  was  a  striking  clock,  the  first  ever  seen  in 
that  kingdom  ;  for,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  Charlemagne 
to  enlighten  his  nation,  his  subjects  were  not  equal  to  those  of 
Haroun  in  knowledge,  or  in  the  arts,  either  liberal  or  mechanical. 
The  Arabs  might  then  have  been  preceptors  to  all  Europe. 

I  must  here  say  a  few  words  of  this  surprising  phenomenon. 

The  Abassides,  having  ascended  the  throne  of  Mohammed, 
transferred  the  seat  of  empire  from  Damascus  to  Cufa,  and  af- 
terwards to  Bagdad.  Thither  the  khalif  Al-Mansour  attracted 
the  arts  and  sciences.  The  Greeks  had  furnished  ideas  and  com- 
municated taste  to  their  barbarous  conqueror* — a  species  of  tri- 
umph reserved  for  civilised  nations,  even  in  a  state  of  servitude. 
Al-Mohdi,  successor  of  AJ-Mansour,  cultivated  these  precious 
seeds;  and  Al-Rashid,  who  was  the  son  of  Al-Mohdi,  augment- 
ed their  fecundity  by  his  knowledge  and  attention,  being  equally 
liberal  and  enlightened.  Under  Al-Mansour,  iVl-Motasem,  Al- 
VVathek,  and  their  immediate  successors,  the  sciences  flourished 
still  more  ;  but,  at  length,  dissensions  and  civil  wars  robbed  the 
Arabs,  in  their  turn,  of  the  fruits  of  genius  and  the  lights  of 
learning,  which  are  almost  inseparable  from  public  tranquillity. 

In  all  nations  the  same  revolutions  are  produced  nearly  by 
the  same  causes.  Nothing  merits  your  attention  more  in  the 
study  of  history. 

16Egin.  Vii.  Car.  Mag. — Theoph.  Chronographia. 


LET.  IX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  «5 

One  of  the  principal  causes  of  the  fall  of  empires  has  ever 
been,  but  more  especially  in  modern  times,  the  error  of  dividing 
the  same  monarchy  among  different  princes.  The  custom  pre- 
vailed before  the  time  of  Charlemagne  ;  he  followed  it  by  a  tes- 
tamentary division  of  his  dominions  among  his  three  ^^^ 
sons,  Charles,  Pepin,  and  Louis.  The  particulars  of  *  * 
this  division  are  of  little  consequence,  as  only  Louis  survived 
his  father.  It  is  necessary,  however,  to  observe,  that  the  Italian 
provinces  had  been  assigned  to  Pepin  ;  a  donation  which  was 
confirmed  to  his  son  Bernard,  with  the  title  of  King  of  Italy, 
and  proved  the  ruin  of  that  prince  as  well  as  the  cause  of  much 
disturbance  to  the  empire. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  emperor  was  threatened  by  a  new 
enemy,  and  the  most  formidable  he  had  ever  encountered.  The 
Normans,  as  the  French  call  them,  or  the  inhabitants  of  the 
great  northern  peninsula  of  Europe  (of  whom  I  shall  afterwards 
more  particularly  treat),  had  long  harassed  the  coasts  of  his  ex- 
tensive dominions  with  their  robberies  and  piracies ;  and,  not- 
withstanding the  wise  measures  of  Charles,  who  created  a  pow- 
erful marine,  and  took  every  other  precaution  against  their  rava- 
vages,  they  not  only  continued  their  depredations,  but  made  a 
formal  descent  in  Friesland,  under  Godfrey  the  Dane.  q,  ^ 

Charles  assembled  all  his  forces  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  the  Rhine,  and  was  preparing  for  a  decisive  battle,  which 
might  perhaps  have  terminated  the  empire  of  the  Franks,  as 
Godfrey  was  not  inferior  to  the  emperor  either  in  valour  or  mi- 
litary skill,  and  had  a  numerous  body  of  fearless  adventurers 
under  his  command.  But  the  issue  of  this  battle  was  prevented 
by  the  death  of  that  prince,  who  was  assassinated  by  one  of  his 
followers.  His  forces  were  immediately  re-embarked;  and  a 
peace  was  afterwards  concluded  with  his  nephew. 

The  satisfaction  which  Charles  must  have  received  from  this 

deliverance,  and  the  general  tranquillity  which  he  now  enjoyed, 

were  more  than  balanced  by  his  domestic  misfortunes.  He  lost 

his  favourite  daughter  Rotrude,  and  two  of  his  sons.  Soon  after 

the  death  of  his  son  Charles,  he  associated  Louis  with  „,  „ 

y,;.-^  ;    ♦!,  •        'pu  i  a.d.813. 

nmi  m  the  empire.    1  he  ceremony  was  very  solemn. 

As  if  this  great  man  had  foreseen  the  usurpations  of  the  church, 

he  placed  the  imperial  crown  upon  the  altar,  and  ordered  the 

prince  to  put  it  on  his  own  head''' ;  intimating  thereby,  that  he 

he  held  it  only  of  God. 

The  emperor  died  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  his  usual  residence,  in 

the  seventy-second  year  of  his  age,  and  the  forty-  t       q,  . 

sixth  of  his  reign.     The  glory  of  the  French  empire 

17  Theogani,  Vit.  Iiucjovici  PH. 


^4  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

seemed  to  expire  with  him.  He  possessed  all  France,  the 
gi-eater  part  of  Germany,  a  part  of  Spain,  the  Low  Countries, 
and  the  continent  of  Italy  as  far  as  Benevento.  But,  to  govern 
such  an  extent  of  territory,  a  monarch  must  be  endowed  with 
the  genius  of  a  Charlemagne. 


LETTER  X. 


Of  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne  and  the  Churchy  from  the  Ac- 
cession of  Louis  the  Debonnaire  to  the  Death  of  Charles  the 
Bald. 

THE  history  of  Europe,  for  several  ages  after  the  death  of 
Charlemagne,  is  little  more  than  a  catalogue  of  crimes,  and  a 
register  of  the  debasing  effects  of  ignorance  and  superstition. 
His  empire  soon  experienced  the  same  fate  with  that  of  Alexan- 
der. It  had  quickly  attained  its  height;  and  yet,  while  animated 
by  the  superior  genius  of  Charles,  it  possessed  a  surprising  de- 
gree of  strength  and  harmony.  But  these  not  being  natural  to 
idle  feudal  system,  the  discordant  elements  began  to  separate 
under  his  son  Louis  the  Debonnairie  (so  called  on  account  of  the 
gentleness  of  his  manners),  and  that  vast  body  no  longer  in- 
formed by  the  same  spirit,  was  in  a  short  time  entirely  dismem- 
bered. 

Louis,  though  a  prince  of  some  abilities,  was  unable  to  sup- 
port so  great  a  weight  of  empire ;  and  his  piety  and  parental 
fondness,  however  amiable  in  themselves,  enfeebled  a  character 
already  too  weak,  and  an  authority  never  respected.  He  ren- 
dered himself  odious  to  the  clergy  by  attempting  to  reform  cer- 
tain abuses,  without  foreseeing  that  this  powerful  body  would 
not  pay  the  same  submission  which  had  been  given  to  the  supe- 
rior capacity  of  his  father.  More  religious  than  politic,  he  spent 
less  time  in  settling  the  affairs  of  his  empire  than  those  of  his 
soul,  not  considering  that  true  religion  consists  in  fulfilling  the 
duties  of  our  station,  and  that  the  practices  of  the  cloister  are 
improperly  associated  with  the  functions  of  the  throne.  But  his 
greatest  error  was  occasioned  by  his  paternal  affection,  and  a 
blind  imitation  of  his  father's  example,  in  dividing  his  dominions 
o,_  a^!ung  his  children.  Three  years  after  his  accession 
*•  °*  ^^  '•  to  the  throne,  he  admitted  his  eldest  son  Lothaire  to 


LET.  X.  MODERN  EUROPE.  95 

a  participation  of  the  French  and  German  territories,  declared 
Pepin  king  of  Aquitaine,  and  created  Louis  king  of  Bavaria'. 
Bernard,  king  of  Ital)%  was  offended  at  this  division.     He 
thought  his  right  to  the  empire  superior  to  the  claim  of  Lothaire, 
as  his  father  Pepin  was  elder  brother  to  Louis.     The  primate  of 
Milan  and  the  bishop  of  Cremona  encouraging  his  pretensions, 
he  revolted,  and  levied  war  against  his  uncle,  in  contempt  of  the 
imperial  authority,  to  which  his  crown  was  subject.    Louis  act- 
ed on  this  occasion  with  greater  vigour  tlian  either  his  friends 
or  his  enemies  expected:  he  immediately  raised  a  powerful  army? 
and  was  preparing  to  cross  the  Alps,  when  Bernard  was  aban- 
doned by  his  troops.     That  unfortunate  prince  was  made  pri- 
soner, and  condemned  to  lose  his  head  ;  but  his  uncle,  by  a  sin- 
gular kind  of  lenity,  mitigated  the  sentence  to  the  loss  ^ ,  ^ 
of  his  eyes.    He  died  three  days  after  the  punishment 
was  inflicted ;  and  Louis,  to  prevent  future  troubles  ordered 
three  natural  sons  of  Charlemagne  to  be  shut  up  in  a  convent^. 
In  consequence  of  these  rigours,  the  emperor  was  seized  with 
keen  remorse  ;  accusing  himself  of  the  murder  of  his  nephew, 
and  of  tyrannic  cruelty  to  his  brothers,  inhumanly  secluded  from 
the  world.  He  was  encouraged  by  the  monks  in  this  melancholy 
humour ;  which  at  last  grew  to  such  a  height,  that  he  impeach- 
ed himself  in  an  assembly  of  the  states,  and  begged  the  bishops 
to  enjoin  him  public  penanced    The  clergy,  now  sensible  of  his 
weakness,  set  no  bounds  to  their  usurpations.  The  popes  thought 
they  might  do  any  thing  under  so  pious  a  prince:  they  did  not 
wait  for  the  emperor's  confirmation  of  their  election,  but  imme- 
diately assumed  the  tiara,  and  were  guilty  of  other  irregulari- 
ties. The  bishops  exalted  themselves  above  the  throne,  and  the 
whole  fraternity  of  the  church  claimed  an  exemption  from  all 
civil  jurisdiction.  Even  the  monks,  while  they  pretended  to  re- 
nounce the  world,  seemed  to  aspire  to  die  government  of  it. 

Louis,  by  the  advice  of  his  ministers,  who  were  desirous  of 
diverting  him  from  his  monastic  habits,  had  married  a  second 
wife,  who  was  distinguished  both  by  her  mental  and  personal 
qualities.     This  princess  brought  him  a  son,  after-  c>9j, 

wards  known  by  the  name  of  Charles  the  Bald,  whose  '^'  ■°'  "  * 
birth  was  the  occasion  of  much  joy,  but  proved  the  cause  of 
many  sorrows.  She  pressed  her  husband  to  put  Charles  on  a 
footing  with  his  other  children,  by  a  new  division  of  his  domi- 
nions. Lothaire,  sensible  of  the  wishes  of  his  indulgent  father, 
and  prevailed  on  by  the  entreaties  of  this  fond  mother,  consent- 
ed to  resign  a  part  of  his  territories  to  Charles.  But  ^^^ 
he  soon  repented  of  his  too  easy  concession  ;  and  the 

1  Nithard.  de  Dissensiojiibvs  Filiorum  Ludozici  Pi'  9.  Vit.  IauI.PH, 

3  Vii.  Lml.  Pii. 


96  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

three  brothers,  by  a  remarkable  association,  joined  in  a  rebel- 
lion aga.  ,st  their  father ^ 

These  disorders  uere  fostered  by  Walla  abbot  of  Corbie,  a 
monk  of  high  birth,  wlio  had  formerly  been  in  the  confidence  of 
Louis,  but  was  now  in  disgrace.  He  declaimed  against  the  court, 
and  against  the  empress  in  particular,  accusing  her  of  an  adul- 
terous commerce  w  ith  count  Bernard,  the  prime  minister.  His 
p^„^  schemes  succeeded.  The  emperor  was  abandoned  by 
'  his  army,  and  made  prisoner  with  his  wife  Judith,  and 
her  son  Charles.  The  empress  was  shut  up  in  a  cloister,  and 
Louis  himself  would  have  been  oblisred  to  take  the  monastic 
habit,  had  it  not  been  supposed  that  he  would  make  a  volun- 
tary resignation  of  his  crown.  He  had  the  courage,  however, 
to  insist  on  the  rectitude  of  his  intentions,  while  he  acknow- 
ledged his  errors,  and  promised  to  act  with  greater  circumspec- 
tion in  future.  The  nobility  pitied  their  humbled  sovereign  ; 
and  by  the  intrigues  of  the  monk  Gondebaud,  who  sowed  dis- 
sensions among  the  brothers,  Louis  was  restored  to  his  digni- 
ty, and  seemingly  reconciled  with  his  family*. 

The  first  use  that  the  emperor  made  of  his  liberty  was  to  re- 
cal  his  consort  to  court,  though  without  the  permission  of  the 
pope,  as  she  had  formally  taken  the  veil.  Bernard  was  also  re- 
called, and  Walla  banished ;  yet  Louis  did  not  long  enjoy  either 
peace  or  tranquillity.  The  monk  Gondebaud  thought  he  had 
a  right  to  be  prime  minister,  as  the  reward  of  his  services  ;  and, 
as  women  generally  repay  flattery  with  favour,  they  as  gene- 
rally reserve  vengeance  for  insult ;  the  empress  brought  her  an- 
P„^  imosities  to  court  with  her.  Walla's  friends  were 
'persecuted,  and  Lothaire  was  deprived  of  the  dtle 
of  emperor,  that  the  succession  might  be  reserved  for  young 
Charles.  The  three  brothers  now  formed  a  new  league  against 
their  father*.  Count  Bernard,  dissatisfied  with  his  master's 
conduct,  joined  the  rebels;  and  Gregory  IV.,  then  pope,  went  to 
France  in  the  army  of  Lothaire,  under  pretence  of  accommoda- 
ting matters,  but  really  with  an  intention  of  employing  against 
the  emperor  that  power  which  he  derived  from  him,  being  plea- 
sed w  ith  the  opportunity  of  asserting  the  supremacy  and  inde- 
pendence of  the  holy  see. 

The  presence  of  the  pope,  in  those  days  of  superstition,  was 
of  itself  sufficient  to  determine  the  fate  of  Louis.  After  a  de- 
ceitful negotiation,  and  an  interview  with  Gregory  on  the  part 
of  Lothaire,  the  unfortunate  emperor  found  himself  at  the  mercy 
of  his  rebelHous  sons.  He  was  deposed  in  a  tumultuous  assem- 

4  Nithai-d.  de  Dissens.  Fil.  Lud.  PH.  5  fit.  Lud.  PHc 

6  Nithard.  de  Dissens.  Fil.  Lud.  Fit. 


LET.  X.  MODERN  EUROPE.  97 

bly,  and  Lothaire  was  proclaimed  in  his  stead\  After  q^^ 

that  infamous  transaction  the  pope  returned  to  Rome.    '    *     "^* 

In  order  to  give  permanency  to  this  revolution,  as  well  as  to 
apologise  for  their  own  conduct,  the  bishops  of  Lothaire's  fac- 
tion had  recourse  to  an  artifice  like  that  which  had  been  used 
for  the  degradation  of  king  Wamba  in  Spain.  "  A  penitent," 
said  they,  "  is  incapable  of  all  civil  offices ;  a  royal  penitent 
"  must  therefore  be  incapable  of  reigning ;  let  us  subject  Louis 
"  to  a  perpetual  penance,  and  he  can  never  re-ascend  the 
*'  throne.''  He  was  accordingly  arraigned  in  the  assembly  of 
the  states,  by  Ebbo,  archbishop  of  Rheims(  who  had  been  raised 
by  his  bounty  from  the  condition  of  a  slave),  and  condemned 
to  do  penance  for  life'. 

Louis  was  then  prisoner  in  a  monastery  at  Soissons;  and  be- 
ing much  intimidated,  he  patiendy  submitted  to  a  ceremony  no 
less  solemn  than  debasing.  He  prostrated  himself  on  a  hair- 
cloth, which  was  spread  before  the  altar,  and  owned  himself 
guilty  of  the  charges  brought  against  him,  in  the  presence  of 
many  bishops,  canons,  and  monks;  Lothaire  being  also  present, 
in  order  to  enjoy  the  sight  of  his  father's  humiliation.  But  this 
acknowledgment  was  not  deemed  sufficient :  he  was  obliged  to 
read  aloud  a  written  confession,  in  which  he  was  made  to  ac- 
cuse himself  of  sacrilege  and  murder,  and  to  number  among  his 
crimes  the  marching  of  troops  in  Lent,  calling  an  assembly  on 
Holy-Thursday,  and  taking  arms  to  defend  himself  against  his 
rebellious  children  ! — for  superstition  can  transform  into  crimes 
the  most  innocent  and  even  the  most  necessary  actions.  After 
having  finished  his  confession,  this  unhappy  prince,  by  order  of 
the  ungrateful  archbishop,  laid  aside  his  sword  and  belt,  divest- 
ed himself  of  the  royal  robes,  put  on  the  penitential  sackcloth, 
and  had  a  cell  assigned  to  him. 

But  the  feelings  of  nature,  and  the  voice  of  humanity,  pre- 
vailed over  the  prejudices  of  the  age,  and  the  policy  of  the  clergy, 
Lothaire  became  an  object  of  general  abhorrence,  and  his  father 
of  compassion  :  his  two  brothers  united  against  him,  in  behalf 
of  that  father  whom  they  had  contributed  to  humble.  The  no- 
bility returned  to  their  obedience  :  they  paid  homage 
to  Louis,  as  their  lawful  sovereign ;  and  the  ambi- 
tious Lothaire  w^as  obliged  to  crave  mercy  in  the  sight  of  the 
whole  army,  at  the  feet  of  a  parent,  and  an  emperor,  whom  he 
had  lately  insulted  in  the  habit  of  a  penitent^.  He  received  it, 
and  v/as  permitted  to  retain  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  which  he  had 
enjoyed  from  the  flme  of  Bernard's  death. 

7  Fit.  Lud.  PH.  8  Vit.  Lud.  PH.  9  Nithard.  de  Dissens,  Fil.  Lud.  Pii 

Vol.  L  N 


98  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Louis  immediately  demanded  absolution  (such  was  his  weak- 
ness!), and,  in  a  general  assembly  at  Thionville,  he  was  formal- 
ly restored  to  his  dignity.  He  might  now  have  ended  his  days 
in  peace,  but  for  the  intrigues  of  Judith,  who,  still  ambitious  of 
the  aggrandisement  of  her  son,  again  entered  into  a  negotiation 
with  Lothaire,  in  consequence  of  the  death  of  his  brother  Pepin, 
ong  An  assembly  was  convoked  at  Worms,  to  which  he 
'was  invited.  His  father  received  him  kindly  ;  the  em- 
press loaded  him  with  caresses.  The  kingdom  of  Neustria^" 
had  lately  been  added  to  the  dominions  of  her  son ;  and  her 
present  object  was,  to  engage  Lothaire  in  a  scheme  by  which 
Charles  should  also  become  possessed  of  Aquitaine,  at  the  ex- 
pense of  Pepin's  children.  Lothaire  assented  to  what  he  was 
not  in  a  condition  to  dispute.  But  Louis,  king  of  Bavaria, 
though  not  injured  by  this  new  division  of  the  empire,  was  so 
much  incensed  at  its  supposed  injustice,  that  he  assembled  the 
whole  force  of  his  dominions.  His  father  marched  against  him, 
but  became  suddenly  indisposed ;  and,  an  eclipse  of  the  sun 
happening  at  the  same  time,  the  superstitious  old  man  had  the 
vanity  to  think  that  Heaven  had  taken  the  trouble  to  foretel  to 
mankind  the  death  of  a  prince  whose  very  virtues  seemed  al- 
most to  dishonour  the  throne,  and  who  ought  never  to  have 
stirred  beyond  the  walls  of  a  cloister.  He  therefore  repeatedly 
received  the  communion,  and  scarcely  took  any  other  nourish- 
ment, till  his  piety  fulfilled  the  prediction  which  his  folly  had 
suggested". 

T  o  .„  Louis  died  near  Mentz,  in  the  sixty-fourth  year  of 
'  his  age  and  the  twenty-seventh  of  his  reign.  He  left 
a  crown,  a  sword,  and  a  very  rich  sceptre,  to  Lothaire,  by 
which  it  was  supposed  he  also  left  him  the  empire,  on  condition 
that  he  should  fulfil  his  engagements  to  Judith  and  Charles. — 
The  bishop  of  Mentz,  observing  that  he  had  left  nothing  to  his 
son  Louis,  then  in  arms  against  him,  reminded  him  that  forgive- 
ness at  least  was  his  duty.  "  Yes,  I  forgive  him  !"  cried  the 
dying  prince,  with  great  emotion  ;  "  but  tell  him  from  me,  that 
"  he  ought  to  seek  forgiveness  of  God,  for  bringing  my  grey 
"  hairs  in  sorrow  to  the  grave.^' 

A  bad  son,  my  dear  Philip,  cannot  be  expected  to  make  a 
good  brother  ;  for  the  natural  feelings  in  the  second  relation  are 
necessarily  weaker  than  in  the  first;  you  will  not,  therefore,  be 
surprised  to  find  the  sons  of  Louis  the  Debonnalre  armed  against 
each  other.  No  sooner  was  Lothaire  informed  of  his  father's 
death  than  he  considered  himself  as  emperor  in  the  most  ex- 

10  The  nortli-v.estein  part  of  France,  including  Paris,  was  so  callet'.     U  Vit.  Lud.  Pit. 


LET.  X.  MODERN  EUROPE.  99 

tensive  sense  of  the  word,  and  resolved  to  make  himself  master 
of  the  whole  imperial  dominions,  regardless  of  his  engao^ements 
in  favour  of  Charles  the  Bald,  or  the  right  of  his  brother  Louis 
to  the  kingdom  of  Bavaria.  And  he  seemed  likely  to  attain  the 
object  of  his  ambition.  He  was  a  prince  of  great  subtlety  and 
address,  could  wear  the  complexion  of  the  times,  and  was  pos- 
sessed of  an  extensive  territory,  beside  the  title  of  emperor, 
which  was  still  much  respected:  he  therefore  assured  himself  of 
success  against  his  brothers:  Charles  being  only  a  youth  of  se- 
venteen, under  the  tuition  of  his  mother,  and  Louis  a  prince  of 
no  high  reputation.  He  was  deceived,  however,  in  his  conjec- 
tures. These  two  princes,  united  by  a  sense  of  common  interest, 
gave  him  battle  at  Fontenai,  in  Burgundy,  where  y  ^~  ^.^ 
fraternal  hatred  appeared  in  all  its  horrors.    Few  ^' 

engagements  have  been  so  bloody,  if  (as  it  is  said)  100,000  men 
fell  on  the  spot.  Lothaire  and  his  nephew  Pepin  (who  had 
joined  him  to  assert  his  right  to  the  crown  of  Aquitaine)  were 
totally  defeated^^  Pepin  fled  to  Aquitaine,  and  his  uncle  to- 
wards Italy,  abandoning  France  to  the  victorious  army. 

Nothing  now  remained  for  Louis  and  Charles  but  to  secure 
their  conquests.  For  this  purpose  they  applied  to  the  clergy; 
and  with  hopes  the  more  flattering,  as  Lothaire,  in  order  to 
raise  troops  with  greater  expedition,  had  promised  the  Saxons 
the  liberty  of  renouncing  Christianity,  or,  in  other  words,  liber- 
ty of  conscience,  the  very  idea  of  which  was  abhorred  by  the 
church  of  Rome.  Several  bishops  assembled  at  Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle ;  and,  after  examining  the  misconduct  of  the  emperor, 
asked  the  two  princes,  whether  they  chose  to  follow  his  exam- 
ple, or  govern  according  to  the  laws  of  God.  Their  answer 
may  easily  be  imagined.  "  Receive  then  the  kingdom  by  the 
divine  authority,"  added  the  prelates :  "  we  exhort  you,  we 
command  you  to  receive  it*^" 

This  command  would  have  taken  effect  in  its  most  compre- 
hensive meaning,  if  Lothaire  had  respected  it  as  much  as  his 
brothers.  But  that  artful  prince,  by  means  of  his  indulgence  to 
the  Saxons,  and  other  politic  expedients,  was  enabled  to  procure 
a  new  army.  He  again  became  formidable.  The  two  victorious 
princes,  therefore,  thought  it  adviseable  to  negotiate  with  him. 
By  a  new  treaty  of  division,  he  was  left  in  possession  of  the  king- 
dom of  Italy,  with  the  imperial  dignity,  and  the  countries  situ- 
ated between  the  Rhone  and  the  Alps,  the  Meuse  and  the  Rhine. 
Charles  retained  Neustria  and  Aquitaine;  and  Louis,  after- 
wards styled  the  German,  had  all  the  provinces  on  the  other 
side  of  the  Rhine,  and  some  cities  on  this  side  of  it'*. 

12  Nithard.  de  Disserts.  Fil.  Lud.  Pit.        13  NitharJ .—^/ma?.  Mettns.      14  Nithnri 


100  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

The  extinction  of  the  civil  war  made  but  one  evil  less  in  the 
empire  of  Charlemagne,  ravaged  in  different  parts  by  the  Nor- 
mans, and  by  the  Saracens,  who  pillaged  Italy.  The  turbulent 
independence  of  the  nobles,  accustomed  during  the  last  reign 
to  despise  the  prince  and  the  laws — the  discontents  of  the  clergy 
— and  the  ambitious  projects  of  both — were  the  sources  of  new 
troubles.  Every  thing  threatened  the  most  fatal  revolutions ; 
every  thing  tended  to  anarchy. 

To  lessen  these  evils,  the  three  brothers  entered  into  an  asso- 
ciation, the  effect  of  weakness  more  than  affection,  by  which  the 
enemies  of  one  were  to  be  considered  as  tlie  enemies  of  all  (so 
low  was  the  empire  of  the  great  Charles  !);  and,  in  an  assembly 
at  Mersen  on  the  Meuse,  they  settled  certain  consti- 
^'^'  '  tutions  relative  to  the  succession,  and  other  public 
matters.  By  these  it  was  established,  that  the  children  of  the 
reigning  prince,  whether  of  age  or  under  age,  should  succeed  to 
his  dominions,  and  owe  nothing  to  the  other  princes  of  the  mo- 
narchy but  the  respect  due  to  the  ties  of  blood" — a  regulation 
well  calculated  to  prevent  civil  wars,  though  it  proved  ineffec- 
tual in  those  disorderly  times.  But  other  constitutions  of  the 
same  assembly  tended  to  enfeeble  the  royal  authority,  which 
liad  already  too  much  need  of  support.  They  imported,  that  the 
crown  vassals  should  no  longer  be  obliged  to  follow  the  king, 
unless  in  general  wars,  occasioned  by  foreign  invasions  ;  and 
that  every  free  man  should  be  at  liberty  to  choose,  whether  he 
would  be  the  vassal  of  the  king  or  of  a  subject.  The  first  of 
these  regulations  increased  the  independence  of  the  crown  vas- 
sals, aud  the  second  their  power,  by  augmenting  the  number  of 
their  retainers  ;  for  many  jiersons  chose  rather  to  depend  upon 
some  neighbouring  nobleman,  whose  immediate  protection  they 
might  claim  (at  a  time  when  protection  was  necessary,  inde- 
pendent of  the  laws),  than  on  the  sovereign,  whose  attention 
they  had  less  reason  to  expect,  and  whose  aid  was  more  distant 
or  doubtful. 

Lothaire,  some  years  after,  took  the  habit  of  a  monk,  that,  ac- 
cording to  the  language  of  those  times,  he  might  atone  for  his 
crimes,  and,  though  he  had  lived  a  tyrant,  die  a  saint.  In  this 
pious  disguise  he  expired,  before  he  had  worn  it  for  a  week.  He 
o     *  pec  h^^  divided  his  dominions  among  his  three  sons;  and 

P  '  'by  virtue  of  the  treaty  of  Mersen,  they  quietly  suc- 
ceeded to  their  allotments.  Louis  had  Italy,  with  the  title  of 
emperor  :  Lothaire  ruled  over  that  country  which  from  him  re- 
ceived the  appellation  of  the  kingdom  of  Lotharingia,  a  more  ex- 
tensive territory  than  the  subsequent  Lorrain :  Charles  became 

13  Ar.naL  Bertinian, 


tET.  X.  MODERN  EUROPE.  101 

king  of  Provence,  and  also  governed  the  district  since  called 
Dajiphine,  as  well  as  a  part  of  Burgundy.  Unnecessarily  in- 
creasing the  number  of  kings,  Charles  the  Bald,  the  uncle  of 
these  princes,  declared  his  infant  son  king  of  Aquitaine'^. 

Thus  was  the  empire  of  Charlemagne  weakened  by  subdivi- 
sions, till  it  became,  to  use  the  language  of  Shakspeare,  only  "a 
stage  to  feed  contention  on."  Foreign  invasions  conspired  with 
civil  dissensions  to  spread  terror  and  disorder  in  every  quarter, 
but  more  especially  through  the  dominions  of  Charles  the  Bald 
— a  prince  as  weak  as  his  father,  and  restless  as  his  mother. 
The  Normans  carried  fire  and  sword  into  the  heart  of  his  king- 
dom, to  Rouen,  and  even  to  the  gates  of  Paris.  Young  Pepin, 
son  of  the  last  king  of  Aquitaine,  joined  the  invaders,  and  ra- 
vaged that  country  over  which  he  had  been  born  to  reign.  No- 
menoge,  duke  of  Bretagne,  usurped  the  title  of  king,  which 
Charles  was  obliged  to  confirm  to  his  son  Herispee,  by  whom 
he  had  been  totally  defeated.  The  spirit  of  revolt  became  every- 
day more  general.  Some  factious  nobles  invited  Louis  the  Ger- 
man to  usurp  his  brother's  kingdom.  He  came  at  the  head  of 
a  powerful  army,  and  received  the  homage  of  the 
principal  nobility.  Venilon,  archbishop  of  Sens,  and '^*  ^' 
other  prelates  of  the  party  of  Louis,  at  the  same  time  declared 
that  Charles  had  forfeited  his  dignity  l:)y  mal-administration, 
and  crowned  his  brother". 

Charles,  however,  recovered  his  kingdom  as  quickly  as  he  had 
lost  it.  The  prelates,  who  were  his  friends,  excommunicated 
those  who  had  dethroned  him ;  which  brought  the  rebels  into 
contempt  and  even  abhorrence.  Louis  sent  back  his  army  into 
Germany,  that  he  might  not  give  umbrage  to  the  French,  and 
he  was  after\Aards  obliged  to  take  the  same  route  himself. 
Charles  no  sooner  appeared  than  he  was  universally  acknow- 
ledged :  his  restoration  did  not  cost  a  single  blow.  The  most 
terrible  anathemas  were  now  denounced  against  Louis  by  the 
French  clergy,  unless  he  should  submit  to  the  rigours  of  the 
church ;  and  he  was  weak  enough  to  reply,  that  he  must  first 
consult  the  bishops  of  his  own  kingdom'^ 

The  weakness  of  Charles  the  Bald  was  still  more  extraordi- 
nary. Having  assembled  a  council  to  judge  the  traitor  Venilon, 
he  presented  a  memorial  against  him,  in  which  is  the  following 
singular  passage :  "  I  ought  not  to  have  been  deposed,  or  at  least 
*^  not  before  I  had  been  judged  by  the  bishops,  who  gave  me  the 
*'  roi/al  authority  !  I  have  always  submitted  to  their  correctioiif 
"  and  am  ready  now  to  submit  to  it !"     Venilon  escaped  pun- 

16  Annal.  Fuldens.     17  ,1m*l.  Sertinian.—ConciL  Gal.  vol,  ii.    II  Mnal.  Berlin. 


102  THE  HISTORY  OF  i-art.  i. 

ishment  by  making  his  peace  with  the  prince  :  and  the  bishops 
of  the  council  bound  themselves  by  a  canon  to  remain  united, 
"  for  the  correction  of  kings^  the  nobility,  and  the  peopie^^  /" 

Various  circumstances  show,  that  the  clergy  now  aspired  to 
the  right  of  disposing  of  crowns,  which  they  founded  on  the  cus- 
tom of  anointing  kings.  They  employed  fictions  and  sophisms 
to  render  themselves  independent;  they  refused  the  oath  of  feal- 
ty, "because  sacred  hands  could  not,  without  abomination,  sub- 
*'  mit  to  hands  impure^"!"  One  usurpation  led  to  another ;  abuse 
constituted  right — a  quibble  appeared  a  divine  law  ;  ignorance 
sanctified  every  thing ;  and  we  may  safely  conclude,  from  the 
abject  language  of  Charles,  in  publicly  acknowledging  the 
right  of  the  bishops  to  depose  him,  and  other  examples  of  a 
similar  nature,  that  the  usurpations  of  the  clergy  were  in  a  great 
measure  occasioned  by  the  slavish  superstitions  of  the  laity, 
equally  blind,  wicked,  and  devout. 

The  zeal  of  the  bishops  to  establish  their  independence  was 
favourable  to  the  projects  of  the  court  of  Rome.  Sergius  II. 
had  taken  possession  of  the  apostolic  see,  in  844,  without  the 
approbation  of  Lothaire,  then  emperor  ;  ^^  ho,  incensed  at  such 
an  insult,  sent  his  son  Louis  to  Rome  with  troops  and  prelates. 
The  pope,  having  conducted  the  prince  to  St.  Peter's  gate, 
said  to  him,  "  I  permit  you  to  enter,  if  your  intentions  are  good; 
"  if  not,  I  will  not  suffer  you  to  enter !"  and  the  French  sol- 
diers being  guilty  of  some  irregularities,  he  actually  ordered  the 
gates  to  be  shut.  Lothaire  complained  ;  Sergius  was  cited  to 
appear  before  a  council ;  he  appeared,  and  justified  himself  in 
the  eye  of  the  priesthood^'.  Leo  IV.  celebrated  for  the  courage 
with  w hich  he  defended  Rome  against  the  Saracens,  and  Bene- 
dict III.,  elected  in  spite  of  the  emperor,  lived  in  peace  with 
royally  ;  but  Nicholas  I.,  more  bold  than  any  of  his  predeces- 
sors, made  himself  the  judge  of  kings  and  of  bishops,  and  re- 
alized the  chimera  of  lying  decretals. 

Before  I  adduce  any  instances  of  the  spirit  of  pope  Nicholas, 
I  will  take  cursory  notice  of  the  story  of  a  female  who  is  said  to 
have  filled  the  papal  chair  between  the  pontificates  of  Leo  and 
Benedict.  It  has  been  affirmed,  that  a  woman  of  English  ex- 
traction, but  of  German  birth,  studied  at  Rome  for  some  years 
in  the  disguise  of  a  man ;  and,  having  acquired  the  reputation 
of  an  able  theologian,  was  unanimously  elected  pontiff,  in  the 
year  855;  that  she  governed  the  church  above  a  twelvemonth; 
but,  having  been  criminally  connected  with  one  of  her  domestics, 
felt  the  pains  of  child-birth  in  a  public  procession,  and  died  soon 

19  Covcil.  Gal.  vol.  ii. — flisf.  Eccles.  par  Fleury.  20  Hist.  deVEglise  Gallic. 

21  Concil.  Gal.vo\.  il—Fltm-y,  Hist.  Eccks. 


lET.  X.  MODERN  EUROPE.  103 

after  she  had  been  dehvered.  This  story  does  not  appear  to 
have  been  mentioned  before  the  lapse  of  four  centuries  from 
the  period  to  which  it  is  assii^ned.  It  was  obviously  fabricated 
with  a  view  of  exposing  the  Romanists  to  ridicule  and  odium  ; 
and  it  is  disbelieved  by  every  man  of  candour  and  judgment. 

A  grand  occasion  offered  in  France  for  Nicholas  to  exercise 
that  authority  which  he  attributed  tohimself.  Lothaire,  „^-. 

king  of  Lorrain,  divorced  his  wife  Theutberge,  on  a    '    * 
charge  of  incest.  She  was  cleared  by  the  trial  of  boiling  water, 
but  afterwards  convicted  by  her  own  confession — if  an  involun- 
tary acknowledgment,  the  effect  of  violence  and  fear,  can  be 
called  conviction.    A  council  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  au-  ^-^ 

thorised  Lothaire  to  espouse  Walrade,  a  young  lady 
whom  he  had  seduced.  The  guilty  individuals  were  equally  de- 
sirous of  this  marriage;  but  the  pope,  affecting  to  be  shocked  at 
the  criminal  amour,  endeavoured  to  force  the  king  to  take  back 
his  first  wife.     For  this  purpose  he  ordered  the  bi-  ^^r, 

shops  to  hold  a  council  at  Mentz  with  his  legates,  and 
to  cite  and  judge  Lothaire.  They  confirmed  the  divorce,  con- 
trary to  the  expectations  of  the  pontiff — a  decree  which  so  much 
enraged  him,  that  he  deposed  the  bishops  of  Treves  and  Cologne, 
who  had  been  appointed  to  present  to  him  the  acts  of  the  coun- 
cil. These  prelates  complained  to  the  emperor  Louis  IL  He 
went  immediately  to  Rome,  displayed  his  authority,  and  seemed 
determined  to  repress  the  papal  power.  But  he  was  seized  with 
an  indisposition,  and  also  with  superstitious  fears  ;  and  he  re- 
tired, after  having  approved  the  conduct  of  Nicholas,  who  be- 
came still  more  imperious.  Lothaire  offered  to  justify  himself 
in  person  before  the  pope;  but  his  holiness  insisted  that  Walrade 
should  first  be  dismissed  ;  and  a  legate  threatened  the  king  with 
immediate  excommunication,  if  he  continued  in  disobedience. 
The  intimidated  prince  now  submitted;  he  recalled  Theutberge, 
and  even  consented  that  the  legate  should  lead  Walrade  in  tri- 
umph to  Rome.  She  set  out  on  that  mortifying  journey,  but  es- 
caped by  the  way  ;  and,  in  a  short  time,  resumed  her  place  both 
as  mistress  and  queen.  The  unfortunate  Theutberge,  sinking 
beneath  the  weight  of  persecution  and  neglect,  at  last  desired  to 
be  separated  from  Lothaire,  protesting  that  her  marriage  was 
void,  and  that  Walrade's  was  leo:itimate.  But  nothins:  could 
move  the  mflexible  Nicholas  :  he  continued  obstinate^^ 

We  may  consider  this  pope  as  the  forerunner  of  Gregory 
VIL;  and,  in  the  same  circumstances,  he  would  probably  have 
carried  his  ambition  to  the  same  height.  The  bishops  of  Treves 
and  Cologne  accused  him,  in  an  invective,  of  making  himself 

22  Hincmar  de  Divort,  Lothar.  et  Theutberg. 


104  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i. 

emperor  of  the  whole  world;  and  that  expression,  though  some- 
what strained,  was  not  altogether  without  foundation.  He  as- 
serted his  dominion  over  the  French  clergy,  by  re-establishing 
Rothade  of  Soissons,  who  had  been  deposed  by  a  provincial 
council;  and  he  received  appeals  from  all  ecclesiastics  dissatis- 
fied with  their  bishops.  By  these  means  he  accustomed  the  peo- 
ple to  acknowledge  a  supreme  tribunal  at  a  distance  from  their 
own  country,  and  consequently  a  foreign  sway.  He  gave  orders 
for  the  succession  to  the  kingdom  of  Provence,  which  Charles 
the  Bald  disputed  with  the  emperor  Louis,  brother  to  the  de- 
ceased king.  *'  Let  no  one  prevent  the  emperor,"  said  he,  in  a 
letter  on  that  subject,  "  from  governing  the  kingdoms  which  he 
"  holds  in  virtue  of  a  succession  confirmed  by  the  holy  see,  and 
*'  by  the  crown  which  the  sovereign  pontiff  has  set  upon  his 
«'  head." 

Nicholas  died  in  867;  but  his  principles  had  taken  such  deep 
root,  that  Adrian  H.,  his  successor,  though  more  moderate,  and 
desirous  of  peace,  thought  his  condescension  great  in  permitting 
the  king  of  Lorrain  to  come  to  Rome,  in  order  to  justify  him- 
o^o  self,  or  do  penance.  Charles  the  Bald  and  Louis  the 
*  German  waited  with  impatience  for  the  excommuni- 
cation of  their  nephew,  being  persuaded  that  they  should  then 
have  a  right  to  seize  his  dominions.  Thus  the  blind  ambition 
of  princes  favoured  the  exercise  of  a  power,  which  they  ought 
to  have  foreseen  might  be  turned  against  themselves  ;  which 
afterwards  became  the  scourge  of  royalty,  and  made  every 
crowned  head  tremble. 

Lothaire,  while  at  Rome,  employed  all  possible  means  to 
soften  the  pope;  he  received  the  communion  from  his  hand, 
after  having  sworn  that  he  had  avoided  all  criminal  commerce 
with  Walrade,  since  the  prohibition  of  Nicholas,  and  never 
would  have  any  in  future.  He  soon  after  died  at  Placentia. 
His  death  was  considered  as  a  just  vengeance,  as  a  mark  of  the 
divine  displeasure  against  perjury ;  and  it  rendered  the  proof 
by  the  eucharist  still  more  important. 

The  emperor  Louis  H.  ought  legally  to  have  succeeded  to 
the  dominions  of  the  deceased  king;  but  he  being  at  that  time 
employed  in  expelling  the  Saracens,  who  had  invaded  Italy,  and 
consequently  not  in  a  condition  to  assert  his  right  by  arms, 
Charles  the  Bald  seized  the  succession,  and  retained  it,  not- 
withstanding the  remonstrances  of  the  pope.  "  The  arms  which 
"  God  has  put  into  our  hand,"  said  Adrian,  *'  are  prepared  for 
"  his  defence^^!''  Charles  was  more  afraid  of  the  arms  of  his 
brother  the  German,  with  whom  he  found  it  necessary  to  share 

23  Epist.  Mrian. 


J.ET.  ^.  MODERN  EUROPE.  105 

the  kingdom,  though  the  nobility  and  clergy  of  Lorrain  had 
voluntarily  submitted  to  him. 

The  pope  still  continued  his  remonstrances  in  favour  of  the 
emperor,  hoping  at  least  to  obtain  something  for  him ;  but  they 
were  disregarded  by  the  French  king,  who  had  now  thrown  off 
much  of  his  piety,  and  answered  in  a  spirited  manner  by  the  fa- 
mous Hincmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims.  This  bold  and  indepen- 
dent prelate  desired  the  pope  to  call  to  mind  that  respect  and 
submission  which  the  ancient  pontifts  had  alw  ays  paid  to  princes, 
and  to  reflect  that  his  dignity  gave  him  no  right  over  the  go- 
vernment of  kingdoms  ;  that  he  could  not  be  at  the  same  time 
pope  and  king  ;  that  the  choice  of  a  sovereign  belongs  to  the 
people  ;  that  anathemas  ill  applied  have  no  effect  upon  the  soul ; 
and  th^tfree  men  are  not  to  be  enslaved  by  a  bishop  of  Rome^". 

Adrian  affected  to  despise  these  arguments,  and  continued 
for  some  time  his  menaces,  both  against  Hincmar  and  the  king; 
but,  finding  them  ineffectual,  he  changer!  his  tone,  and  wrote  se- 
veral flattering  letters  to  Charles,  promising  him  the  empire  on 
the  death  of  his  nephew%  then  in  a  languishing  condition.  This 
project  in  favour  of  the  French  king  was  executed  under  John 
VIII.,  Adrian's  successor.  The  emperor  dyinjj  with-  gyr 

out  heirs,  Louis  the  German  claimed  the  succession, 
and  the  imperial  dignity,  as  elder  brother  to  Charles  ;  but  the 
pope  preferred  the  claim  of  the  latter  for  political  reasons, 
which,  with  the  court  of  Rome,  never  failed  to  take  place  of 
equity.  Louis  seemed  approaching  to  his  end,  and  had  three 
sons,  among  whom  his  dominions  would  be  divided.  Charles 
was  a  younger  man,  and  had  only  one  son  ;  he  therefore  ap- 
peared the  most  proper  person  to  choose  as  a  protector.  He 
crossed  the  Alps  at  the  head  of  his  army,  and  accordingly  re- 
ceived the  imperial  crown  as  a  present  from  the  pope;  but  near- 
ly in  the  same  manner  that  many  presents  of  the  like  kind  are 
obtained  in  our  days,  by  paying  a  considerable  sum  g^g 

for  it.  In  an  assembly  at  Pavia,  the  bishops,  abbots, 
and  Italian  nobles,  recognised  him  in  the  following  words : 
"  Since  the  divine  favour,  through  the  merits  of  the  holy  apos- 
"  ties,  and  of  their  vicar  pope  John,  has  raised  you  to  the  em- 
"  pire,  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  we  elect 
"  you  unanimously  for  our  protector  and  lord"^^." 

On  the  death  of  Louis  the  German,  a  prince  of  some  merit 
both  as  a  warrior  and  politician,  Charles  the  Bald,  always  am- 
bitious and  iiriprudent,  attempted  to  seize  that  part  of  Lorrain 
which  he  had  granted  to  his  brother,  and  was  deservedly  defeat 

24  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccles.  25  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccks. 

Vol.  L  O 


106  THE  HISTORY  OF  tart  i. 

ed^^.  His  three  nephews,  Carloman,  Louis,  and  Charles,  pre- 
served their  possessions  by  maintaining  a  strict  union  among 
themselves.  The  first  had  Bavaria,  the  second  Saxony,  and 
the  third  Siiabia. 

The  Saracens  renewing  their  ravages  in  Italy,  the  pope  had 
recourse  to  the  new  emperor :  and  desired  him  "  to  remember 
^'  the  hand  that  had  given  him  the  empire,  lest,"  added  he, 
"  if  driven  to  despair,  we  should  change  our  opinion  !"  This 
menace,  sufficiently  intelligible,  had  its  eftect.  Though  France 
was  then  over-run  by  the  Normans,  whom  Charles  was  unable 
to  resist,  he  undertook  to  expel  the  Saracens ;  and  he  had 
scarcely  arrived  in  Italy,  when  he  received  intelligence  of  a  new 
enemy.  Carloman  had  advanced  against  him,  with  an  intention 
of  seizing  the  imperial  crown  and  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  in  vir- 
tue of  his  father's  will  and  the  right  of  primogeniture.  Charles, 
Q  .  o_„  betrayed  by  his  nobles,  retired  with  precipitation, 
■  and  died  in  a  miserable  cottage,  on  Mont-Cenis,  in 
the  fifty-fifth  year  of  his  age2». 

An  ordinance  in  the  last  year  of  his  reign  permitted  the  nobi- 
lity to  transmit  their  employments  to  their  sons,  or  other  male 
heirs.  This  privilege,  extorted  from  the  crown,  as  I  have  alrea- 
dy observed,  was  one  of  the  principal  sources  of  disorder  in  the 
feudal  government :  and  tended,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to 
see,  to  the  abolition  of  all  polidcal  subjection.  In  the  mean  time 
I  must  speak  of  a  people  who  deserve  your  attention,  no  less  on 
account  of  their  manners  than  their  warlike  achievements. 

26  Arvnal.  Fuldens.  27  Signon.  Re^.  Ital. — Jlnnal.  Berlin 


LETTER  XI. 


Of  the  JVor?Jia}is  or  Da?ies,  before  their  Settlement  in  France 

and  England. 

THE  bravest  and  most  liberal-minded  of  the  Saxons,  my 
dear  Philip,  on  the  final  reduction  of  their  country  by  Charle- 
magne, having  fled  from  the  dominion  and  persecutions  of  the 
conqueror  into  the  ancient  Scandinavia,  or  that  part  of  Europe 
which  comprehends  the  present  kingdoms  of  Sweden,  Denmark, 
and  Norway,  carried  v\  ith  them  their  vengeance  and  violent 
aversion  against  Christianity.  There,  meeting  with  men  of  dis- 


lET.  XI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  107 

positions  similar  to  their  own,  and  of  the  same  rehgion  with 
themselves,  they  were  cordially  received,  and  soon  stimulated 
the  natives  to  deeds  of  arms  ;  to  enterprises  which  at  once  pro- 
mised revenge  to  the  fugitives,  and  subsistence  to  the  inhabi- 
tants of  countries  then  overstocked  with  people. 

In  their  various  incursions  on  the  continent,  these  ferocious 
adventurers  were  known  by  the  general  name  of  Normans,  from 
their  northern  situation  ;  and,  in  their  attacks  upon  Britain,  by 
the  common  appellation  of  Danes,  to  whatever  country  they 
might  belong.  They  became  the  terror  of  all  the  maritime  parts 
of  Europe.  But,  before  I  speak  of  their  depredations,  I  must 
say  a  few  words  of  their  religion  and  manners. 

The  manners  of  a  people,  and  the  popular  superstition,  de- 
pend on  each  other.  Religion  takes  its  complexion  originally 
from  the  manners  :  men  form  a  deity  according  to  their  own 
ideas,  their  prejudices,  their  passions  ;  and  the  manners  are,  in 
a  great  measure,  continued  or  altered  by  the  established  religion 
of  any  country,  especially  when  it  is  calculated  to  affect  the  ima- 
gination. The  religion  of  the  ancient  Scandinavians  was  high- 
ly so,  and  was  preserved  entire  among  the  Normans,  who  also 
retained  their  unadulterated  manners.  They  were  worthy  of 
each  oth-^.r :  equally  bloody  and  barbarous,  but  formed  to  inspire 
the  most  enthusiastic  courage,  and  the  most  unremitted  perse- 
verance in  toil.  Odin,  whom  the  Saxons  called  Woden,  was 
their  supreme  divinity.  They  painted  him  as  the  god  of  terror 
— the  author  of  devastation — the  father  of  carnage  ! — and  they 
worshipped  him  accordingly.  They  sacrificed  to  him,  when 
they  were  successful,  some  of  the  captives  taken  in  war ;  and 
they  believed  that  those  heroes  would  stand  highest  in  his  fa- 
vour who  had  killed  most  enemies  in  the  field;  that,  after  death, 
the  brave  would  be  admitted  into  his  palace,  and  there  have 
the  happiness  of  drinking  ale  (the  favourite  liquor  of  the  north- 
ern nations)  out  of  the  skulls  of  their  slaughtered  foes\ 

In  consequence  of  this  belief,  fatigues,  wounds,  combats,  and 
perils,  were  the  exercises  of  infancy  and  the  sports  of  youth. 
They  were  forbidden  to  pronounce  the  word  fear,  even  on  the 
most  trying  occasions.  Education,  prejudice,  manners,  exam- 
ple, habit — all  contributed  to  subdue  in  them  the  sensation  of  ti- 
midity;  to  make  them  covet  danger,  and  seem  greedy  of  deaths 

1  See  the  Edda,  or  System  of  Runic  Mythology.  In  that  state  of  festivity,  the  departed 
warriors  were  supposed  to  be  served  at  table  by  beautiful  virgins  called  Valker,  who  minis- 
tered to  other  pleasures  beside  those  of  the  feast.  {Edda  JMythol.  xxxi.)  And  war  and. 
arms,  the  delight  of  the  Scandinavians  in  this  life,  were  believed  to  be  their  amusement  ia 
another  world.  Edda,  xxxv. 

2  "  The  battle  is  as  pleasing  to  me,"  says  Lodhrog  (who  was  a  king  and  a  warrior  as  well 


108  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


Military  discipline  was  only  requisite  to  anable  them  to  enslave 
the  whole  Christian  world,  then  sinking  under  the  weight  of  a 
debasing  superstition,  and  cringing  beneath  the  rod  of  priestly 
tyranny. 

Though  Charlemagne  took  many  wise  precautions  against  the 
Normans,  he  was  not  able  w  holly  to  prevent  their  irruptions,  and 
was  only  freed  by  the  death  of  their  leader  from  a  dangerous 
competition.  Under  Louis  the  Debonnaire,  they  threw  all  France 
into  alarm ;  and,  under  Charles  the  Bald,  they  committed  horri- 
ble devastations.  Their  fleets,  which  were  composed  of  light 
barks,  braved  the  storms  of  the  ocean,  and  penetrated  every 
creek  and  river ;  so  that  they  landed  sometimes  on  the  coasts 
and  sometimes  in  the  interior  parts  of  the  kingdom.  As  the 
government  took  no  effectual  measures  for  repelling  them,  the 
unprotected  people  knew  nothing  but  fear.  Fire  and  sword, 
on  all  hands,  marked  the  route  of  the  ravagers.  With  their  booty 
they  carried  off  women,  to  whom  they  w'ere  n^uch  addicted, 
and  boys  to  recruit  their  predatory  bands.  Their  irruptions 
were  renewed  with  alarming  frequency.  They  repeatedly 
pillaged  Rouen  ;  they  surprised  and  burned  Paris ;  they  laid 
waste  Aquitaine  and  other  provinces,  and  reduced  the  French 
king  to  the  greatest  distress. 

Shut  up  at  St.  Denis,  while  his  capital  was  inflames,  Charles 
the  Bald  was  no  less  anxious  about  saving  his  people  than  the 
reliques.  Instead  of  encountering  the  enemy,  he  bought  a 
peace  ;  or,  in  other  w'ords,  he  furnished  the  Normans  with  the 
means,  while  he  inspired  them  with  the  motive,  of  a  new  war. 
They  returned  accordingly  :  and  Charles,  to  complete  his  dis- 
grace, published,  when  going  to  assist  the  pope,  in  the  last 
year  of  his  reign,  a  capitular  to  regulate  the  contributions  to 
be  paid  to  the  Normans^. 

Engkuid  had  also  experienced  a  variety  of  calamities  from  the 
incursions  of  these  plunderers,  when  it  found  a  protector  in  the 
great  Alfred.  But  before  I  exhibit  the  exploits,  or  consider  the 
institutions  of  that  illustrious  prince,  we  must  take  a  view  of  the 
reigns  of  his  predecessors  from  the  end  of  the  Saxon  Heptarchy. 

:>s  a  i)oet),  "  as  the  bed  of  a  virgin  in  the  ^lov  of  her  cliarnis,  or  the  kiss  of  a  young  wido'vv 
in  her  nmst  secret  apartment."     Epiced.  Slrojih.  xiv. 
,3  Caliit.  Caroli  Calvi. 


iKT.  XII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  109 

LETTER  XII. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  England^  from  the  End  of  the  Saxon  Hep- 
tarchy to  the  Death  of  Alfred  the  Great. 

EGBERT,  the  founder  of  the  Enghsh  monarchy,  was  a 
prince  of  eminent  abihties  and  great  experience.    He  ^^„ 

had  enjoyed  a  considerable  command  in  the  armies  of    *     *    *" 
Charlemagne,  by  whom  he  was  much  respected,  and  had  acted 
with  success  against  the  Normans  and  other  enemies  of  the  em- 
pire.    After  his  return  to  Britain,  he  was  engaged  in  a  variety 
of  contests  with  some  of  the  contemporary  princes  before  he  ob- 
tained the  supreme  dominion ;  but,  having  surmounted  those  dif- 
ficulties, he  found  himself  without  a  rival.    As  he  was  the  only 
remaining  descendant  of  Cerdic,  one  of  the  first  Saxon  leaders 
who  landed  in  this  island,  and  who  were  all  supposed  to  have 
sprung  from  Woden,  the  hero  or  the  god,  the  people  readily 
transferred  their  allegiance  to  a  prince  who  appeared  to  merit  it 
equally  by  his  birth  and  talents.  An  union  of  government  seem- 
ed to  promise  internal  tranquillity  ;  and  the  Saxons,  from  their 
insular  situation  and  their  power,  had  little  reason  to  be  afraid 
of  foreign  enemies.     Egbert,  therefore,  flattered  himself  ^vith 
the  hopes  of  peace  and  security.     But  human  foresight  is  very 
limited  ;  a  fleet  of  those  northern  adventurers,  whom  we  have 
already  seen  ravaging  France  under  the  name  of  Normans,  soon 
gave  the  English  monarch  reason  to  alter  his  opinion.     They 
first  landed  in  the  isle  of  Shepey,  pillaged  it,  and  carried  off'their 
booty  with  impunity.     They  soon  returned  in  thirty-five  ships. 
The  kins:  s:^ve  them  battle  at  Charmouth  in  Dorset- 
shire  ;  where  they  were  worsted,  after  an  obstinate 
dispute,  but  made  good  their  retreat  to  their  ships.     Now  sen- 
sible what  an  enemy  they  had  to  deal  with,  they  entered  into 
alliance  with  the  Britons  of  Cornwall;  and,  landing  in  that  coun- 
try, they  and  their  confederates  rushed  forward,  till  „-_ 
they  were  met  by  Egbert  at  Hengesdown,  and  totally''^*  ^* 
defeated\  But,  v>  hile  England  was  threatened  with  new  alarms 
from  the  same  quarter,  this  warlike  monarch,  who  alone  was 
able  to  oppose  the  invaders,  unfortunately  died,  and  „_ 
left  the  kingdom  to  his  son  Ethelwolf,  a  prince  better 
fitted  to  wear  the  cowl  than  the  crown. 

Ethelwolf  began  his  reign  with  dividing  his  dominions,  ac- 

1  Chron.  Sax. 


110  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

cording  to  the  absurd  custom  of  those  times  ;  dehvering  over  to 
his  eldest  son  Athelstan  the  counties  of  Essex,  Kent,  and  Sus- 
sex. But  no  inconveniencies  seem  to  have  arisen  from  this  par- 
tition, the  terror  of  the  Danish  invaders  preventing  all  domestic 
dissensions.  Time  proved  that  this  terror  was  but  too  just. 
The  Danes  returned  with  redouhled  fury ;  and,  though  often  re- 
pulsed, and  sometimes  defeated,  they  always  obtained  their  end, 
by  committing  plunder  and  carrying  off  their  booty.  They 
avoided  coming  to  a  general  engagement,  which  was  not  suited 
to  their  plan  of  operations.  Their  vessels,  being  small,  ran 
easily  up  the  creeks  and  rivers  ;  they  drew  them  ashore,  and 
formed  an  entrenchment  around  them,  leaving  them  under  a 
guard.  They  scattered  themselves  over  the  face  of  the  country 
in  small  parties,  making  spoil  of  every  thing  that  came  in  their 
way — goods,  catde,  and  women.  If  opposed  by  a  superior  force, 
they  retired  to  their  vessels,  set  sail,  and  invaded  some  distant 
quarter  not  prepared  for  their  reception.  All  England  was 
kept  in  a  continual  alarm  ;  and  the  inhabitants  of  one  part  would 
not  venture  to  assist  another,  lest  their  own  families  and  posses- 
sions should  be  exposed  to  the  fury  of  the  ravagers.  Every  sea- 
son of  the  vear  was  alike  :  no  man  could  be  certain  of  a  day's 
safety. 

Encouraged  by  their  past  successes,  the  Danes  at  length  land- 
0-.  ed  in  so  large  a  body  as  seemed  to  threaten  the  whole 
'island  with  subjection.  Butthe  Anglo-Saxons,  though 
labouring  imder  the  w^eight  of  superstition,  were  still  a  gallant 
people  :  they  roused  themselves  with  a  vigour  proportioned  to 
the  necessity,  and  defeated  their  invaders  in  several  engage- 
ments.^ A  body  of  Danes,  however,  now  ventured,  for  the  first 
time,  to  take  up  their  winter-quarters  in  England ;  and  other 
parties  renewed  their  inhuman  ravages. 

The  harassed  state  of  his  kingdom  did  not  h  inder  Ethelwolf 
„£. ,   from  making  a  pilgrimage  to  Rome.     In  his  return, 

*  after  a  twelvemonth  spent  in  devotions  and  benefac- 
tions to  the  see  of  Rome,  he  married  Judith,  daughter  of  Charles 
the  Bald  ;  and,  soon  after  his  arrival  in  England,  he  conferred 
a  perpetual  and  very  important  donation  on  the  church,  by 

pc-   granting  to  the  clergy  a  tenth  out  of  all  the  produce 

*  of  land.  This  enormous  tax  upon  industry  had  been 
long  claimed  by  the  servants  of  the  altar,  as  a  perpetual  proper- 
ty belonging  to  the  priesthood — a  jargon  founded  on  the  prac- 
tice of  the  Jews.  Charlemagne  had  ordered  the  tithe  to  be  paid 
in  consideration  of  the  church- lands  seized  by  the  laity  ;  but,  in 
England,  no  such  invasion  had  been  made.    The  church  enjoy- 

2  Chron,  Sax. 


lET.  XII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  Ill 

ed  many  lands,  and  was  enriched  by  the  continual  oblations  of 
the  people:  the  English  clergy,  therefore,  had  not  hitherto  been 
able  to  obtain  their  demand.  But  an  opportunity  now  offered 
itself,  and  religion  furnished  the  motive  ;  a  weak  and  supersti- 
tious prince,  and  an  ignorant  people,  dejected  by  their  losses, 
and  in  terror  of  future  invasions,  eagerly  adopted  any  means, 
however  costly,  of  bribing  the  protection  of  Heaven^. 

After  the  death  of  Athelstan,  Ethelbald,  the  king's  second 
son,  had  formed  the  project  of  excluding  his  father  from  the 
throne.  This  unnatural  attempt  gave  the  pious  monarch  little 
concern.  He  complied  with  most  of  his  son's  demands,  and  the 
kingdom  was  divided  between  them.  He  lived  only  two  years 
after  his  return  to  England,  which  he  left  by  his  will  pj,- 

to  be  shared  between  Ethelbald  and  Ethelbert. 

Ethelbald  was  a  pn  fligate  prince  :  but  his  reign  was  happily 
short;  and  his  brother  Ethelbert,  succeeding  to  the  government 
of  the  whole  kingdom,  conducted  himself  in  a  manner  „ -^ 

more  suitable  to  his  rank.    England  was  still  infest- 
ed by  the  depredations  of  the  Danes,  who,  in  his  reign,  sacked 
Winchester,  but  were  there  defeated. 

Ethelbert  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Ethelred,  whose 
whole  reign  was  one  continued  struggle  with  the  Danes.  He 
defended  his  kingdom  with  much  bravery,  and  was  _ 

gallantly  seconded  in  all  his  efforts  by  his  younger    '  °* 
brother  Alfred,  who,  though  excluded  from  a  large  inheritance 
left  to  him  by  his  father,  generously  sacrificed  his  resentment 
to  the  public  good.     Ethelred  died  in  the  midst  of  „_. 

these  troubles,  and  left  his  disordered  kingdom  to  ^  '    * 
Alfred. 

The  new  monarch  was  now  twenty-two  years  of  age,  and  a 
prince  of  very  promising  talents.  He  had  no  sooner  buried  his 
brother  than  he  was  obliged  to  take  the  field  against  the  Danes. 
They  had  seized  Wilton,  and  were  ravaging  the  neighbouring 
country.  He  gave  them  battle,  and  at  first  gained  some  advan- 
tage over  them;  but,  pursuing  his  victory  too  far,  he  was  worst- 
ed by  means  of  the  enemy's  numbers.  The  loss  of  the  Danes, 
however,  was  so  considerable,  that,  fearing  x\lfred  might  sud- 
denly receive  reinforcements  from  his  subjects,  they  stipulated 
for  a  safe  retreat,  under  a  promise  of  quitting  Wessex.  But 
they  were  no  sooner  freed  from  danger  than  they  renewed  their 
ravages.  A  new  swarm  of  Danes  landed,  and  Alfred,  after  va- 
rious conflicts,  again  condescended  to  treat  with  them,  q-^ 
and  was  again  deceived.  While  he  was  expecting  *  ' 
the  execution  of  the  agreement,  another  swarm  from  the  north- 

3  Seldea's  History  of  Tithes,  chapter  \ili. 


112  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

ern  hive  landed  on  this  island,  and  reduced  the  Saxons  to  des- 
pair. The}'  beheved  themselves  abandoned  by  Heaven,  and 
de\oted  to  destruction  ;  since,  after  all  the^r  vigorous  efforts, 
fresh  invaders  still  poured  in  upon  them,  as  greedy  of  spoil 
and  slaughter  as  the  former.  Some  left  their  country  ;  others 
submitted  to  the  conquerors ;  but  none  would  listen  to  the  ex- 
hortations of  Alfred,  who  still  undismayed,  begged  them  to 
make  another  effort  in  defence  of  their  possessions,  their  liber- 
ties, and  their  prince"*. 

o-j.  Thus  abandoned  by  his  subjects,  this  illustrious 
*  monarch  relinquished,  for  a  time,  the  ensigns  of  his 
dignity,  and  assumed  the  habit  of  a  peasant.  In  that  mean  dis- 
guise he  eluded  the  pursuit  and  the  fury  of  his  enemies;  and,  in 
order  to  save  his  country,  he  even  condescended  to  live  for  some 
time  as  servant  to  a  grazier.  But  the  human  mind  is  as  little 
suited  to  employments  beneath  as  above  its  capacity:  the  great 
Alfred  made  a  bad  cow-herd.  His  guardian  genius  was  occu- 
pied with  higher  cares  ;  and,  as  soon  as  he  found  that  his  ene- 
mies were  more  remiss  in  their  search,  he  collected  some  of  his 
adherents,  and  retired  to  a  morass,  formed  by  the  stagnating 
waters  of  the  Thone  and  Parret ;  where,  finding  some  firm 
ground,  he  erected  a  small  fortress.  This  place  was  called 
^thalinga-ige^  or  the  isle  of  Nobles;  and  it  now  bears  the  name 
of  Athelney.  Here,  for  some  months,  Alfred  lay  concealed,  but 
not  inactive  :  he  made  occasional  sallies  upon  the  Danes,  who 
often  felt  the  vigour  of  his  arms,  but  knew  not  wence  the  blow 
came,  or  by  whom  it  was  directed.  At  length  a  prosperous 
event  emboldened  the  royal  fugitive  to  leave  his  retreat,  and 
enter  on  a  scene  of  action  more  worthy  of  himself. 

Oddune,  governor  of  Devonshire,  being  besieged  in  his  castle 
by  Hubba,  a  celebrated  Danish  general,  made  an  unexpected 
sally  upon  his  adversaries,  routed  them,  and  pursued  them  with 
great  slaughter;  killed  Hubba  himself,  and  gained  possession  of 
the  famous  Reafen,  or  Raven,  an  enchanted  standard,  in  which 
the  Danes  put  great  confidence^  Alfred  hearing  of  this  victory, 
was  happy  to  find  the  seeds  of  valour  beginning  to  revive  among 
his  subjects;  but,  before  he  would  assemble  them  in  arms,  he 
resolved  to  inspect  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  and  judge  of  the 
probability  of  success,  as  an  unfortunate  attempt  in  the  present 
state  of  national  despondency  might  be  ruinous  and  fatal.  In 
consequence  of  this  resolution,  he  entered  the  Danish  camp 
under  the  disguise  of  a  harper,  and  passed  unsuspected  through 
every  quarter.  He  observed  the  supine  security  of  the  ravagers, 

4  Chron.  Sex. — ^Alur.  Beyerl.  AimaJ.  5  Chron.  Sax. — Abb,  Rieva! 


i,ET.  XII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  lU 

their  contempt  of  the  Enghsh,  and  their  neglect  of  all  military 
regulations.  Encouraged  by  these  propitious  appearances,  he 
sent  secret  intelligence  to  his  most  powerful  subjects,  and  sum- 
moned them  to  attend  with  their  vassals  on  the  borders  of  Sel- 
wood  forest.  The  English,  who,  instead  of  ending  their  calami- 
ties by  submission,  as  they  fondly  hoped,  had  found  the  inso- 
lence and  rapine  of  the  conquerors  more  intolerable  than  the 
dangers  and  fatigues  of  war,  joyfully  resorted  to  the  place  of 
rendezvous.  They  saluted  their  beloved  monarch  with  bursts  of 
applause  ;  they  could  not  satiate  their  eyes  with  the  sight  of  a 
prince  whom  they  had  believed  dead,  and  who  now  appeared  as 
their  deliverer  :  they  urged  him  to  lead  them  to  liberty  and  ven- 
geance. Alfred  did  not  suffer  their  ardour  to  cool :  he  conduct- 
ed them  instantly  to  Edington,  where  the  Danes  lay  encamped; 
and,  taking  advantage  of  his  previous  knowledge  of  the  ene- 
my's situation,  he  directed  his  attack  against  the  most  unguard- 
ed quarter.  Surprised  to  see  an  army  of  Englishmen,  whom 
they  considered  as  totally  subdued,  and  still  more  to  find  Al- 
fred at  their  head,  the  Danes  made  but  a  feeble  resistance, 
notwithstanding  their  superior  numbers.  They  were  soon  put 
to  flight,  and  routed  with  great  slaughter*. 

Alfred,  no  less  generous  than  brave,  and  who  knew  as  well 
how  to  govern  as  to  conquer,  took  the  surviving  Danes,  and 
their  prince  Guthrum  or  Gothrun,  under  his  protection.  He 
granted  them  their  lives  on  submission,  and  liberty  to  settle  in 
East-Anglia,  on  condition  that  they  should  embrace  Christi- 
anity. Many  consented,  and  were  baptised  :  others  passed 
over  to  the  continent^ 

After  this  success,  Alfred  employed  himself  in  establishing  ci- 
vil and  military  institutions ;  in  composing  the  minds  of  men  to 
industry  and  justice,  and  in  providing  against  the  return  of  like 
calamities.  He  rebuilt  the  towns  which  had  been  ruined  by  the 
Danes,  and  formed  a  regular  militia  for  the  defence  of  the  king- 
dom. He  took  care  that  all  his  subjects  should  be  armed  and 
registered,  and  assigned  to  them  a  regular  round  of  duty  :  he 
distributed  one  part  into  the  castles  and  fortresses,  which  he 
erected  in  proper  places  ;  he  appointed  another  to  take  the  field 
on  any  alarm,  and  assemble  at  stated  places  of  rendezvous;  and 
he  left  a  sufficient  number  at  home,  who  were  employed  in  the 
cultivation  of  the  lands,  and  afterwards  took  their  turn  in  mili- 
tary service.  The  whole  kingdom  was  like  one  great  garrison: 
the  Danes,  who  occasionally  re-appeared  on  the  coasts,  could 
no  sooner  land  in  any  quarter  than  a  sufficient  force  was  ready 

6  Chron.  Sax. — Sim.  Dunelm.  7  Asserii  Annal.    Hen.  Huntined. 

Vol.  I.  P 


114  1  HE  HISTORY  OF  PAiiT  i. 

to  oppose  them,  without  leaving  the  other  parts  naked  or  de- 
fenceless'. 

But  Alfred  did  nut  trust  solely  to  his  land  forces.  He  may 
be  deemed  the  creator  of  the  English  navy,  as  well  as  the  estab- 
lisher  of  the  monarchy.  Sensible  that  ships  form  the  most  na- 
tural bulwark  of  an  island,  a  circumstance  hitherto  overlooked 
by  the  English  (as  the  Saxons  were  now  generally  called),  he 
provided  himself  with  a  naval  force,  and  met  the  Danes  on  their 
own  element.  A  hundred  and  twenty  armed  vessels  were  sta- 
tioned upon  the  coasts  ;  and  being  provided  with  warlike  en- 
gines, and  expert  seamen,  both  Frisians  and  English,  maintain- 
ed a  superiority'  over  the  enemy,  and  gave  birth  to  that  claim 
which  England  still  supports — to  the  sovereignty  of  the  ocean. 

Thus  did  Alfred  provide  for  the  security  of  his  kingdom ;  and 
the  excellent  posture  of  defence  every-where  established,  toge- 
ther with  the  wisdom  and  valour  of  the  prince,  at  length  restor- 
ed peace  and  tranquillity  to  England,  and  communicated  to  it  a 
consequence  hitherto  unknown  in  the  monarchy.  But  I  should 
convey  to  you,  my  dear  son,  a  very  imperfect  idea  of  Alfred's 
merit,  by  confining  myself  to  his  military  and  political  talents. 
His  judicial  institutions,  and  his  zeal  for  the  encouragement  of 
arts  and  sciences,  demand  your  particular  attention.  VVe  must 
now,  therefore,  consider  him  in  a  character  altogether  civil — 
as  the  father  of  English  law  and  English  literature. 

Though  Alfred  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign  had  subdued, 
settled,  or  expelled  the  Danes,  as  a  body,  straggling  bancjs  of 
that  people  afterwards  continued  to  infest  the  kingdom  with  their 
robberies  ;  and  even  the  native  English,  reduced  to  extreme  in- 
digence by  these  and  former  depredations,  abandoned  them- 
selves to  a  like  disorderly  life.  They  joined  the  robbers  in  pil- 
laging the  more  wealthy  part  of  their  fellow-citizens.  Those 
evils  required  redress,  and  Alfred  took  means  effectually  to  re- 
move them.  In  order  to  render  the  execution  of  justice  more 
strict  and  regular,  he  divided  all  England  into  counties  ;  these 
counties  he  subdivided  into  hundreds,  and  the  hundreds  into 
tithings.  Every  householder  was  answerable  for  the  behaviour 
of  his  family,  of  his  slaves,  and  even  of  his  guests,  if  they  re- 
sided above  three  days  in  his  house.  Ten  neighbouring  house- 
holders, ansu  erable  for  each  other's  conduct,  were  formed  into 
one  corporation,  under  the  name  of  a  tithing,  decennary,  or  fri- 
burgh,  over  which  a  person  called  atithing-man,  head-borough, 
or  bors-holder,  presided.  Every  man  who  did  not  register  him- 
self in  some  tithing  was  punished  as  an  outlaw  ;  and  no  man 

8  Spelcnan's  Life  of  Allrcd. 


1.ET.  XII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  11^ 

could  change  his  habitation  without  a  certificate  from  the  head 
of  the  tithing  to  which  he  previously  belonged'\ 

These  regulations  may  seem  rigorous,  and  are  not  perhaps 
necessary  in  times  when  men  are  habituated  to  obedience  and 
justice.  But  they  were  well  calculated  to  reduce  a  fierce  and  li- 
cencious  people  under  the  salutary  restraints  of  law  and  govern- 
ment :  and  Alfred  took  care  to  temper  their  severity  by  other 
institutions  favourable  to  the  freedom  and  security  of  the  sub- 
ject. Nothing  can  be  more  liberal  than  his  plan  for  the  admi- 
nistration of  justice.  The  bors-holder  summoned  his  whole 
decennary  to  assist  him  in  die  decision  of  smaller  differences 
among  the  members  of  the  corporation  :  in  controversies  of 
greater  moment,  the  dispute  was  brought  before  the  hundred, 
which  consisted  of  ten  decennaries,  or  a  hundred  families  of 
freemen,  and  regularly  assembled  once  in  four  weeks,  for  the 
trying  of  causes'^.  Their  mode  of  decision  claims  _vour  atten- 
tion :  twelve  freeholders  were  chosen,  who,  having  sworn  with 
the  chief  magistrate  of  the  hundred  to  administer  impartial  jus- 
tice, proceeded  to  the  examination  of  the  cause  that  was  sub- 
mitted to  them.  In  this  simple  form  of  trial  you  will  perceive 
the  origin  of  juries,  or  judgment  by  equals,  an  institution  almost 
peculiar  to  the  English  nation,  admirable  in  itself,  and  the  best 
calculated  for  the  preservation  of  man's  natural  rights,  and  the 
administration  of  justice,  that  human  wisdom  ever  devised^^ 

Besides  these  monthly  meetings  of  the  hundred,  there  u  as  an 
annual  meeting,  appointed  for  the  more  general  inspection  of 
the  police  of  the  district,  for  inquiring  into  crimes,  correcting 
the  misconduct  of  magistrates,  and  obliging  every  person  to 
show  the  decennary  in  which  he  was  registered.  In  imitation 
of  their  ancestors,  the  ancient  Germans,  the  people  on  those  oc- 
casions assembled  in  arms  ;  whence  a  hundred  was  sometimes 
called  a  wapentake,  and  its  court  served  for  the  support  of  mi- 
litary discipline,  as  well  as  the  administration  of  justice. 

The  next  superior  court  to  that  of  the  hundred  was  the  coun- 
ty-court, which  met  twice  a-year,  and  consisted  of  all  the  free- 
holders of  the  county,  who  had  an  equal  vote  in  the  decision  of 
causes ;  but  of  this  court  I  have  already  spoken  in  treating  of 
the  laws  and  government  of  the  Saxons.  I  shall  therefore  only 
add  here,  that  to  the  alderman  and  bishop,  Alfred  added  a  third 
judge  in  each  county,  under  the  name  of  sheriff,  who  enjoyed 
equal  authority  with  the  two  former.     His  office  also  empovv- 

9  Foedus  Alfred!  et  Gothurn.  cap   iii.  ap.  Wilkins.  10  Id.  ibid. 

11  Trial  by  jury  was  known  to  tln^  Siixons,  at  least  in  criminal  cases,  before  their  settle- 
ment in  Britain.  But,  among  the  nations  of  ibe  continent,  it  was  not  necessarv  th.'.t  the 
members  of  a  jury  should  be  unanimous  in  their  decision  :  a  majority  was  suffi"-  ent  to  ac- 
•juit  or  condemn  the  person  accused.    Sliernhook  de  jure  Sueon.  et  Gothor.  Velust.  lib.  i. 


116  THE  HISTORY  OK  part  i. 

ered  him  to  guard  the  rights  of  the  crown  in  the  county,  and 
levy  the  fines  imposed;  which,  in  an  age  when  money  atoned  for 
ahnost  every  violation  of  the  laws  of  society,  formed  no  incon- 
siderable branch  of  the  public  revenue. 

In  default  of  justice  from  all  these  courts,  an  appeal  lay  to 
the  king  himself  in  council;  and,  as  the  wisdom  and  justice  of 
Alfred  were  universally  revered,  he  was  soon  overwhelmed  with 
appeals  from  all  parts  of  his  dominions.  In  order  to  remedy 
this  inconvenience,  he  chose  the  earls  and  sheriffs  from  among 
the  men  most  celebrated  for  probity  and  knowledge  in  the  king- 
dom; he  punished  severely  all  malversation  in  office;  he  remov- 
ed all  whom  he  found  unequal  to  the  trust'^ ;  and,  tlie  better  to 
guide  magistrates  of  all  kinds  in  the  administration 
A.  D.byu.^^  justice,  he  framed  a  code  of  law,  which,  though 
now  lost,  served  long  as  the  basis  of  English  jurisprudence,  and 
is  generally  esteemed  the  origin  of  our  common  law. 

Alfred  appointedTegular  meetings  of  the  states  of  England 
twice  a-year  in  the  city  of  London,  which  he  had  repaired  and 
beautified,  and  which  thenceforth  became  the  capital  of  the  king- 
dom. Every  thing  soon  wore  a  new  aspect  under  his  wise  and 
equitable  government.  Such  success  attended  his  legislation, 
and  so  exact  was  the  general  police,  that  he  is  said  to  have  hung 
up,  by  way  of  trial,  golden  bracelets  near  the  high  roads,  and 
no  man  dared  to  touch  them".  But  this  great  prince,  though 
rigorous  in  the  administration  of  justice,  which  he  wisely  con- 
sidered as  the  best  means  of  repressing  crimes,  preserved  the 
most  sacred  regard  to  the  liberty  of  his  people.  His  concern  on 
this  subject  extended  even  to  future  times,  and  ought  to  endear 
his  memory  to  every  Englishman.  *'  It  is  just,"  says  he  in  his 
will,  "•  that  the  English  should  for  ever  remain  free  as  their 

"  OWN  THOUGHTS"*."'' 

After  providing  for  the  security  of  his  kingdom,  and  taming 
his  subjects  to  the  restraints  of  law,  Alfred  extended  his  care  to 
those  things  which  aggrandise  a  nation,  and  make  a  people  hap- 
py. Sensible  that  good  morals  and  knowledge  are  almost  inse- 
parable in  every  age,  though  not  in  every  individual,  he  gave 
great  encouragement  to  the  pursuit  of  learning.  He  invited 
over  the  most  celebrated  scholars  from  all  parts  of  Europe  :  he 
established  schools  for  the  instruction  of  the  ignorant :  he 
founded,  or  at  least  repaired,  the  university  of  Oxford,  and  en- 
dowed it  with  many  privileges  and  revenues  :  he  enjoined  by 
law  all  freeholders,  possessed  of  two  hides  of  land^*,  to  send 

12  Le  Miroir  de  Justice,  chap.  ii.  13  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  ii.  14  Asser.  p.  2. 

15  A  hide  contained  land  sufficient  to  employ  one  plough.     Gervase  of  Tilbury  says,  it 
commonly  consisted  of  a  hundred  acves. 


iiBT.  XII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  117 

their  children  to  school :  and  he  gave  preferment,  either  in 
church  or  state,  to  such  only  as  had  made  some  proficiency  in 
knowledge.  But  the  most  effectual  expedient  employed  by  Al- 
fred for  the  encouragement  of  learning  was  his  own  example. 
Notwithstanding  the  multiplicity  of  civil  objects  which  engaged 
his  attention,  and  although  he  is  said  to  have  fought  in  person 
fifty-six  battles  by  sea  and  land,  this  illustrious  hero  and  legis- 
lator was  able  to  acquire  by  his  unremitted  industry,  during  a 
life  of  no  extraordinary  length,  a  greater  portion  of  knowledge, 
and  even  to  produce  more  books,  than  most  speculative  men,  in 
more  fortunate  ages,  who  have  devoted  their  whole  time  to  stu- 
dy. He  composed  a  variety  of  poems,  fables,  and  apt  stories, 
to  lead  the  untutored  mind  to  the  love  of  letters,  and  bend  the 
heart  to  the  practice  of  virtue.  For  the  same  purpose  he  trans- 
lated from  the  Greek  the  instructive  fables  of  vEsop.  He  also 
gave  Saxon  translations  of  the  histories  of  Orosius  and  Bede, 
and  of  the  Consolation  of  Philosophy,  by  Boetius. 

Alfred  was  no  less  attentive  to  the  propagation  of  those  me- 
chanical arts  which  have  a  more  sensible  though  not  a  more  in- 
timate connexion  with  the  welfare  of  a  state.  He  introduced  and 
encouraged  manufactures  of  all  kinds,  and  suffered  no  inventor 
or  improver  of  any  useful  or  ingenious  art  to  go  unrewarded. 
He  prompted  men  of  activity  and  industry  to  apply  themselves 
to  navigation,  and  to  push  commerce  into  the  most  distant  coun- 
tries ;  and  he  set  apart  a  seventh  portion  of  his  own  revenue  for 
maintaining  a  number  of  workmen,  whom  he  employed  in  re- 
building or  repairing  towns  and  castles.  The  elegancies  of  life 
are  said  to  have  been  brought  to  him  even  from  the  Mediterra- 
nean and  the  Indies ;  and  his  subjects,  seeing  these  desirable 
productions,  and  the  means  of  acquiring  riches  by  trade,  were 
taught  to  respect  those  peaceful  virtues  by  which  alone  such 
blessings  can  be  earned  or  ensured. 

This  extraordinary  man,  who  is  justly  considered,  both  by  na- 
tives and  foreigners,  as  the  greatest  prince  after  Charlemagne 
that  Europe  saw  for  several  ages,  and  as  one  of  the  wisest  and 
best  that  ever  adorned  the  annuls  of  any  nation,  died  r^  q^^ 
in  the  vigour  of  his  age,  and  the  full  strength  of  his  ^  * 
faculties,  after  a  life  of  fifty-one  years,  and  a  glorious  reign  of 
twenty-nine  years  and  a  half.  His  merit  both  in  public  and  pri- 
vate life,  ma}'^  be  set  in  opposition  to  that  of  any  sovereign  or 
citizen  in  ancient  or  modern  times.  He  seems  indeed,  as  is  ob- 
served by  an  elegant  and  profound  historian,  to  be  the  com- 
plete model  of  that  perfect  character  which  under  the  denomina- 
tion of  a  sage,  or  truly  wise  man,  philosophers  have  been  so 
fond  of  delineating  without  the  hope  of  ever  seeing  it  realised. 


118  THE  HISTORY  OF  fart  i. 


LETTER  XIII. 

Of  the  Empire  of  Charlemagne  and  the  Church,  from  the  Death 
of  Charles  the  Bald  to  that  of  Louis  W.^  xvhen  the  Imperial 
Dignity  xvas  transferred  from  the  French  to  the  Germans. 

THE  continent  of  Europe,  my  dear  Philip,  towards  the  close 
of  the  ninth  century,  offers  nothing  to  our  view  but  calamities, 
disorders,  revolutions,  and  anarchy.  Louis  the  Stammerer,  son 
of  Charles  the  Bald,  may  be  said  to  have  purchased  the  crown 
o„_  of  France  at  the  price,  and  on  the  conditions,  which 
'  '  the  bishops  and  nobles  were  pleased  to  impose  on  him. 
He  was  not  acknowlednjed  before  he  had  heaped  lands,  honours, 
and  offices,  on  the  nobility,  and  had  promised  that  the  clergy 
should  enjoy  the  same  emoluments  and  privileges  which  they 
had  possessed  under  1  .ouis  the  Debonnaire^ 

Pope  John  VIII.  eagerly  wished  that  Louis  should  be  elected 
emperor,  in  the  room  of  his  father,  by  the  Italian  states  ;  but, 
not  being  able  to  caiTy  his  point,  he  retired  into  France,  and 
held  a  council  at  Troves,  wherehe  excommunicated  the  duke  of 
Spoleto,  and  the  marquis  of  Tuscany,  for  opposing  his  measures, 
and  attacking  the  ecclesiastical  state.  One  of  the  canons  of 
this  council  is  very  remarkable  :  it  expressly  asserts,  that  '*■  the 
'■'■  poxvcrs  of  the  world  shall  not  dare  to  seat  themselves  in  the 
*'  presence  of  bishops,  unless  desired*." 

Louis  the  Stammerer  d  led  after  a  reign  of  eighteen  months, 
o-g  and  left  his  queen  Adelaide  pregnant.  He  was  suc- 
'ceeded  by  Louis  III.  and  Carloman  II.,  two  sons  by 
a  wife  whom  he  had  divorced.  Duke  Boson,  father-in-law  to 
Carloman,  promoted  the  accession  of  those  princes,  that  he 
might  afterwards  share  the  monarchy.  By  his  intrigues  with 
the  pope  and  the  clergy,  he  procured  from  a  council  a  declara- 
tion of  the  necessity  of  erecting  a  new  kingdom  ;  and  the  mem- 
bers bestowed  by  the  divine  inspiration  (to  use  their  own  lan- 
guage), the  kingdom  of  Aries,  or  Provence,  upon  this  ambitious 
duke.  Italy  was  in  the  possession  of  Carloman,  king  of  Bavaria, 
who  had  also  seized  part  of  Lorrain  ;  and  the  French  nobility 
already  enjoyed  most  of  the  lands  ;  so  that  a  king  of  France 
retained  little  more  than  the  mere  shadow  of  royalty. 

On  the  death  of  the  j<iint  kings  of  France,  who  lived  in  har- 
mony notwithstanding  their  confined  situation,  their  brother 

J.  Aimon,  de  Rebus  Gestis  Francorum,  lib.  v.  2  Concil.  Gall.  \ol.  iii. 


LET.  XIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  119 

Charles,  born  after  his  father's  death,  and  known  by  the  name 
of  the  Simple,  ought  to  have  succeeded  to  the  monarchy,  by  the 
right  of  birth  ;  but  as  he  was  very  young,  the  nobles  ^o  . 

elected  Charles  the  Fat  (son  of  Louis  the  German), 
already  emperor,  and  successor  to  his  two  brothers'.  He  re- 
united in  his  person  all  the  French  empire,  except  the  kingdom 
of  the  usurper  Boson;  and  proved,  what  those  who  elected  him 
had  not  sufficiently  attended  to,  that  a  prince  may  conduct  his 
affairs  with  judgment,  while  confined  within  a  moderate  compass, 
and  yet  be  very  unfit  for  the  government  of  a  great  empire. 

The  incapacity,  and  even  the  cowardice  of  Charles,  soon  be- 
came too  obvious  to  be  denied.  Though  he  had  governed  his 
paternal  dominions  without  any  visible  defect  of  judgment,  and 
raised  himself  to  the  empire  by  his  reputation  and  address,  his 
mind,  instead  of  expanding  itself  to  its  new  object,  even  shrank 
from  it,  and  contracted  itself,  till  every  mark  of  ability  disap- 
peared. After  disgracing  himself  by  ceding  Friesland  to  the 
Normans,  and  promising  them  a  tribute  for  forbearance,  he 
roused  them  by  his  perfidy,  while  he  encouraged  them  by  his 
weakness.  Enraged  at  the  death  of  their  king,  who  had  been 
invited  to  a  conference  and  murdered,  they  entered  France, 
burned  Pontoise,  and  besieged  Paris'*. 

This  siege  is  much  celebrated  by  the  French  historians:  pro- 
digies are  related  of  both  parties.  Eudes,  count  of  Paris,  whom 
we  shall  soon  see  on  the  throne  of  France;  his  brother  Robert; 
bishop  Gsselin;  and  his  nephew,  abbot  Eble;  were  particularly 
distinguished  by  their  valour  and  patriotism.  The  besieged 
defended  themselves  for  a  whole  year  against  an  army  of  thirty 
thousand  men,  and  the  combined  efforts  of  courage  and  strata- 
gem, before  the  emperor  came  to  their  relief.  At  length  Charles 
api^eared  with  a  great  force,  fully  persuaded  that  the  ^q- 

Normans  would  retire  at  the  sight  of  his  standards^. '  *  * 
But  he  soon  found  his  mistake ;  for  they  did  not  show  the  small- 
est alarm.  Preferring  a  shameful  negotiation  to  a  doubtful  vic- 
tory, he  engaged  to  pay  them  a  large  ransom  for  his  capital  and 
the  safety  of  his  kingdom ;  and  (what  was  still  more  disgrace- 
ful) not  being  able  to  raise  the  money  till  the  spring,  he  permit- 
ted the  Normans  to  winter  in  Burgundy,  which  had  not  yet  ac- 
knowledged his  authority  ;  or,  in  other  words,  to  continue  their 
ravages,  which  they  did  with  the  most  insatiable  fury°. 

This  ignominious  treaty,  and  its  consequences,  entirely  ruined 
the  emperor's  reputation,  which  was  already  low.  He  had  no 
minister  in  whom  he  could  confide;  for  he  was  neither  loved  nor 

S  Aimoa.  lib.  v.      4  Chron.  Gcst.  Norm.     5  Paul,  ^,mil.  de  Gest.  Franc.    6  Gcst.  Norm, 


120  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

feared.  The  Germans  first  revolted.  Charles  had  incurred  the 
hatred  of  the  nobility  by  attempting  to  limit  the  hereditary  fiefs; 
and  he  made  the  clergy  his  enemies,  while  he  exposed  himself 
to  universal  contempt,  by  prosecuting  Ludard,  bishop  of  Verceil, 
his  prime  minister,  and  the  only  person  of  authority  in  his  ser- 
vice, on  a  suspicion  of  a  criminal  correspondence  with  the  em- 
press Richilde,  whom  he  imprisoned,  and  who  completed  his 
disgrace.  She  affirmed,  that  she  was  not  only  innocent  of  the 
crime  laid  to  her  charge,  but  a  pure  virgin,  yet  untouched  by 
her  husband  or  her  accuser;  in  support  of  which  asseveration, 
she  offered  to  undergo  any  trial  that  should  be  assigned  to  her, 
according  to  the  superstitious  custom  of  those  times,  when  an 
appeal  to  Heaven  supplied  the  place  of  a  jury  of  matrons.  Lu- 
^^^  dard  fostered  the  general  discontent;  and  Charles  was 
'  deposed  in  a  diet  of  the  empire,  and  neglected  to  such 
a  degree  as  to  be  obliged  to  subsist  by  the  liberality  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Mentz\ 

Arnold,  the  bastard  son  of  Carloman  the  Bavarian  king,  and 
grandson  of  Louis  the  German,  was  now  raised  to  the  imperial 
dignity.  Italy  submitted  alternately  to  Berengarius,  duke  of 
Friuli,  andGuido,  duke  of  Spoleto,  both  of  the  family  of  Charle- 
magne by  the  mother's  side.  Their  competitions  were  long  and 
bloody.  Count  Eudes,  whose  valour  had  saved  Paris,  and  whose 
father,  Robert  the  strong,  had  been  no  less  brave  than  illus- 
trious, was  chosen  king  of  France ;  a  dignity  which  he  agreed 
to  hold  in  trust  for  Charles  the  Simple,  yet  a  minor*. 

Notwithstanding  the  courage  and  talents  of  Eudes,  France 
was  still  a  scene  of  contention  and  disorder.  A  faction  pretend- 
ed to  assert  the  right  of  the  lawful  heir,  who  was  not  really  in- 
jured; and  Eudes  ceded  to  him  the  greater  part  of  the  kingdom. 
Count  Rudolph  established  the  kingdom  of  Transjurane  Bur- 
gundy (so  called  from  its  situation  beyond  mount  Jura),  which 
comprehended  nearly  the  present  Switzerland  and  part  of  Sa- 
voy. A  council  confirmed  to  Louis,  the  son  of  Boson,  the  king- 
dom of  Aries,  as  a  council  had  given  it  to  his  father^.  History 
would  be  a  mere  chaos  were  it  to  comprehend  all  the  acts  of 
violence,  treachery,  and  outrage  that  disgraced  this  period.  \_ 
shall  therefore  only  notice  the  leading  circumstances,  which 
alone  deserve  your  attention. 

Eudes  died  before  he  was  able  to  remedy  the  disorders  of  the 

„g„  state  ;  and  Charles  the  Simple  (too  justly  so  named), 

'now  acknowledged  king  of  France  in  his  own  right, 

increased  by  his  weakness  the  prevailing  evils.     The  nobles 

openly  aspired  to  independence.  They  usurped  the  governments 

7  Annal.  Fuldens.  8  Annal.  Metens.  9  Regin.  Cbron. 


XBT.  XIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  121 

with  which  they  had  been  intrusted,  and  extorted  confirmations 
of  them  from  Charles  for  themselves  and  their  heirs,  on  the  easy 
condition  of  an  empty  homage'".  A  large  and  once  u  ell-rega- 
lated  kingdom  was  divided  into  a  multitude  of  separate  princi- 
palities, altogether  independent  of  the  crown,  or  dependent  only 
in  name,  whose  possessors  waged  continual  wars  w  ith  each  other, 
and  exercised  an  insupportable  tyranny  over  their  vassals.  By 
these  means  the  people  were  either  reduced  to  a  state  of  absolute 
servitude,  or  to  a  condition  so  precarious  and  wretched,  that 
they  were  often  happy  to  exchange  itfor  protection  and  slavery". 

The  Normans  took  advantage  of  this  state  of  weakness  and 
anarchy  to  establish  themselves  in  France.  RoUo,  one  of  their 
most  illustrious  leaders,  and  truly  a  great  captain,  after  having 
spread  terror  over  all  the  maritime  provinces  of  Europe,  sailed 
up  the  Seine,  took  Rouen,  fortified  it,  and  made  it  his  head  quar- 
ters. Now  sure  of  a  safe  retreat,  he  set  no  lx)unds  to  ^^r 
his  depredations;  and  soon  became  so  formidable,  that 
Charles  offered  him  his  daughter  in  marriage,  with  a  part  of 
the  Neustrian  realm  as  her  dowry.  Francon,  archbishop  of 
Rouen,  was  charged  with  the  negotiation.  He  only  demanded 
that  Rollo  should  acknowledge  Charles  as  his  superior,  and  be- 
come a  good  Christian  ;  and,  in  order  to  induce  the  Norman  to 
embrace  the  faith,  the  prelate  preached  of  a  future  state,  of  hell, 
and  of  heaven.  Interest,  not  superstition,  determined  Rollo. — 
After  consulting  his  soldiers,  who,  like  most  gentlemen  of  the 
sword,  were  very  easy  on  the  article  of  religion,  he  agreed  to 
the  treaty  ;  on  condition  that  the  province  of  Brelagne  sliould 
also  be  ceded  to  him,  tillNeustria,  then  entirety  laid  waste  by  the 
ravages  of  his  countrymen,  could  be  cultivated.  His  g,^ 
request  was  granted  :  he  was  baptised,  and  did  hom- 
age for  his  crown,  less  as  a  vassal  than  a  conqueror'*. 

Rollo  was  worthy  of  his  good  fortune  !  he  sunk  the  soldier  in 
the  sovereign,  and  proved  himself  no  less  skilled  in  the  arts  of 
peace  than  in  those  of  war.    The  country  ceded  to  him,  (which 

10  Grig,  des  Dignitez.  et  des  Magist.  de  France,  par  Fauchet. 

11  Montesquieu,  L'Esprit  des  Loix,  liv.  xxx. 

12  When  he  came  to  the  last  pari  of  the  ceremony,  which  was  that  of  kneeling  and  kiss- 
ing the  king's  toe,  he  positively  reliised  compliance  ;  and  it  was  with  much  difficulty  that  he 
could  be  persuaded  lo  make  tiiat  compliment  even  by  one  of  his  officers.  At  kngth,  how- 
ever, he  agreed  to  the  alternative.  But  all  the  Normans,  it  seems,  were  had  courtiers  :  for 
the  officer  commissioned  to  represent  Rollo,  despising  so  unwar! ike  a  prince  as  Charles, 
caught  his  majesty  by  the  foot,  and,  pretending  to  carry  it  to  his  mouth  that  he  miglit  kiss  it, 
overturned  both  him  .ind  his  chair  belbre  all  his  nobility.  This  insult  was  passed  over  as  an 
accident,  because  the  French  nation  was  in  no  condition  to  revenge  it,  Gul.  Gemet.  Chron . 
Norm. 

Vol.  I  Q 


122  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

thenceforth  took  the  name  of  Normandy,  m  honour  of  its  new 
inhabitants),  soon  became  happy  and  flourishing  under  his  laws. 
Sensible  that  the  power  of  a  prince  is  always  proportioned  to 
the  number  of  his  subjeits,  he  invited  a  great  number  of  Scan- 
dinavians to  colonise  his  dominions.  He  encouraged  agricul- 
ture and  industry  ;  was  particularly  severe  in  punishing  theft, 
robbery,  and  every  species  of  violence  ;  and  rigidly  exact  in  the 
administration  of  justice,  which  he  saw  was  the  great  basis  of 
policy,  and  without  which  his  people  would  naturally  return  to 
their  former  irregularities'^.  A  taste  for  the  sweets  of  society 
increased  v.ith  the  conveniences  of  life,  and  the  love  of  justice 
with  the  benefits  derived  from  it ;  and  in  a  short  time  not  only 
was  the  new  duchy  populous  and  well-cultivated,  but  the  Nor- 
mans were  regular  in  their  manners,  and  obedient  to  the  laws. 
A  band  of  pirates  became  good  citizens,  and  their  leader  the 
ablest  prince  and  the  wisest  legislator  of  the  age,  in  which  he 
lived. 

While  these  things  passed  in  France,  great  alterations  took 
place  in  the  neighbouring  states,  and  among  the  princes  of  the 
blood  of  Charlemagne :  but  only  the  most  remarkable  claim  our 
attention.  The  emperor  Arnold  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Louis 
IV.,  only  seven  years  of  age.  Another  Louis,  king  of  Aries, 
crossed  the  Alps,  and  obliged  the  pope  to  crown  him  emperor. 
But  he  was  soon  after  surprised  at  Verona  by  Berengarius,  who 
put  out  his  eyes,  and  ascended  the  throne  of  Italy,  for  which  he 
Q,^  had  long  contended".  On  the  decease  of  the  son  of 
*  Arnold,  the  empire  departed  from  the  French  to  the 
Germans ;  from  the  family  of  Charlemagne  to  those  Saxons 
whom  he  had  subdued  and  persecuted,  who  became  in  their 
turn  the  protectors  of  that  religion  for  which  they  had  suffered, 
and  the  persecutors  of  other  pagans.  But  this  revolution  de- 
serves a  particular  letter. 

13  Gul.  Gemel. — Dudon  cle  Morib.  et  Act.  Due.  Norm. 

14  Anna).  Metens. 


lET.  xn.  MODERN  EUROPE.  1«3 

LETTER  XIV. 

Of  the  German  Empire,  from  the  Election  of  Conrad  L  to  the 
Death  of  Henry  the  Foxvler. 

SOME  liistorians  are  of  opinion,  that  the  German  empire 
does  not  properly  commence  till  the  reign  of  Otho  the  Great, 
when  Italy  was  re-united  to  the  imperial  dominions ;  but  the 
extinction  of  the  race  of  Charlemagne  in  Germany,  when  the 
empire  was  wholly  detached  from  France,  and  the^  ^  ^^^ 
imperial  dignity  became  elective,  seems  to  me  the 
most  natural  period  to  fix  its  origin,  though  the  first  two  emper- 
ors never  received  the  papal  sanction.  I  shall  therefore  begin 
with  Conrad,  the  first  German  who  ruled  the  empire  after  it 
ceased  to  be  considered  as  an  appendage  of  France. 

Though  the  successors  of  Charlemagne  possessed  that  em- 
pire which  he  had  formed  by  virtue  of  hereditary  descent,  they 
had  usually  procured  the  consent  of  the  nobles  to  their  testa- 
mentary deeds,  that  no  dispute  might  arise  with  regard  to  the 
succession.  This  precaution  was  highly  necessary  in  those 
turbulent  times,  especially  as  the  imperial  dominions  were  ge- 
nerally divided  among  the  children  of  the  reigning  family,  who 
were  thus  put  in  a  better  condition  to  contest  a  doubtful  title. 
What  was  at  first  no  more  than  a  politic  condescension  of  the 
emperors,  the  public  gradually  interpreted  into  a  privilege  of 
the  nobility ;  and  hence  originated  the  right  of  those  electors, 
by  whom  the  emperor  is  still  invested  with  the  imperial  power 
and  dignity.  They  had  already  deposed  Charles  the  Fat,  and 
raised  xA.rnold  to  the  empire. 

Thus  authorised  by  custom,  the  German  nobles  assembled 
at  Worms,  on  the  death  of  Louis  IV.,  and  not  judging  Charles 
the  Simple  worthy  to  govern  them,  they  offered  the  imperial 
crown  to  Otho,  duke  of  Saxony.  But  he  declined  it,  on  account 
of  his  age;  and,  with  a  generosity  peculiar  to  himself,  recom- 
mended to  the  electors  Conrad,  duke  of  Franconia,  though  his 
enemy.  Conrad,  was  accordingly  chosen  by  the  diet.  The 
empire  then  comprehended  not  only  the  present  German  cir- 
cles, but  also  Holland,  Flanders,  and  Switzerland. 

The  reign  of  Conrad  I.  was  one  continual  scene  of  trouble, 
though  he  took  every  necessary  measure  to  support  his  autho- 
rity, and  preserve  the  tranquillity  of  the  empire.  He  was  no 
sooner  elected  than  he  had  occasion  to  march  into  Lorrain, 
where  the  nobility,  being  attached  to  the  family  of  Charlemagne, 


12*  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i. 

acknowledged  Charles  the  Simple  as  their  sovereisjn,  and  of- 
fered to  ]3ut  him  in  possession  of  that  country.  Before  Con- 
rad could  settle  the  affairs  of  Lorrain,  he  was'  recalled  by  the 
revolt  of  several  powerful  dukes;  who  envied  his  promotion. — 
One  rebellion  succeeded  another  ;  and,  to  complete  his  misfor- 
tunes, the  Hungarians  invaded  the  emj^ire.  They  had  for  some 
time  been  accustomed  to  pass  the  entrenchments  formed  by 
Charlemagne  along  the  Raab  in  order  to  restrain  their  incur- 
sions; and,  no  less  fierce  than  the  ancient  Huns,  they  had  wide- 
ly diffused  their  devastations.  They  had  several  times  pillaged 
Italy  ;  and  now  in  their  way  from  that  country,  where  they  had 
humbled  Berengarius  (taking  advantage  of  the  troubles  of  the 
A  D  917  ^"^P^*"^)'  ^hey  made  irruptions  into  Saxony,  Thu- 
'ringia,  Franconia,  Lorrain,  and  Alsace,  which  they 
desolated  with  fire  and  sword,  and  obliged  Conrad  to  purchase 
a  peace  on  dishonourable  terms^  This  prince  died  without 
male  heirs,  after  recommending  to  the  Germanic  body,  as  his 
successor,  Henry  duke  of  Saxony,  son  of  that  Otho  to  whom 
he  owed  his  crown. 

Henry  I. ,  surnamed  the  Fowler  because  he  delighted  in  the 
pursuit  of  birds,  was  elected  with  universal  approbation  by  the 
A  n  QIQ  assembled  states,  composed  of  the  dignified  clergy, 
* '  the  principal  nobility,  and  the  heads  of  the  army. 

This  right  of  choosing  an  emperor,  originally  common  to  all 
the  members  of  the  Germanic  body,  was  afterwards  confined, 
as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see,  to  seven  of  the  chief  members 
of  that  body,  considered  as  representatives  of  the  whole,  and  of 
all  its  different  orders  ;  namely,  the  archbishops  of  Mentz,  Co- 
logne, and  Treves,  chancellors  of  the  three  great  districts  into 
which  the  German  empire  was  anciently  divided,  the  king  of 
Bohemia,  the  duke  of  Saxony,  the  marquis  of  Brandenburg, 
and  the  count  palatine  of  the  Rhine^. 

It  was  still  undecided  whether  Lorrain  should  belong  to  France 
^y  ^  or  Germany.  Henry,  as  soon  as  the  situation  of  his 
*  affairs  would  permit,  entered  it  with  a  |X)werful  army, 
and  subdued  the  whole  country.  His  next  objects  were  the  in- 
ternal peace  and  prosperity  of  the  empire.  He  published  a  gene- 
ral amnesty  in  favour  of  all  thieves  and  banditti,  provided  they 
would  enlist  in  his  armies,  and  actually  formed  them  into  a  troop. 
He  created  marquises,  in  imitation  of  Charlemagne,  to  guard  the 
frontiers  of  the  empire  against  the  Barbarians,  and  obliged  all 
vassals  and  sub-vassals  to  furnish  soldiers,  and  corn  for  their 
subsistences  He  likewise  ordered  the  principal  towns  to  be  sur- 

1  Annal.  German,  ap.  Struv.  Corp,  llist.  vol,  i. 

2  Goldast.  Politic.  Imperial,  liiit.  3  Ann.  Sax. 


IBT.  XIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  125 

rounded  with  walls,  bastions,  and  ditches;  that  the  nobility  might 
be  habituated  to  the  use  of  arms,  even  in  time  of  peace,  he  in- 
stituted certain  military  shames,  or  tournaments,  in  which  they 
vied  with  each  other  in  displaying  their  valour  and  address. 

After  taking  these  wise  measures  for  the  welfare  of  the  state, 
Henry  began  to  prepare  for  war  against  the  Hungarians,  whom 
he  had  exasperated  by  refusing  to  gratify  them  with  an  annual 
tribute  (a  disgrace  to  which  Louis  IV.  had  submitted),  and  by- 
other  marks  of  disdain  and  defiance.  Enraged  at  g^- 
his  firmness,  they  entered  Germany  with  a  very  nu- 
merous army,  breathing  vengeance.  But  Henry,  being  sup- 
ported by  the  whole  force  of  his  dominions,  defeated  them  with 
great  slaughter  at  Mersburg,  and  rescued  the  empire  from  a 
barbarous  enemy,  and  ignominious  tribute"*. 

Having  thus  subdued  his  enemies,  and  secured  the  tranquil- 
lity of  his  subjects,  both  at  home  and  abroad,  the  emperor  began 
to  taste  the  fruits  of  his  wisdom  and  valour,  when  the  pope  and 
the  citizens  of  Rome  invited  him  to  the  conquest  of  Italy,  still 
distracted  by  civil  wars  ;  offering  him  the  holy  unc-  q„ 

tion,  and  the  title  of  Augustus.  Henry,  who  wished 
to  be  master  of  Italy,  and  w  as  also  desirous  of  the  papal  sanc- 
tion to  the  imperial  crown,  set  out  immediately  for  that  country, 
at  the  head  of  his  troops  ;  but  being  seized  with  an  apoplexy  on 
his  march,  he  was  obliged  to  return,  and  died  at  Mansleben  in 
Thuringia.  Before  his  death,  he  convoked  the  princes  of  the 
empire,  who  settled  the  succession  on  his  son  Otho. 

Henry  was  universally  allowed  to  be  the  ablest  statesman  and 
the  greatest  prince  of  Europe  in  his  time  ;  but  his  successor 
Otho,  afterwards  styled  the  Great,  surpassed  him  both  in  power 
and  renown,  though  not  perhaps  in  valour  or  abilities.  For,  as 
Voltaire  well  observes,  tlie  acknowledged  heir  of  an  able  prince, 
who  has  been  the  founder  or  restorer  of  a  state,  is  always  more 
powerful  than  his  father,  if  not  greatly  inferior  in  courage  and 
talents  : — and  the  reason  is  obvious  :  he  enters  on  a  career  al- 
ready opened  to  him,  and  begins  where  his  predecessor  ended. 
Hence  Alexander  went  further  than  Philip,  Charlemagne  than 
Pepin,  and  Otho  the  Great  than  Henry  the  Fowler.  But,  be- 
fore I  proceed  to  the  reign  of  Otho,  we  must  take  a  view  of  the 
troubles  of  France  under  Charles  the  Simple,  and  his  unhappy 
successors  of  the  Carlovingian  race. 

4  Enwplhns.  p.  iri. 


126  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


LETTER  XV. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  France^  from  the  Settlement  of  the  Normaiis 
to  the  Extinction  of  the  Carlovingian  Race. 

YOU  have  already,  tny  dear  Philip,  seen  the  usurpations 
of  the  nobles,  and  the  settlement  of  the  Normans  in  France,  un- 
der Charles  the  Simple.  He  gave  continual  proofs  of  his  weak- 
ness, and  became  equally  contemptible  to  the  French  and  Nor- 
mans. A  violent  attempt  was  made  to  dethrone  him  by  Robert 
duke  of  France,  brother  to  Eudes,  the  late  king.  This  rebellion 
was  defeated,  in  the  first  instance,  by  the  unexpected  answer 
of  Rollo,  duke  of  Normandy,  who  generously  declared,  when 
solicited  to  join  in  it,  that  he  was  equally  incapable  of  abetting 
or  suffering  injustice\ — Yet  Rollo,  as  we  have  seen,  was  once 
a  robber  by  profession.  But  then,  as  we  ought  to  observe  in 
his  vindication,  he  was  under  engagements  to  no  prince,  and 
claimed  the  protection  of  no  laws  :  he  was  then  on  a  footing 
with  the  Caesars  and  the  Alexanders,  and  now  only  inferior  in 
power  to  the  Alfreds  and  Charlemagnes. 

After  the  death  of  Rollo,  duke  Robert  renewed  his  intrigues. 
He  obliged  the  king  to  dismiss  Haganon,  his  favourite  counsel- 
lor ;  and  then  seized  that  minister's  treasures,  with  which  he 
gratified  his  adherents.  They  declared  Charles  in- 
A.  D.  y  ^' (,jjpjji-)ie  Qf  reigning,  and  proclaimed  Robert  king  of 
France.  He  was  soon  after  killed  in  battle  ;  yet  his  party  tri- 
umphed; and  his  son  Hugh  the  Great,  or  the  Abbot,  as  he  is 
styled  by  some  writers,  on  account  of  the  number  of  rich  abbeys 
Q^„  which  he  held,  had  the  crown  in  his  power.  But  he 
"^•^^  chose  to  place  it  on  the  head  of  Rodolph,  duke  of 
Burgundy,  who  assumed  the  title  of  king,  and  was  almost  uni- 
versally acknowledged. 

Charles  was  soon  after  decoyed  into  a  fortress  by  the  trea- 
cherous friendship  of  the  powerful  count  of  Vermandois,  and 
detained  prisoner.  He  now  became  the  sport  of  the  ambition  of 
his  own  rebellious  subjects.  The  count  released  him,  and  paid 
homage  to  him  as  his  sovereign,  when  he  wished  to  obtain  a 
grant  from  Rodolph,  and  shut  him  up  when  he  had  succeeded 
in  his  object.  The  unfortunate  prince  died  in  confinement^. 

After  the  death  of  Charles  the  Simple,  Rodolph  acted  with 

Q^g  much  spirit  and  resolution.     He  repelled  the  incur- 

A.  D.  yjy.  gj^^^  ^j.  gQj^g  j^gyy  tribes  of  Normans,  restrained  the 

1  FlodoardiChron.  2  Glab,  Hist,  sui  Temp. 


LET.  XV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  127 

licentiousness  of  the  nobles,  and  restored  both  tranquillity  and 
vigour  to  the  kingdom.     But,  as  this  prince  died  q„- 

witliout  issue,  France  was  again  involved  in  troubles, 
and  a  kind  of  interregnum  ensued.  At  length  Hugh  the  Great, 
still  disdaining  the  title  of  king,  or  afraid  to  usurp  it,  recalled 
Charles's  son  Louis  (surnamed  the  Stranger,)  from  England, 
whither  he  had  been  carried  by  his  mother  Edgiva,  grand- 
daughter of  the  great  Alfred'. 

The  prince  who  was  thus  recalled  was  in  a  great  measure  un- 
acquainted with  the  affairs  of  France ;  yet  he  conducted  himself 
with  a  spirit  becoming  his  rank,  though  not  without  some  de- 
gree of  that  imprudence  which  was  natural  to  his  age.  He  at- 
tempted to  rescue  himself  from  the  tyranny  of  duke  Hugh,  who 
allowed  him  little  more  than  the  name  of  king.  But,  after  a  va- 
riety of  struggles,  he  was  obliged  to  make  peace  with  his  vas- 
sal, and  cede  to  him  the  county  of  Laon. 

Louis  the  Stranger  died  at  the  age  of  thirty-eight  years,  and 
left  a  shadow  of  royalty  to  his  son  Lothaire ;  or  rather  g^^^ 

Hugh  the  Great  was  pleased  to  grant  him  the  tide  of   '    * 
king,  that  he  himself  might  enjoy  the  power.     This  ambitious 
nobleman,  no  less  formidable  than  the  ancient  mayors,  died  in 
956,  and  was  succeeded  in  consequence  and  abilities  by  his  son 
Hugh  Capet. 

Lothaire  wanted  neither  courage  nor  ambition.  He  attempt- 
ed to  recover  Lorrain,  which  had  been  for  some  time  in  the  pos- 
session of  the  emperors  of  Germany.  But  Otho  H.,  by  an  art- 
ful stroke  of  policy,  disconcerted  his  measures,  and  ruined  his 
reputation.  He  ceded  the  disputed  territory  to  the  king's  bro- 
ther Charles,  on  condition  that  he  should  hold  it  as  a  fief  of  the 
empire.  Lothaire,  incensed  at  this  donation,  by  which  his  bro- 
ther was  benefited  at  the  expense  of  his  character,  his  interest, 
and  the  honour  of  his  crown,  assembled  a  powerful  army,  and 
marched  suddenly  to  i\.ix-la-Chapelle,  where  he  surprised  the 
emperor,  and  put  him  to  flight.  He  himself  was  vanquished  in 
his  turn,  and  was  again  victorious.     But,  at  the  end  g^^ 

of  the  contest,  he  was  obliged  to  resign  Lorrain,  which 
was  divided  between  Charles  and  Otho*. 

He  died  in  986,  and  was  quietly  succeeded  by  his  son  Louis 
v.,  who  governed  under  the  direction  of  Hugh  Capet,  during 
a  short  and  turbulent  reign.     With  him  ended  the  gg- 

sway  of  the  Carlovingians,  or  descendants  of  Charle- 
magne, the  second  race  of  French  kings.     The  affairs  of  the 
empire  now  claim  your  attention. 

3  Flodoardi  Chron.  4  Aimon.  lib.  t. 


X28  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


LETTER  XVI. 


Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Italian  Dependencies^  under  Otho 
the  Great  J  and  his  Successors  of  the  House  of  Saxony^ 

OTHO  I.,  the  most  powerful  emperor  since  Charlemagne, 
and  who  had  the  honour  of  re- uniting  Italy  to  the  imperial  do- 
minions, was  elected  at  Aix-la-Cliapelle  by  the  unanimous  con- 
Qo  Y  sent  of  the  diet,  according  to  the  promise  made  to  his 
*  father,  Henry  the  Fowler^     He  began  his  reign  with 
the  most  upright  administration,  and  seemed  desirous  of  living 
in  peace  and  tranquillity.     But  his  quiet  was  soon   interrupted 
by  wars  both  foreign  and  domestic,  which  he  had  sufficient  abi- 
lities to  manage,  and  which  terminated  in  his  aggrandisement. 
The  Hungarians,  according  to  custom,  invaded  the  empire, 
committing  every  species  of  barbarity.     Otho,  however,  soon 
put  a  stop  to  their  ravages.   He  came  up  with  them  on  the  plain 
of  Dortmund,  in  Westphalia,  and  defeated  them  with  great 
slaughter.     But  the  Hungarians  were  not  the  only  enemy  Otho 
had  to  encounter.     Immediately  after  his  return  from  this  vic- 
Q„-  tory,  he  was  informed  that  the  Bohemians  had  revolt- 
'ed.     Bohemia   was   then    entirely   barbarous,    and 
mostly  pagan.     Otho,  after  a  variety  of  struggles,  rendered  it 
tributary  to  Germany,  and  also  obliged  the  inhabitants  to  em- 
brace Christianity^. 

In  the  mean  time  the  emperor  was  engaged  in  many  disputes 
with  his  own  rebellious  subjects.  On  the  death  of  Arnold,  duke 
of  Bavaria,  his  son  Everard  refused  to  do  homage  to  Otho,  on 
pretence  that  he  was  not  his  vassal,  but  his  ally.    This  struggle 

1  Tlip  <licts  of  the  German  empirf  were  o'-iginally  tlie  same  with  the  tiational  assemblies 
convoked  V>y  the  kings  of  France.  They  met  at  least  once  a  year,  and  every  freeman  had 
a  riglit  to  he  [irosent.  They  were  great  councils,  in  which  the  sovereign  deliberated  with 
his  snbjects  coi\cerning  their  common  interests.  But  when  the  nobles  and  dignified  clergy 
acquired,  with  the  rank  of  princes,  territorial  and  independent  jurisdiction,  the  diet  became 
an  assembly  of  the  separate  states  thatfurmed  the  confederacy,  of  which  the  emperor  was 
the  head  ;  and,  if  any  member  possessed  more  than  one  of  those  states,  he  was  allowed  to 
have  a  proportional  number  of  suffrages.  On  the  same  principle  the  imperial  cities,  as  soon 
:is  they  became  free,  and  acquired  supreme  and  independent  jurisdiction  within  their  own 
territories,  were  received  as  members  of  the  diet.  (Alrum.  fie  Comitiis  Rom.  German. 
Imperii.)  The  powers  of  the  diet  extend  to  every  thing  relative  to  the  common  interests 
of  (he  Germanic  hodv,  as  a  confedei-acy,  but  not  to  the  interior  government  of  the  diflerent 
siMics,  unless  when  domestic  disorders  disturb  or  threaten  the  peaoe  of  the  empire. 

2  Dubrav.  Hist.  Uohem. 


XET.  XVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  129 

between  the  crown  and  the  great  fiefs — between  the  power  which 
ah\ays  seeks  increase,  and  liberty  which  aims  at  independence 
— for  a  long  time  agitated  Europe.  It  subsisted  in  Spain,  while 
the  Christians  had  to  contend  with  the  votaries  of  Mohammed; 
but  after  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors,  the  sovereign  authority 
gained  the  ascendant.  It  was  this  competition  that  involved 
France  in  troubles  till  the  reign  of  Louis  XL,  when  the  feudal 
lordships  were  gradually  circumscribed  and  weakened,  and  the 
nobles  reduced  to  a  dependence  on  the  prince  ;  that  established 
in  England  the  mixed  government,  to  which  we  owe  our  present 
greatness,  and  cemented  in  Poland  the  liberty  of  the  nobles  with 
the  slavery  of  the  people.  The  same  spirit  hath,  at  different 
times,  troubled  Sweden  and  Denmark,  and  founded  the  repub- 
lics of  Holland  and  Switzerland  :  the  same  cause  hath  almost 
every  where  produced  different  effects  !  The  prerogative  of  the 
prince  have,  in  some  instances,  as  in  that  of  the  German  empire, 
been  reduced  to  a  mere  title,  and  the  national  union  itself  pre- 
served only  in  the  observance  of  a  few  insignificant  formalities. 
The  duke  of  Bavaria  was  not  willing  to  observe  even  these  for- 
malities :  Otho  therefore  entered  that  country  with  an  army,  ex- 
pelled Everard,  and  bestowed  the  duchy  upon  his  uncle  Bertolf, 
who  willingly  did  homage  for  such  a  present^  The  emperor  at 
the  same  time  created  one  of  Everard's  brothers  count  palatine 
of  Bavaria,  and  the  other  count  palatine  of  the  Rhine. 

This  dignity  of  count  palatine  was  revived  from  the  counts  of 
the  palace  of  the  Roman  and  French  emperors.  These  palatines 
were  at  first  supreme  judges,  and  gave  judgment  in  the  last  ap- 
peal, in  the  name  of  the  emperor.  They  were  also  entrusted 
with  the  government  of  the  imperial  domains. 

Otho  having  thus  settled  the  internal  tranquillity  of  the  em- 
pire (which,  however,  was  soon  disturbed  by  the  re-  g  .q 
bellion  of  his  brother),  assembled  a  diet  at  Arensberg, 
where  among  other  things  it  was  debated,  whether  inheritance 
should  descend  in  a  direct  line  ;  whether,  for  example,  a  grand- 
son, heir  to  an  eldest  son,  should  succeed,  on  the  death  of  his 
grandfather,  in  preference  to  his  uncles.  The  diet  nf)t  being 
able  to  come  to  any  determination  on  this  point,  though  so  clear 
according  to  our  present  ideas  of  inheritance,  it  was  agreed  that 
the  cause  which  had  suggested  the  doubt  should  l)e  decided  by 
duel.  An  equal  number  of  combatants  were  accordingly  chosen 
on  both  sides ;  and  the  suit  was  determined  in  favour  of  the 
grandson,  his  champions  being  victorious"*.  The  decision  by 
arms  was,  for  once,  consistent  with  equity  :  the  law  is  now  uni- 

3  Barre,  Hist,  d'  AHemagne,  tome  iii.  4  Barre,  Hkt.  d' Alleraagne,  tpme  iii-. 

VoL.L  R 


130  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

versal.  This  mode  of  trial  soon  became  general  over  Europe ; 
and  under  the  following  reign  a  diet  ordained,  that  doubtful 
cases  should  no  longer  be  decided  upon  oath,  but  by  the  sword*. 
The  base  were  thus  deprived  of  the  advantages  which  they  might 
have  reaped  from  perjury,  whatever  inconveniences  might  at- 
tend the  ordinance^  And  the  regulation  itself  proves  the  base- 
ness as  well  as  the  ignorance  of  the  age. 

In  order  to  counterbalance  the  power  of  the  nobility,  Otho 

Q ,  n  augmented  the  privileges  of  the  German  clergy.  He 

'conferred  on  them  duchies  and  counties,  with  all  the 

rights  of  other  princes  and  nobles  ;  and,  like  Charlemagne,  the 

founder  of  the  empire  whose  lustre  he  restored,  he  propagated 

Q ,  o  Christianity  by  force  of  arms.  He  obliged  the  Danes 
'  to  pay  him  tribute,  and  receive  baptism,  as  an  earn- 
est of  their  good  behaviour^ 

Pleased  with  his  success  in  the  North,  Otho  directed  his  at- 
tention to  the  South  ;  and  an  opportunity  of  gratifying  his  am- 
bition without  injury  to  his  humane  feelings,  now  presented  itself 
to  his  view.  Italy  was  torn  by  factions,  and  ruled  by  tyrants. 
Rodolph  n.,  king  of  the  two  Burgundies,  had  dethroned  Beren- 
garius,  and  was  himself  dethroned  by  Hugh,  marquis  of  Pro- 
vence, whose  son  Lothaire  was  also  dethroned  by  Berengarius 
II.  This  Berengarius  kept  Adelaide,  the  widow  of  Lothaire, 
in  confinement.     She  invited  Otho  to  her  relief.     He  entered 

g^cj  Italy  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  rescued  Ade- 

*  laide,  married  her,  and  obliged  Berengarius  to  take 
an  oath  of  fealty,  generously  leaving  him  in  possession  of  his 
kingdom*. 

The  pleasure  which  Otho  must  have  received  from  the  con- 
quest of  Italy  was  allayed  by  the  revolt  of  his  son  Ludolph,  who, 
though  already  declared  successor  to  the  empire,  was  so  much 
chagrined  at  his  father's  second  marriage,  that  he  engaged  in  a 
rebellion  against  him  with  the  duke  of  Franconia,  and  other 
German  noblemen.  Pursued  by  the  vigilance  of  the  emperor, 
Ludolph  took  refuge  in  Ratisbon,  where  he  was  soon  reduced 
to  extremity.  At  the  intercession  of  his  friends,  however,  he 
was  permitted  to  retire  with  his  followers.  He  again  rebelled  ; 
Q--  but  returning  soon  after  to  a  sense  of  his  duty,  he 

*  took  an  opportunity,  when  Otho  was  hunting,  to 
throw  himself  at  his  feet,  and  implored  forgiveness  in  the  most 
humiliating  language.     "  Have  pity,"  said  he  (after  a  pathetic 

5.  Leg.  LoBgob.  lib.  ii. 

6  This  reason  is  Hctnnll;  assigned,  in  a  Barbarian  code,  in  favour  of  the  judicial  combat. 
n  cases  where  an  oath  might  settle  the  dispute.     Leg.  Burgund.  tit.  xlv. 
7.  Ann.  Sax.  8  Fiodoard.  lib.  iv. 


LKT.  XVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  I3l 

pause),  "on your  child,  who  returns,  like  the  prodigal  son,  to 
"  his  father.  If  you  permit  him  to  live,  who  has  so  often  de 
"  served  to  die,  he  will  be  faithful  and  obedient  for  tlie  future, 
"  and  have  time  to  repent  of  his  folly  and  ingratitude.*'  The 
emperor,  equally  surprised  and  affected  at  this  movinj^  specta- 
cle, raised  his  son  from  the  ground,  while  the  tears  flowed  from 
his  eyes ;  received  him  into  favour ;  and  forgave  all  his  followers^. 

The  young  prince  afterwards  died  in  Italy,  whither  he  had 
been  sent  by  his  father,  to  humble  the  ungrateful  Berengarius, 
who  had  broken  his  faith  with  the  emperor,  and  tyrannised  over 
his  countrymen.     The  untimely  death  of  Ludolph,  „ 

which  greatly  affected  Otho,  gave  Berengarius  time 
to  breathe.  He  was  soon  absolute  master  of  the  ancient  king- 
dom of  Lombardy,  but  not  of  Rome,  which  was  then  governed 
by  Octavian,  grandson  of  the  celebrated  Marozia,  concubine  of 
Sergius  III.  By  the  great  interest  of  his  family,  he  had  been 
elected  pope  at  the  age  of  eighteen,  when  he  was  not  even  in 
orders.  He  took  the  name  of  John  XII.  out  of  respect  to  the 
memory  of  his  uncle,  John  XL,  and  was  the  first  pope  who 
changed  his  name  on  his  accession  to  the  pontificate'". 

This  John  XII.  was  a  patrician,  or  nobleman  of  Rome,  and 
consequently  united  in  the  papal  chair  the  privileges  of  temporal 
and  spiritual  authority,  by  a  right  whose  legality  could  not  be 
disputed.  But  he  was  young,  sunk  in  debauchery,  and  unable 
to  oppose  the  tyranny  of  Berengarius  and  his  son  Adelbert :  he 
therefore  conjured  Otho,  '<  by  the  love  of  God  and  of  the  holy 
"  apostles,  to  come  and  deliver  the  Roman  church 
*' from  the  fangs  of  two  monsters."  This  flattering  '  ' 
invitation  was  accompanied  with  an  offer  of  the  papal  sanction 
to  the  imperial  crown,  and  of  the  kingdom  of  Lombardy,  from 
the  Italian  states. 

In  compliance  with  the  request  of  the  pope,  or  rather  with 
the  occasion  it  afforded  of  gratifying  his  own  ambition,  the  em- 
peror assembled  a  powerful  army,  and  marched  into  Italy,  after 
having  convoked  a  diet  at  Worms,  where  Otho,  his  son  by  Ade- 
laide, was  elected  his  successor — a  necessary  precaution  in 
those  troublesome  times  for  securing  the  crown  in  a  family. — 
Berengarius  fled  before  him :  he  entered  Pavia  without  opposi- 
tion, and  was  crowned  king  of  Lombardy  at  Milan,  ^^^ 
by  the  archbishop  of  that  city,  in  presence  of  the  no- 
bility and  clergy,  who  had  formally  deposed  Berengarius. 

Rome  also  opened  its  gates  to  Otho:  and  the  pope  crowned  him 
emperor  of  the  Romans,  dignified  him  with  the  title  of  Augus- 

9  Annal.  Gei-m,  10  Sigon.  Keg.  Ital,  lib.  vi. 


132  THE  HISTORY  OF  part,  i; 

tus,  and  swore  allegiance  to  him  on  the  tomb  where  the  body  of 
St.  Peter  is  said  to  be  deposited^^  The  emperor  at  the  same 
time  confirmed  to  the  apostohc  seethe  donations  made  by  Pepin 
and  Charlemagne,  "  saving  in  ail  things,'^  says  he,  "  our  au- 
"  thority,  and  that  of  our  son  and  descendants^^;"  expressions 
by  which  it  appears  that,  in  this  gi*ant,  Otho  reserved  to  the 
empire  the  supreme  jurisdiction  over  the  papal  territories. 

Otho  now  marched  in  pursuit  of  Berengarius,  whom  he  seized, 
and  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment.  Meanwhile  the 
pope,  finding  that  he  had  given  himself  a  master  in  a  protector, 
repented  of  his  conduct,  violated  his  oath  to  the  emperor,  and 
entered  into  a  league  with  Adalbert,  the  son  of  Berengarius. — 
Otho  suddenly  returned  to  Rome;  Adelbert  fled;  and  a  council 
deposed  John  XII.  for  his  debaucheries,  as  was  pretended,  but 
in  reality  for  revolting  from  the  emperor,  though  his  licentious- 
ness was  sufficiently  enormous  to  render  him  unworthy  of  any 
civil  or  ecclesiastical  dignity.  Leo  VIII.  a  layman,  but  a  man 
of  virtue,  was  elected  his  successor  ;  and  the  clergy 
^'  ^'  •  and  citizens  of  Rome  took  anew  the  oath  of  allegi- 
ance to  Otho,  and  bound  themselves  neither  to  elect  nor  conse- 
crate a  pope  without  the  consent  of  the  emperor". 

But  Otho  having  occasion  to  quell  some  disturbances  in  Spo- 
leto,  afaction  reinstated  John XII.,  anew  council  deposed  Leo; 
and  a  canon  w  as  enacted,  declaring  "  that  no  inferior 
A.  D.  yo  .  ^^  ^^^  degrade  a  superior^^;"  the  framers  of  which 
not  only  meant  to  intimate  that  the  bishops  and  cardinals  had 
no  pou  er  to  depose  a  pope,  but  ihat  the  emperor,  as  a  layman, 
owed  to  the  church  that  very  allegiance  which  he  exacted  frora 
her. 

Soon  after  this  revolution,  pope  John  was  assassinated  in  the 
arms  of  one  of  his  mistresses.  His  party,  however,  still  refused 
to  acknowledge  Leo,  and  proceeded  to  the  election  of  Benedict 
v.,  who  was  accordingly  promoted  to  the  chair  of  St.  Peter. — 
Informed  of  these  audacious  and  faithless  proceedings,  Otho 
marched  back  to  Rome,  which  he  reduced,  and  restored  Leo 
VIII.  to  his  dignity.  Benedict  appeared  before  a  council;  own- 
ed himself  guilty  of  usurpation  ;  stripped  himself  of  the  ponti- 
fical robes  ;  implored  compassion,  and  was  banished  to  Ham- 
burg. Leo  VIII. ,  with  all  the  clergy  and  Roman  people,  enact- 
ed at  the  same  time  a  celebrated  decree,  which  was  long  consi- 
dered as  a  fundamental  law  of  the  empire ;  "  That  Otho,  and  his 
"  successors  in  the  kingdom  of  Italy,  should  always  have  the 

11  Sciiptor.  llt-nim  Gcrmanicarum,  eflit.  Mcilon. 

12  ExciTiplar.  Dii)lom.  Othon.  ap.  Baiotk.  13  Sigou.  lib,  vji. 
l^Luitpraiid.  lib.  vi. 


iET.  XVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  133 

"  power  of  choosing  a  successor,  of  naming  the  pope,  and  of 
"  giving  investiture  to  bishops'^." 

"The  affairs  of  Italy  being  thus  settled,  Otho  returnedto  Ger- 
many ;  where  he  had  scarcely  arrived,  when  the  Italians  again 
revolted,  and  expelled  John  XIII.,  who  had  been  elect-  ^   _ 

ed  m  presence  oi  the  imperial  commissioners,  alter 
the  death  of  Leo  VIII.  Enraged  at  so  many  instances  of  per- 
fidy, Otho  once  more  entered  Italy,  and  marched  to  Rome, 
which  he  treated  with  a  severity  somewhat  bordering  on  re- 
venge, but  justly  merited.  He  banished  the  consuls,  hanged  the 
tribunes,  and  caused  the  prefect  of  Rome,  who  aimed  at  the  cha- 
racter of  a  second  Brutus,  to  be  whipped  naked  through  the 
streets  on  an  ass'^.  These  ancient  dignities  subsisted  q^_ 

only  in  name,  and  the  people  were  destitute  of  every 
virtue.  They  had  repeatedly  broken  their  faith  to  the  prince, 
whose  protection  they  had  craved,  and  to  whom  the}  had  sworn 
allegiance  :  an  attempt  therefore  to  restore  the  republic,  which 
had  at  one  time  been  considered  as  the  height  of  patriotism,  was 
now  deservedly  punished  as  a  seditious  revolt — though  a  person 
of  no  less  eminence  than  Voltaire  seems  to  consider  lx)th  in 
the  same  light. 

After  re-establishing  the  pope,  and  regulating  the  police  of 
Rome,  Otho  retired  to  Capua,  where  he  received  ambassadors 
from  Nicephorus  the  Greek  emperor,  who  wished  to  ^.-^ 

renew  the  old  alliance  betueen  the  eastern  and  west-  '  *  '' 
ern  empires,  and  also  proposed  a  marriage  betw  een  the  princess 
Theophania  and  Otho's  son,  lately  associated  with  his  father  in 
the  supreme  power.  In  the  course  of  this  negociation,  however, 
the  Greek  grew  jealous  of  the  German,  and  ordered  the  nobles 
to  be  assassinated  who  came  to  receive  the  princess.  Incensed 
at  so  enormous  a  perfidy,  Otho  directed  his  generals  to  enter 
Calabria,  where  they  defeated  the  Greek  army,  cut  g^„ 

off  the  noses  of  their  prisoners,  and  sent  them  in  that 
condition  to  Constantinople'^ 

But  peace  was  soon  after  established  between  the  two  em- 
pires.    Nicephorus  being  put  to  death  by  his  subjects,  John 
Zimisces,  his  successor,  sent  Theophania  into  Italy,  uhere  her 
marriage  with  young  Otho  was  consummated,  and  all  differ- 
ences were  accommodated'^  The  emperor  returned  ^_„ 
to  Germany,  covered  with  glory  and  success,  and '  *    * 
lived  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  victories  two  years  in  his  native 
Saxony.     He  died  after  a  reign  of  thirty-six  years  ;  ^     „_,jj 
during  which  he  had  justly  acquired  the  appellation      '  ^ 

1.1  Extract,  in  Grat.  16  Sigon.  lib.  vji. 

17  Id.  Ibid.  18  Annal.  de  lEinp.  vol.  i. 


184  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

of  the  Great,  the  Conqueror  of  Italy,  and  the  Restorer  of  the 
Empire  of  Charlemagne. 

Otho  II.,  surnamed  the  Sanguinary,  on  account  of  the  blood 
Spilled  under  his  reign,  succeeded  his  father  at  the  age  of  eigh- 
teen. His  youth  occasioned  troubles,  which  his  valour  enabled 
him  to  dissipate.  Henry,  duke  of  Bavaria,  and  several  other 
noblemen,  rebelled,  but  were  all  reduced  in  a  short  time.  Den- 
mark and  Bohemia  felt  his  power,  and  Rome,  by  new  crimes, 
offered  a  theatre  for  his  justice.  The  consul  Crescentius,  son  of 
the  abandoned  Theodora,  who  had  been  concubine  t©  pope  John 
X.,  revived  the  project  of  restoring  the  republic,  and  caused 
Benedict  VI.,  who  adhered  to  the  emperor,  to  be  murdered 
in  prison.  His  faction  elected  Boniface  VII.,  another  faction 
elected  Benedict  VII.,  and  a  third  John  XIV.,  who  was  put 
to  death  by  Boniface'^. 

These  horrors  succeeded  one  another  so  rapidly  that  chrono- 
logists  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  the  dates,  nor  historians 
accurately  to  settle  the  names  of  the  pontiffs.  The  pope  of  one 
party  was  the  anti-pope  of  another.  But,  Benedict  VII.  and 
the  imperial  party  prevailing,  Boniface  went  to  Constantinople, 
and  implored  the  Greek  emperors,  Basil  and  Constantine,  to 
come  and  restore  the  throne  of  the  C^sars  in  Italy,  and  deliver 
the  Romans  from  the  German  yoke. 

This  circumstance,  my  dear  Philip,  merits  your  attention. 
The  popes,  in  order  to  increase  their  power,  had  formerly  re- 
nounced their  allegiance  to  the  Greeks,  and  called  in  the  Franks. 
They  afterwards  had  recourse  to  the  Germans,  who  confirmed 
the  privileges  granted  to  them  by  the  French ;  and  now  they 
seemed  ready  to  receive  their  ancient  masters,  or  rather  to  ac- 
knowledge no  master  at  all:  and  hence  they  have  been  accused 
of  boundless  ambition.  But  in  these  proceedings  I  can  see  no 
foundation  for  such  a  charge.  It  is  natural  for  man  to  desire 
sway ;  and,  when  obtained,  to  seek  to  increase  it.  When  the 
popes  had  become  temporal  princes,  they  would  consequently 
seek  to  secure  and  extend  their  dominion.  If  they  had  acted 
otherwise,  they  would  not  have  been  men.  I  am  much  more  of- 
fended at  that  dominion  offblind  belief,  which  they  endeavoured 
to  extend  over  the  human  mind.  The  one  was  a  generous,  the 
other  an  ignoble  ambition ;  the  first  made  only  a  few  men 
change  their  sovereign,  the  latter  subjected  millions  to  a  de- 
basing superstition,  and  was  necessarily  accompanied  with  hy- 
pocrisy and  fraud. 

I  have  already  mentioned,  in  the  history  of  France,  the  dis- 
pute about  Lorrain,  which  Otho  II.  politically  shared  with  Lo- 

19  Sigon.  lib.  vij. 


XET.  XVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  135 

thaire's  brother  Charles,  on  condition  that  the  French  prince 
should  do  homage  for  it  after  the  custom  of  those  times,  with 
bended  knee,  and  closed  hands.  That  war  being  finished,  and 
the  affairs  of  Germany  setded,  Otho  marched  into  go, 

Italy,  entered  Rome  without  opposition,  and  severe-  ^  '    * 
ly  chastised  the  rebels ;  but,  in  attempting  to  wrest  Calabria 
from  the  Greeks,  his  troops  were  routed  by  the  Saracens,  whom 
the  Greeks  had  called  to  their  assistance^".  He  died  at  Rome, 
while  he  was  preparing  to  take  revenge  ou  the  enemy. 

Otho  III.  succeeded  his  f^uher  at  twelve  years  of  ^^^ 

age  ;  and  his  uncle  and  his  mother  disputing  the  ad- 
ministration, Germany  was  disquieted  by  a  turbulent  regency, 
while  Rome  became  a  prey  to  new  factions,  and  the  scene  of 
new  crimes.  Crescentius  blew  again  the  trumpet  of  liberty,  and 
persuaded  the  Romans  they  were  still  free,  that  he  might  have 
it  in  his  power  to  enslave  them. 

When  the  emperor  began  to  act  for  himself,  he  displayed 
considerable  abilities  both  in  war  and  peace.  He  defeated  the 
Danes,  who  had  invaded  the  empire,  and  entered  into  q^q 

a  friendly  alliance  with  Eric,  king  of  Sweden,  on    *    " 
condition  that  German  missionaries  should  be  allowed  to  preach 
the  Gospel   in  his  dominions^^ ;   a  great  concession   in  those 
times,  and  highly  mortifying  to  the  zealots  of  the  religion  of 
Odin. 

He  afterwards  marched  into  Italy  at  the  intercession  of  John 
XV.  who  was  persecuted  by  Crescentius.  Alarmed  at  the  name 
of  Otho,  which  had  so  often  proved  fatal  to  their  q 

confederates,  the  rebels  returned  to  their  duty,  and 
Crescentius  was  pardoned.     But  as  soon  as  the  emperor  had 
left  Rome,  that  licentious  spirit  again  revolted  ;  expelled  Gre- 
gory v.,  the  successor  of  John  XV.,  and  elevated  to  the  papal 
chair  a  creature  of  his  own,  under  the  name  of  John  XVI.  En- 
raged at  this  fresh  insult,  Otho  returned  with  a  power-  „„_ 
fill  army  to  Rome,  which  he  took  by  assault;  order-  ^'    ' 
ed  Crescentius  to  be  beheaded,  and  the  anti-pope  to  be  thrown 
from  the  top  of  the  castle  of  St.  Angelo,  after  his  eyes  had  been 
put  out,  and  his  nose  cut  off^^     Having  restored  Gregory,  and 
again  received  the  allegiance  of  the  citizens  of  Rome,  Otho 
returned  to  Germany. 

The  Saracens  afterwards  making  an  irruption  into  the  Cam- 
pania of  Rome,  the  emperor  was  again  obliged  to  march  into 
Italy.  He  expelled  the  ravagers,  and  repaired  with  ,  „„. 

a  small  body  of  troops  to  Rome,  where  his  life  was 

20  Leonis  Ostiensis  Hist.  lib.  ii.  21  Anna!,  de  I'Emp,  torn?  i. 

22  Ibid. — Heiss,  Hist,  de  TEmp.  tome  i. 


13<]  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

endangered  by  a  conspiracy ;  and,  while  he  was  assembhng 
forces  to  punish  the  rebels,  he  is  said  to  have  been  poisoned  by 
a  pair  of  gloves  sent  him  by  the  widow  of  Crescentius,  whom 
he  had  debauched  under  a  promise  of  marriage*^ 

The  empire  sustained  a  great  loss  in  the  death  of  this  prince, 
Jan  1002  ^^^^  ^^'^^  equally  brave,  resolute,  and  just,  and  by  a 
'glorious  reign  of  eighteen  years,  changed  the  sur- 
name of  Infant,  which  had  been  given  him  at  his  accession,  into 
that  of  the  Wonder  of  the  World. 

As  Otho  died  without  children,  many  candidates  for  the  im- 
perial dignity  arose.  The  prince  who  obtained  it  was  Henry 
duke  of  Bavaria,  who,  after  he  had  passed  some  years  in  ad- 
justing the  disordered  affairs  of  Germany,  found  it  necessary  to 
march  into  Italy,  where  Ardouin,  marquis  of  Ivrea,  had  assum- 
•,r.n.r  sd  thc  sovcrciguty.  Tlie  usurper  retired  at  the  ap- 
■  proacii  of  Henry,  who  was  crowned  king  of  Lom- 
bardy  at  Pavia,  by  the  archbishop  of  Milan ;  but  the  marquis 
having  some  partisans  in  that  city,  they  inflamed  the  populace 
to  such  a  degree,  that  the  emperor  was  in  danger  of  being  sa- 
crificed to  their  fury.  The  tumult  was  at  last  quelled  by  the 
imperial  troops.  Those  within  the  city  defended  the  palace, 
while  detachments  from  the  camp  scaled  the  walls,  and  com- 
mitted terrible  slaughter  in  the  streets,  till  Henry  ordered  them 
to  desist,  and  retired  to  the  fortress  of  St.  Peter.  Thither  the 
principal  citizens  repaired  in  a  body ;  implored  the  emperor's 
clemency ;  protested  their  loyalty,  and  laid  the  blame  of  the 
sedition  on  the  partisans  of  Ardouin,  who  had  practised  on  the 
ignorance  of  the  vulgar.  Henry  generously  admitted  their 
apology  :  "  Mercy,"  said  he,  "  is  my  favourite  virtue ;  and  I 
*'  would  much  rather  find  your  cbedience  the  result  of  affec- 
"  tion  than  the  consequence  of  fear**." 

The  troubles  of  Germany  obliged  the  emperor  to  leave  Italy 
without  visiting  Rome.     But,  when  he  had  quelled  those  dis- 
turbances, he  returned  to  Italy  with  his  wife  Cunegunda,  and 
1014,  ^^^  crowned  by  Benedict  VIII.     He  at  the  same 
'  time  again  defeated  Ardouin,  and  quieted  the  dis- 
orders of  Lombardy. 

Weary  of  human  greatness  or  of  the  toils  of  empire,  and 
charmed  with  the  tranquillity  of  a  monastic  life,  Henry  had  for 
some  time  expressed  a  desire  of  retiring  from  the  world,  and 
now  actually  assumed  the  religious  habit.  But  the  abbot  of  St. 
Val,  when  he  received  the  emperor  as  a  brother,  wisely  imposed 
the  following  command  on  him :  "  Monks  owe  obedience  to 

23  Au«L  supra  cit^J.  24  Heiss,  Vib.  ii.— Barre,  tome  ili. 


LET.  XVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  137 

"  their  superior,"  said  he :  "I  order  you  to  continue  at  the 
"  helm  of  government'*." 

In  consequence  of  this  injunction,  Henry  consented  to  wear 
the  crown,  and  increased  in  prosperity  to  the  hour  of  his  death. 
Yet  he  seems  to  have  been  a  prince  of  a  weak  mind,  ^^  . 

for,  besides  his  monastic  whim,  it  appears  that  he  '  * 
had  made  a  vow  of  chastity.  And,  when  he  felt  his  end  ap- 
proaching, he  sent  for  the  parents  of  his  wife  Cunegunda,  and 
said,  *'  You  gave  her  to  me  a  virgin,  and  I  restore  her  a  vir- 
gin !" — Can  a  restraint  on  the  natural  inclinations  be  a  virtue, 
where  their  indulgence  does  not  interfere  with  the  welfare  of 
society  ?  Do  not  think  so.  Such  a  declaration  from  a  husband 
is  almost  sufficient  to  make  us  credit  the  charge  of  adultery 
adduced  against  Cunegunda,  though  she  is  said  to  have  proved 
her  innocence  by  handling  red-hot  iron. 

25  Annal.  de  rKmp.  tome  i. 


LETTER  XVII. 


Sketch  of  the  History  of  Poland  and  Russia^  and  also  of  the 
Scandinavian  States,  to  the  death  of  Magnus  the  Good,  King 
of  Denmark  and  JVonvay. 

IN  a  survey  of  European  occurrences  and  transactions, 
my  dear  son,  the  northern  states  are  far  from  being  unworthy 
of  notice,  thougli  their  history  may  be  thought  less  interesting 
than  that  of  the  southern  realms  and  nations. 

Before  I  treat  of  Russia  and  the  Scandinavian  states,  I  will 
give  you  a  short  view  of  the  history  of  Poland,  which,  though 
not  strictly  in  the  north  of  Europe,  was  formerly  so  connected 
or  involved  with  Russia  in  politics  and  war,  besides  the  com- 
munity of  origin,  that  I  may  without  impropriety  treat  of  it  on 
this  occasion. 

The  people  were  of  Sarmatian  origin;  and  the  first  rulers  of 
the  country,  after  the  formation  of  several  petty  states  into  one, 
bore  the  title  of  duke.  Lech  was  long  considered  by  historians 
as  the  founder  of  the  state:  but  we  have  so  little  authority  for 
the  accounts  given  of  this  prince  and  some  of  his  reputed  suc- 
cessors, that,  in  pretending  to  inform  you  of  the  acts  of  their 
government,  I  should  rather  seem  to  bewilder  you  in  the  dark- 

VoL.  L  S 


138  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

ness  of  foble  and  of  error,  than  open  to  your  view  the  light  of 
genuine  history. 

Several  centuries  after  the  time  assigned  for  the  death  of  Lech, 
Piast,  said  to  have  been  a  wheelwright,  was  elevated  to  the 
R'^O  ^'S"'^y  of  duke  of  Poland,  on  the  extinction  of  the 
■former  line  of  princes.    He  governed  with  mildness, 
yet  not  without  spirit,  and  left  his  dominions  in  peace  to  his 
son,  by  whose  active  valour  they  were  considerably  extended. 
The  two  succeeding  dukes  were  not  destitute  of  political  abi- 
lity ;  but  Mieczslaus,  the  first  Christian  sovereign  of  Poland, 
was  more  fit  to  slumber  in  a  monastery  than  to  govern  a  state, 
though  he  deserves  our  praise  for  his  zeal  in  promoting  the 
conversion  of  his  subjects.  His  son  Boleslaus  possessed  greater 
ability,  but  was  inclined  to  deviate  into  an  opposite  extreme, 
qqg  being  too  fond  of  war  and  bloodshed.     Soon  after 
*  his  accession,  he  was  honoured  by  the  emperor  Otho 
in.  with  the  tide  of  king^ 

Boleslaus  diffused  the  terror  of  his  arms  through  Russia,  Bo- 
hemia, Moravia,  Saxony,  and  Prussia;  and  obtained  the  epithet 
of  Great  by  his  talents,  his  exploits,  and  his  power.     He  was 
102 '5   s^^c^^d^*^  t)y  his  son  Mieczslaus  H.  who  was  im- 
'  mediately  engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Russians, 
"Which  he  closed  w  ith  honour ;  but  he  was  less  successful 
against  die  Bohemians  and  other  nations  who  attempted  to 
shake  off  the  tributary  yoke  imposed  by  his  warlike  predecessor. 
The  tyranny  and  rapacity  of  Rixa,  who  acted  as  regent  for 
Casimir,  filled  the  country  with  confusion  ;  and  the  fierce  hosti- 
lities of  the  Bohemians  and  the  Russians  completed  the  misery 
of  the  nation.     Casimir,  who  had  been  driven  out  of  the  realm 
during  these  commotions,  was  at  length  recalled.  He  concilia- 
A    D   104.0  ^^^  ^^^^  Russians  by  marrying  a  princess  of  their 
*  nation ;  and  by  his  indefatigable  exertion  he  re- 
stored peace  and  order  to  the  state. 

Boleslaus  H.  was  a  brave  but  cruel  and  profligate  prince. 
While  he  was  carrying  on  a  war  against  the  Russians,  a  rebel- 
lion arose  in  his  kingdom.  He  quelled  it  by  the  vigour  of  his 
arms,  and  punished  it  wiih  inordinate  severity.  Having  em- 
broiled himself  with  the  clergy  by  the  murder  of  the  bishop  of 
Cracow,  he  was  excommunicated  by  pope  Gregory  VH.,  and 
forced  by  the  public  hatred  to  quit  his  throne  and  country.  La- 
dislaus,  brother  of  the  exiled  prince,  was  for  some  time  exclu- 
ded from  all  power  by  the  incensed  pontiff;  but  his  patient  sub- 
mission ultimately  procured  his  elevation  to  the  sovereignty, 
though  he  was  not  suffered  to  enjoy  the  royal  title^. 

1  Mattli.  Michor.  Chron.  lib.  ii  — Mart.  Cromcri  Hist. 

2  Michov,  Chron. — Guagiiin.  Sarmat.  Europ.  Descript, 


LET.  XVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  189 

Proceeding  to  a  review  of  the  Russian  historv,  I  find  myselt 
authorised  to  inform  you,  that,  about  the  year  862,  Ruric,  the 
enterprising  leader  of  a  body  of  Scandinavians,  who  were  more 
fierce  and  wadike  tlian  the  Sarmatians,  changed  into  a  princi- 
pality the  repubhcan  government,  which  the  latter  had  long 
maintained  in  the  territory  of  Novogorod^  He  preserved  till 
his  death  the  power  which  he  thus  acquired  ;  and  Oleg,  one  of 
his  relatives,  added  the  town  and  district  of  Kiow  to  the  Rus- 
sian jx)ssessions.  Encouraged  by  this  success,  he  invaded  the 
dominions  of  the  Greek  emperor,  Leo  the  Philosopher,  whom 
he  compelled  to  submit  to  dishonourable  terms  of  peace  ;  for 
philosophers  in  general,  my  dear  Philip,  are  unable  to  with- 
stand the  energy  of  barbarian  warriors. 

Igor,  the  son  of  Ruric,  ravaged  in  the  year  941  some  of  the 
Asiatic  provinces  of  the  Greeks  ;  but  the  invaders  were  so  se- 
verely chastised  by  the  troops  of  Constantine  Porphyrogeneta, 
that  scarcely  a  third  part  of  their  number  returned  to  Russia. 
After  Igor  had  fallen  a  victim  to  the  resentment  of  the  Drev- 
lians,  whom  he  had  treated  with  insult  and  outrage,  his  widow 
Olga,  who  acted  as  Regent  for  his  son,  subdued  and  cruelly  pu- 
nished the  offending  tribe.  She  more  honourably  distinguished 
herself  in  the  sequel,  by  building  towns  and  promoting  com- 
merce, as  well  as  by  introducing  the  Christian  faith  among  the 
Russians,  though  they  did  not  generally  embrace  it  in  her  time. 
Svetoslaus,or  Sviatoslaf,  signalised  his  courage  against  the  Bul- 
garians, but  was  unfortunate  in  a  war  with  the  Greeks,  and  was 
killed  in  973  by  the  Petchenegans,  whom  he  had  endeavoured 
to  bring  under  his  yoke.  He  was  so  imprudent  as  to  divide  his 
territories  among  his  three  sons  ;  but,  after  bloody  dissensions, 
they  were  reunited  by  VVolodimir  or  Vladimir,  who  became  a 
great  and  successful  prince,  recovering  the  obedience  of  revolted 
tribes,  and  extending  his  frontiers  at  the  expense  of  his  neigh- 
bours. He  endeavoured  to  civilise  and  polish  his  subjects  ;  but 
their  minds  were  not  then  ripe  for  general  improvement,  though 
they  consented  to  become  Christians  in  imitation  of  his  example. 
His  latter  days  were  embittered  by  the  contumacy  of  his  son  Ja- 
roslaus  or  Yaroslaf ;  and  he  is  said  to  have  died  of  grief,  in 
1015,  while  he  was  marchingagainst  the  rebellious  prince.  Svia- 
topolk  now  endeavoured  to  deprive  his  brother  Jaroslaus  of  his 
share  of  the  succession  ;  but  he  was  bafiled  in  his  schemes,  and 
obliged  to  quit  the  country.  He  was  reinstated  by  Boleslaus  I. 
king  of  Poland,  whose  daughter  he  had  espoused  ;  but,  being 
defeated  by  his  brother,  he  died  in  his  retreat  from  the  field  of 
battle*. 

3  MuUer,  Sammlang  Hussicher  Geschichte,  toI.  i. 

4  Nest.  ChroiH— MuUer,  Sammlung  Rus3.  Goscb,  vol.  i. 


140  THE  HISTOUY  OF  parti. 

The  reign  of  Jaroslaus  was  honourable  to  himself,  and  bene- 
ficial to  his  subjects.     He  framed  a  code  of  laws,  encouraged 
arts  and  manufactures,  and  provided  for  the  diffusion  of  reli- 
n    inS4  gious  and  moral  principles.    He  died  at  the  age  of 
*  seventy-sixyears, distributinghisdominionsamong 
four  of  his  sons,  whom  he  had  by  a  Swedish  princess. 

Sweden  now  claims  some  degree  of  attention  ;  but  it  is  not  ne- 
cessary that  I  should  dwell  long  upon  the  subject.  The  early 
history  of  that  kingdom  is  doubtful  and  obscure.  After  a  series 
of  Gothic  rulers  of  the  state,  we  hear  of  its  being  subdued,  about 
the  year  760,  by  Ixar,  king  of  Denmark*.  Another  cloud  hangs 
over  the  realm  till  the  appearance  of  Biorn,  whoappears  to  have 
reigned  before  the  middle  of  the  ninth  century.  Under  his  go- 
vernment, the  Swedes  were  enlightened  with  Christian  know- 
ledge. Near  the  close  of  that  century,  their  king  Olaus  or 
Olaf  n.  conquered  Denmark  ;  but  how  long  he  or  his  posterity 
retained  it,  we  cannot  clearly  discover.  From  that  time  to  the 
reign  of  Ingo  the  Pious,  we  meet  with  no  certain  accounts  or 
memorable  incidents.  This  prince  was  murdered  by  some 
pagan  malcontents  for  his  Christian  zeal ;  but  his  brother 
Alstan,  being  more  popular,  died  in  peace*. 

With  regard  to  Denmark,  we  hear  of  the  reign  of  Skiold  in 
that  country  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century,  but  we 
cannot  depend  on  the  information.  After  a  long  list  of  sup- 
posed princes,  we  observe  the  name  of  Godfrey,  who  is  styled 
king  of  Denmark  by  the  historian  of  Charlemagne.  Heming 
succeeded  him  in  810 ;  and  on  the  death  of  this  prince,  a  bloody 
conflict  ensued,  by  which  Harold  and  Regenfroy  obtained  pos- 
session of  the  throne.  These  associated  kings  invaded  Norway 
with  success  in  813,  but  were  soon  after  deprived  even  of  their 
former  kingdom  by  the  sons  of  Godfrey  \  Harold,  however,  re- 
covered a  part  of  his  realm,  and  enjoyed  the  favour  and  friend- 
ship of  Louis  the  Debonnaire,  at  whose  court  he  was  baptised 
in  the  Christian  faith.  Other  princes  followed,  whose  subjects, 
like  the  Swedes  and  Norwegians,  were  more  addicted  to  piracy 
than  attached  to  the  peaceful  arts  of  civilised  society. 

Early  in  the  tenth  century,  another  prince  of  the  name  of  Ha- 
rold, one  of  the  descendants  of  a  Gothic  chieftain  who  had  emi- 
grated from  Sweden  when  it  was  overrun  by  the  victorious  Ivar, 
reduced  some  principalities,  and  became  king  of  all  Norway. 
On  the  death  of  his  grandson  in  977,  the  kingdom  was  degraded 
into  an  earldom  under  the  Danish  sovereign;  but  its  dignity  was 

5  Snononis  Sturlonidig  Hist.  Regum  Seplentrion. 

6  Adami  Bremensis  Hist.— Puffendorf.  7  Egiahardi  Annal. 


LET.  xviii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  141 

soon  restored,  and  the  people  were  converted  from  the  absurdi- 
ties of  paganism*. 

Sweyn,  king  of  Denmark,  of  whose  success  in  England  you 
will  soon  be  informed,  appears  to  have  exercised  some  authority 
in  Norway  ;  and  his  successor,  Canute  the  Great,  obtained  pos- 
session of  that  kingdom.  Olaus,  in  attempting  to  recover  the 
crown,  lost  his  life  in  1030.  Canute's  son  Sweyn  governed  for 
some  years  the  Norwegian  territories;  but,  on  his  father's  death, 
he  was  removed  from  his  high  station  by  the  efforts  of  the  peo- 
ple, who  placed  on  their  throne  Magnus,  the  son  of  Olaus.  The 
new  king  concluded  an  agreement  with  Hardicanute,  the  Danish 
monarch,  importing  that  the  survivor  should  be  sovereign  of 
both  realms.  The  death  of  the  Dane,  in  1042,  gratified  the 
Norwegian  prince  with  that  honour  and  benefit;  and  he  reigned 
with  reputation  till  the  yenr  1047,  when  the  kingdoms  were 
again  divided. 

From  this  necessary  survey  of  the  Sarmatian  and  Gothic 
states,  I  now  lead  you  to  a  renewed  consideration  of  the  affairs 
of  your  own  country. 

8  Snorronis  Hist.  Regum  Septeut. 


LETTER  XVIII. 


Of  the  chief  Occurrences  and  Transactions  in  England  from  the 
Death  of  Alfred  to  the  Reign  of  Canute  the  Great. 

ENGLAND,  my  dear  Philip,  from  the  reign  of  Alfred  to 
the  Danish  conquest,  affords  few  objects  to  arrest  the  attention 
of  the  scholar,  the  gentleman,  or  the  politician.  Little  attention 
was  paid  to  arts  or  letters  ;  which,  with  manners,  suffered  a  de- 
cline. The  constitution  remained  nearly  the  same.  A  concise 
account  of  the  principal  reigns  will  therefore  be  sufficient  for 
your  purpose ;  more  especially  as  England,  during  that  period, 
had  no  connexion  with  the  affairs  of  the  continent. 

Alfred  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Edward  the  Elder,  being  the 
first  of  that  name  who  sat  on  the  English  throne.  Though  infe- 
rior to  his  father  in  genius  and  erudition,  he  equalled  him  in  mi- 
litary talents :  and  he  had  occasion  for  them.  Ethelwald,  his 
cousin,  disputed  the  crown,  and  called  in  the  Danes  to  support 


142-  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

Q-.  -  his  claim.    The  death  of  this  claimant,  who  fell  in  a 

'  *  '  battle  with  the  Kentish  men',  decided  the  quarrel;  but 
Edward's  wars  with  the  Danes  continued  during  the  greater 
part  of  his  reign,  though  he  was  successful  in  almost  every  en- 
gagement. 

Athelstan,  Edward's  natural  son,  obtained  the  kingdom,  in 
^-,-  preference  to  his  legitimate  children.  As  he  had  ar- 
rived  at  an  age  more  suited  to  the  cares  oi  govern- 
ment, and  the  nation,  exposed  to  foreign  and  domestic  wars, 
required  a  prince  of  vigour  and  abilities,  the  stain  in  his  birth 
Was  overlooked. 

No  sooner  was  he  securely  seated  on  the  throne,  than  he  en- 
deavoured to  give  it  stability,  by  providing  against  the  insur- 
rections of  the  domestic  Danes.  With  this  view  he  marched 
into  Northumberland,  their  most  considerable  settlement ;  and 
finding  that  they  bore  ^vith  impatience  the  English  yoke,  he 
judged  it  prudent  to  confer  on  Sithric,  a  Danish  nobleman,  the 
title  of  king,  and  to  give  him  his  sister  Editha  in  marriage,  as 
a  farther  motive  of  attachment.  But  this  policy,  though  appa- 
rentlv  wise,  proved  the  source  of  many  troubles. 

Sithric  died  within  a  twelvemonth  after  his  elevation;  and  his 
two  sons  by  a  former  marriage,  Anlaf  and  Guthfred,  founding 
pretensions  on  their  father's  rank,  assumed  the  sovereignty, 
without  waiting  for  the  approbation  of  Athelstan.  But  they 
were  soon  expelled  by  that  powerful  monarch,  who  was  no  less 
brave  than  politic.  The  former  took  shelter  in  Ireland,  the 
latter  in  Scotland  ;  where  he  was  protected  for  some  time  by  the 
clemency  of  Constantine,  who  then  swayed  the  Scottish  sceptre. 
Continually  solicited,  however,  and  even  menaced,  by  the  Eng- 
lish monarch,  Constantine  at  last  promised  to  deliver  up  his 
guest ;  but  secretly  detesting  such  treachery,  he  gave  him  a 
hint  to  make  his  escape.  Incensed  at  Constantine's  behaviour, 
though  the  death  of  the  fugitive  had  freed  him  from  all  appre- 
j,„  .  hensions,  Athelstan  entered  Scotland  with  a  nume- 
'  *  '  rous  army,  and  reduced  the  Scots  to  such  distress, 
that  their  king  was  happy  to  preserve  his  crown  by  the  most 
humble  submissions. 

Athelstan  afterwards  defeated  the  Scots,  Welsh,  and  Danes, 
Q^„  in  a  general  engagement  at  Brunsbury,  in  Northum- 
*  berland.  In  consequence  of  this  victory  he  enjoyed 
tranquillity  during  the  rest  of  his  reign.  He  appears  to  have 
been  one  of  the  most  able  and  active  of  our  ancient  princes;  and 
his  memorable  law  for  the  encouragement  of  commerce  disco- 
vers a  liberality  of  mind  worthy  of  the  most  enlightened  ages: 

1  Chron.  Sax.  2  Hovcd.  Annal.^Gul.  MaJmesb. 


LET.  XVIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  143 

that  a  merchant,  who  had  made  two  voyages  on  his  own  account 
to  distant  lands,  should  be  admitted  to  the  rank  of  a  gentleman*. 

Alhelstan  was  succeeded  by  his  brother  Edmund  ;  who,  on 
his  accession,  met  with  some  disturbance  from  the  q .. 

Northumbrian  Danes,  whom  he  reduced  to  obedience. 
He  also  conquered  Cumberland  from  the  Britons,  and  conferred 
that  principality  on  Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland,  on  „  . - 

condition  that  he  should  do  homage  to  England  for  it,    *    * 
and  protect  the  northern  counties  from  all  future  incursions  of 
the  Danes*. 

Edmund's  reign  was  short,  and  his  death  violent.  As  he  was 
solemnising  a  feast  in   Glocestershire,  a  notorious  q .- 

robber,  named  Leolf,  whom  he  had  sentenced  to  ba- 
nishment, audaciously  entered  the  hall  where  his  sovereign 
dined,  and  seated  himself  at  one  of  the  tables.  Enraged  at  such 
insolence,  Edmund  ordered  him  to  be  seized ;  but,  observing 
that  the  ruffian  was  preparing  to  resist,  the  indignant  monarch 
sprang  up,  and  catching  him  by  the  hair,  dragged  him  out  of 
the  hall.  Meanwhile  Leolf,  having  drawn  his  dagger,  lifted 
his  arm  with  a  furious  blow,  and  stabbed  the  king,  who  im- 
mediately expired  on  the  bosom  of  his  murderer*. 

Edmund  left  male  issue ;  but,  as  his  eldest  son  was  too 
young  to  govern  the  kingdom,  his  brother  Edred  was  raised  to 
the  throne.  The  beginning  of  Edred's  reign  was  disturbed  by 
a  revolt  of  the  Northumbrian  Danes.  Though  frequently  hum- 
bled, they  were  never  entirely  subdued,  nor  had  they  ever  paid 
a  sincere  allegiance  to  the  English  crown.  Their  obedience  last- 
ed no  longer  than  the  present  terror.  Edred,  instructed  by  ex- 
perience, took  every  precaution  to  prevent  their  future  insurrec- 
tions. He  settled  English  garrisons  in  their  most  considerable 
towns,  and  placed  over  them  an  English  governor,  to  g-^ 

watch  their  motions,  and  check  the  first  appearance 
of  revolt. 

Edred,  though  a  brave  and  active  prince,  lay  under  the  influ- 
ence of  the  lowest  superstition,  and  had  blindly  delivered  over 
his  conscience  to  the  guidance  of  St.  Dunstan,  abbot  of  Glaston- 
bury, whom  he  advanced  to  the  highest  offices  of  state,  and  who 
concealed  beneath  an  appearance  of  sanctity  the  most  insatiable 
and  insolent  ambition.  In  order  to  impose  on  the  credulity  of 
mankind,  this  designing  monk  had  long  secluded  himself  from 
the  world  in  a  miserable  cell,  where  he  is  said  to  have  had  fre- 
quent conflicts  with  the  devil ;  but  at  length,  when  the  infernal 
spirit  attempted  to  seduce  him  in  the  shape  of  a  woman,  Dun- 

3  Brompt.  Cliion.        4  Gul.  Malniesb.  lib.  ii.        5  Gul.  Maltnesb.  lib.  ii. 


144  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

Stan  seized  him  by  the  nose  with  a  pair  of  red-hot  pincers,  and 
held  him  till  the  whole  neighbourhood  resounded  with  his  bel- 
lovvings".  Satan,  thus  vanquished,  never  more  dared  to  show 
his  face.  This  story  and  others  of  the  like  nature,  then  seriously 
believed,  procured  the  abbot  a  reputation,  both  with  prince  and 
people,  which  no  real  piety  or  virtue  could  possibly  have  obtain- 
ed for  him.  Soon  after  his  return  from  solitude,  he  was  placed 
by  Edred  at  the  head  of  the  treasury ;  and  sensible  that  he  ow- 
ed his  advancement  solely  to  the  opinion  of  his  austerity,  he 
professed  himself  a  friend  to  the  rigid  monastic  rules,  which 
about  this  time  began  to  prevail,  and  by  which  monks  were  ex- 
cluded from  all  commerce  with  the  world  and  with  women.  He 
introduced  them  into  the  convents  of  Glastonbury  and  Abing- 
don, and  endeavoured  to  render  them  universal  in  the  kingdom'. 

There  had  been  monasteries  in  England  from  the  first  intro- 
duction of  Christianity  among  the  Saxons,  and  those  establish- 
ments had  been  greatly  multiplied  by  the  mistaken  piety  of  the 
English  princes  and  nobles,  who  sought  to  bribe  Heaven  by  do- 
nations to  the  church.  But  the  monks  had  hitherto  been  a  spe- 
cies of  secular  priests,  who  were  at  liberty  either  to  marry  or 
continue  single,  and  who  lived  after  the  manner  of  our  present 
canons  or  prebendaries.  They  both  intermingled  with  the  world, 
in  some  degree,  and  endeavoured  to  render  themselves  useful  to 
it.  A  superstitious  devotion,  however,  had  produced  in  Italy  a 
new  species  of  monks,  who  secluded  themselves  entirely  from  the 
world,  renounced  all  claim  to  liberty,  and  made  a  merit  of  the 
most  inviolable  chastity.  The  popes  had  favoured  the  doctrine 
from  motives  of  general  policy,  as  detaching  the  ecclesiastical 
from  the  civil  power  :  Dunstan,  equally  artful,  embraced  it  for 
his  own  aggrandisement.  Celibacy  was  therefore  extolled  as 
the  universal  duty  of  priests  ;  and,  in  England,  the  minds  of 
men  were  already  prepared  for  such  an  innovation,  though  it 
militates  against  the  strongest  propensities  in  human  nature. 

The  first  preachers  of  Christianity  among  the  Saxons  had 
carried  to  the  most  extravagant  height  the  praises  of  inviolable 
chastity  ;  the  pleasures  of  love  had  been  represented  as  incom- 
patible with  Christian  perfection  ;  and  an  abstinence  from  all 
commerce  with  the  softer  sex  was  deemed  a  sufficient  atonement 
for  the  greatest  enormities.  It  was  a  natural  consequence  of  this 
doctrine,  that  those  who  officiated  at  the  altar  should  at  least  be 
free  from  such  pollution.  And  Dunstan  and  his  reformed  monks 
knew  well  how  to  avail  themselves  of  these  popular  topics,  and 
set  off  their  own  character  to  the  best  advantage.  On  the  other 
hand,  their  rivals  the  secular  clergy,  who  were  numerous  and 

6  Osberae,  in  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  ii.  7  Osberne,  io  Angtia  Sacra,  vol.  ii. 


LET.  XVIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  U5 

rich,  and  had  possession  of  the  ecclesiastical  dignities,  defended 
themselves  with  vij^our,  and  boldly  maintained  the  sanctity  of 
the  institution  of  marriage'.  The  whole  nation  was  thrown 
into  a  ferment. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  power  of  the  monks  received  a  check 
by  the  death  of  Edred,  the  dupe  of  their  ambition.  Q^r 

He  left  children,  but  in  an  infant  state;  the  crown 
was  therefore  conferred  on  Edvvy,  one  of  the  sons  of  Edmund. 

This  prince,  who  was  only  seventeen  years  of  age  at  his  suc- 
cession, possessed  an  elegant  person,  and  the  most  amiable  and 
promising  virtues.  But  neither  the  graces  of  his  figure  nor  the 
accomplishments  of  his  mind  could  screen  him  from  the  fury  of 
the  monks,  whom  he  unhappily  offended  in  the  beginning  of 
his  reign.  The  beautiful  Elgiva,  his  second  or  third  cousin, 
had  made  an  impression  on  the  susceptible  heart  of  Edwy;  and, 
as  he  was  at  an  age  when  the  tender  j:)assions  are  most  keenly 
felt,  he  ventured  to  marry  her,  though  within  the  degrees  of 
consanguinity  prohibited  by  the  church.  The  austerity  of  the 
monks  made  them  particularly  violent  on  this  occasion :  the 
king  therefore  entertained  a  strong  aversion  against  them,  and 
resolved  to  oppose  their  project  of  expelling  the  seculars  from 
the  convents.  But  he  soon  had  reason  to  repent  his  rashness 
in  provoking  such  dangerous  enemies.  On  the  day  of  his  co- 
ronation, while  the  nobility,  assembled  in  the  great  hall,  were 
indulging  themselves  in  riot  and  disorder,  after  the  example  of 
their  German  ancestors,  Edwy,  attracted  by  the  gentler  plea- 
sures of  love,  retired  to  the  queen's  apartment,  and  gave  loose 
to  his  fondness,  which  was  but  feebly  checked  by  the  presence 
of  her  mother.  Dunstan  conjectured  the  reason  of  the  king's 
absence;  and,  accompanied  byOdo,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
over  w  hom  he  had  gained  an  absolute  ascendant,  he  burst  into 
the  royal  privacy;  drew  Edwy  from  the  arms  of  his  consort, 
and  pushed  him  back  ignominiously  into  the  company  of  the 
nobles,  abusing  the  queen  with  the  most  opprobrious  epithets'. 

Though  Edwy  was  young,  and  had  the  prejudices  of  the  age 
to  encounter,  he  found  means  to  revenge  this  public  insult.  He 
accused  Dunstan  of  malversation  in  office,  while  at  the  head  of 
the  treasury;  and  as  that  minister  did  not  clear  himself  of  the 
charge,  the  king  banished  him.  But  Dunstan's  partisans  were 
not  idle  during  his  absence.  They  poisoned  the  minds  of  the 
people  to  such  a  degree  by  declamations  against  the  king,  and 
panegyrics  on  the  abbot's  sanctity,  that  the  royal  authority  was 
despised,  and  even  outrageously  insulted.     Archbishop  Odo 

8  Spelm.  Concil.  vol.  i  9  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  ii. 

Vol.  I.  T 


146  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

ordered  the  queen  to  be  seized;  and  after  her  face  had  been 
seared  with  a  red-hot  iron,  in  order  to  destroy  that  fatal  beauty 
\\  hich  liad  ensnared  the  kin_^,  she  was  carried  into  Ireland,  there 
to  remain  in  perpetual  exile^°. 

Edwy,  finding  resistance  ineffectual,  vvas  obliged  to  consent 
to  a  divorce,  which  was  pronounced  by  the  imperious  Odo. 
But  these  were  not  the  only  evils  which  attended  this  unfortu- 
nate prince  and  his  consort.  The  amiable  Elgiva  was  made 
prisoner  by  her  persecutors,  and  cruelly  murdered  in  returning 
to  the  embraces  of  the  king,  whom  she  still  considered  as  her 
husband.  Nothing  less  than  her  death  could  satisfy  the  arch- 
bishop and  the  monks.  Edwy,  by  the  same  influence,  was 
deposed  from  the  sovereignty  of  all  England  to  the  northward 
of  the  Thames,  in  order  to  make  room  for  his  brother  Edgar, 
a  boy  of  thirteen  years  of  age.  Dunstan  returned  to  England; 
took  upon  him  the  government  of  the  young  king  and  his  party, 
vvas  soon  installed  in  the  see  of  Worcester,  and  afterwards  in 
that  of  Canterbury.  In  the  meantime  the  unhappy  Edwy  was 
excommunicated,  and  pursued  by  his  enemies  with  unrelenting 
QCQ  vengeance^^  But  his  early  death  freed  them  from  all 
^'  *'  'inquietude,  and  left  Edgar  in  peaceable  possession 
of  the  monarchy. 

The  reign  of  Edgar  is  one  of  the  most  fortunate  in  the  Eng- 
lish annals.  Though  he  was  very  young  when  he  ascended  the 
throne,  he  soon  discovered  an  excellent  capacity  for  govern- 
ment. He  manifested  no  dread  of  war  ;  he  took  the  wisest  pre- 
cautions for  public  safety;  and,  by  his  vigilance  and  foresight, 
he  was  enabled  to  indulge  his  natural  inclination  for  peace.  He 
maintained  a  body  of  troops  in  the  north,  to  keep  the  mutinous 
Northumbrijins  in  awe,  and  to  repel  the  inroads  of  the  Scots.  He 
also  built  and  supported  a  powerful  navy;  and,  in  order  to  habi- 
tuate the  seamen  to  the  practice  of  their  profession,  as  w'ell  as 
to  intimidate  his  enemies,  he  stationed  three  squadrons  off  the 
coasts  of  his  kingdom,  and  commanded  them  to  make  by  turns 
the  circuit  of  his  dominions.  The  foreign  Danes  durst  not  ap- 
proach a  country  which  was  so  strongly  defended:  the  domestic 
Danes  foresaw  that  destruction  would  be  the  inevitable  conse- 
quence of  insurrection;  and  the  princes  of  Wales,  of  Scotland, 
and  even  of  Ireland,  were  happy  to  appease  so  potent  a  monarch 
by  submission^". 

But  the  politic  Edgar  more  especially  maintained  his  autho- 
rity at  home,  and  preserved  ])ublic  tranquillity,  by  paying  court 
to  Dunstan  and  the  monks,  who  had  violently  placed  him  on  the 
throne,  and  ^hose  claim  to  superior  sanctity  gave  them  an  as- 

10  Oibanic  ubi  sup.  II  Bromi>t.  Cliron.  I'J  Spolm.  Cone,  vol   •. 


LM.r.  xviu.  MODERN  EUROPE.  UT 

cendant  over  the  people.  He  favoured  their  scheme  of  pretend- 
ed reformation  :  lie  consulted  them  in  the  administration  of  all 
ecclesiastical  and  even  of  many  civil  affairs  ;  and,  although  the 
vigour  of  his  genius  prevented  him  from  being  entirely  guided 
by  them,  he  took  care  never  to  disoblige  them.  Hence  he  is  re- 
presented by  the  monkish  writers  not  only  as  an  able  politician, 
a  character  which  he  seems  to  have  merited,  but  also  as  a  saint 
and  a  man  of  virtue,  though  he  was  licentious  in  the  highest  de- 
gree, and  violated  every  law  human  and  divine.  His  very 
amours  are  a  compound  of  barbarity  and  brutality.  He  broke 
into  a  convent,  carried  oft*  a  nun,  and  even  committed  violence 
on  her  person.  Struck  also  with  the  charms  of  a  nobleman's 
daughter,  in  whose  house  he  was  entertained,  he  demanded  that 
she  should  jxiss  that  very  night  with  him,  without  once  consult- 
ing the  young  lady's  inclinations^'.  But  his  most  remarkable 
alrmour  was  with  the  beautiful  Elfrida  :  and,  as  it  is  connected 
with  the  history  of  the  following  reign,  I  shall  relate  it  circum- 
stantially. It  will  give  you  at  once  an  idea  of  the  manners  of 
the  age  and  of  the  character  of  Edgar. 

Elfrida,  the  only  daughter  and  sole  heiress  of  Ordgar  earl  of 
Devon,  though  educated  in  the  country,  and  a  stranger  at  courts 
had  filled  all  England  with  the  fame  of  her  beauty.  The  amor- 
ous king  sent  Athelwold,  his  favourite,  to  ascertain,  by  a  per- 
sonal view,  the  truth  or  the  falsehood  of  the  rumour.  The  cour- 
tier no  sooner  saw  Elfrida  than  he  was  inflamed  with  love,  and 
determined  to  sacrifice  to  it  his  fidelity  to  his  master  :  he  there- 
fore told  Edgar,  on  his  return,  that  the  fortune  and  quality  of 
Elfrida  had  alone  been  the  cause  of  the  adulation  paid  to  her  ; 
and  that  her  charms,  far  from  being  extraordinary,  would  have 
been  entirely  overlooked  in  a  woman  of  inferior  condition. 
"  But,"  added  he,  when  he  found  that  he  had  blunted  the  keen 
edge  of  the  king's  curiosity,  *'  though  she  has  nothing  to  claim 
"  the  attention  of  a  sovereign,  her  immense  wealth  would,  to  a 
"  subject,  be  a  sufficient  compensation  for  the  homeliness  of  her 
"  person  ;  and,  although  it  could  never  produce  on  me  the  illu- 
'*  sion  of  beauty,  it  might  make  her  a  convenient  wife  !"  Ed- 
gar, willing  to  establish  his  favourite's  fortune,  not  only  gave 
his  approbation  to  the  projected  match,  but  forwarded  its  suc- 
cess by  recommending  him  so  strongly  to  the  earl  of  Devon,  that 
he  was  soon  made  happy  in  the  possession  of  his  beloved  Elfri- 
da. Dreading,  however,  the  eyes  of  the  king,  he  still  found 
some  pretence  for  detaining  his  wife  in  the  country.     But  all  his 

13  This  dernanil  was  made  to  the  mother,  who  beint^  a  woman  of  virtue,  sent  socreily  to 
the  king's  bed,  instead  of  her  daughter,  her  maid  Elfleda.  Edgar,  not  displeasrd,  forgave 
the  old  lady  for  fier  pious  deceit,  and  transferred  his  love  to  Elfleda.  who  became  his  favou- 
rite mistress.     Gul.  Maimcsb.  lib.  ii. 


148  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

cautions  were  insufficient  to  conceal  his  treachery.  Royal  fa- 
vourites are  never  without  enemies :  Eds:ar  was  soon  informed 
of  the  truth;  but,  before  he  would  punish  Athelwold,  he  resolv- 
ed to  satisfy  himself  fully  in  regard  to  Elfrida's  beauty.  He 
therefore  told  his  deceiver  that  he  intended  to  pay  him  a  visit  at 
his  castle,  and  be  introduced  to  his  wife.  Athelwold  was  thun- 
derstruck at  the  proposal  ;  but,  as  he  could  not  refuse  such  an 
honour,  he  only  begged  leave  to  go  a  few  hours  before  his  royal 
guest,  that  he  might  make  due  preparations  for  his  reception. 
On  his  arrival,  he  fell  at  his  wife's  feet,  discovered  the  whole  se- 
cret, and  conjured  her,  if  she  valued  either  her  own  honour  or 
his  life,  to  disguise  as  much  as  possible  that  fatal  beauty  which 
had  tempted  him  to  deceive  his  prince  and  friend.  Elfrida  pro- 
mised compliance,  though  nothing  appears  to  have  been  farther 
from  her  thoughts.  She  adorned  her  person  with  the  most  ex- 
quisite art,  and  called  forth  all  her  charms  ;  not  despairing,  it 
should  seem,  yet  to  reach  that  exalted  station  of  which  Athel- 
wold's  fondness  had  deprived  her.  The  event  was  answerable 
to  her  wishes :  she  excited  at  once  in  Edgar's  bosom  the  warm- 
est love,  and  the  keenest  desire  of  revenge.  The  king,  howe- 
ver, who  could  dissemble  those  passions,  as  well  as  feel  them, 
beheld  her  with  seeming  indifference ;  and  having  seduced 
Athelwold  into  a  wood,  under  pretence  of  hunting,  he  stabbed 
him  with  his  own  hand,  took  Elfrida  to  court,  and  soon  after 
publicly  married  her''*. 

This  reign  is  remarkable  for  the  extirpation  of  wolves  from 
England.  Edgar  took  great  pleasure  in  pursuing  those  raven- 
ous animals ;  and  when  he  found  they  had  all  taken  shelter  in 
the  mountains  and  forests  of  Wales,  he  changed  the  tribute  of 
money  imposed  on  the  Welch  princes  by  Athelstan  into  an  an- 
nual tribute  of  three  hundred  wolves'  heads — a  policy  which 
occasioned  so  much  diligence  in  hunting  them,  that  the  breed 
soon  became  extinct  in  the  island. 

Edgar  was  followed  on  the  throne  by  his  son  Edward,  com- 
^_-  monly  called  the  Martyr,  whose  succession,  however, 
'  did  not  take  place  without  much  opposition.  Elfrida, 
his  step-mother,  had  a  son  named  Ethelred,  only  eight  years  old, 
for  whom  she  endeavoured  to  procure  the  crown.  But  the  prin- 
cipal nobility,  dreading  her  imperious  temper,  opposed  a  measure 
which  must  increase  her  authority,  if  not  put  her  in  possession 
of  the  regency  ;  and  Dunstan,  to  whom  it  was  of  great  impor- 
tance to  have  a  king  favourable  to  his  cause,  resolutely  crovi^ned 
and  anointed  Edward,  over  whom  he  had  already  gained  an  ab- 
solute ascendant.     His  short  reign  was  remarkable  for  nothing 

H  Gul.  Malmcsb. — Brompt. 


LET.  xviii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  149 

but  a  continual  struggle  between  the  monks  and  the  secular 
clerev.     He  was  treacherously  murdered  at  the  „_„ 

•        •  r  fir  -J  u  *u  I        J    A.  D.    979. 

instigation  of  Eltnda,  whose  son  was  then  placed 
on  the  throne. 

Soon  after  the  accession  of  Ethelred,  a  prince  without  cour- 
age or  capacity,  England  was  again  visited  by  the  Danes.  The 
wise  regulations  of  Alfred,  and  the  valour  of  his  immediate  suc- 
cessors, had  long  deterred  those  ravagers  from  approaching  the 
British  shores;  and  their  settlement  in  France  had  required,  for 
a  time,  most  of  their  superfluous  hands.  But  a  new  race  of  men 
having  now  sprang  up  in  the  northern  regions,  who  could  no 
longer  disburthen  themselves  on  Normandy,  and  England  not 
being  at  this  time  governed  by  an  Alfred  or  an  Edgar,  they  ven- 
tured to  renew  their  depredations.  Ethelred,  instead  gj.. 
of  rousing  his  people  to  defend  with  courage  their 
prince  and  their  property,  meanly  compounded  with  the  enemy 
for  his  safety,  by  bribing  them  to  retire  from  the  kingdom". 

This  shameful  expedient,  which  invited  assailants,  instead  of 
repelling  them,  was  attended  with  the  success  that  might  have 
been  expected :  the  Danes  returned,  and  were  again  bribed  to 
depart.  In  the  mean  time  Ethelred,  from  a  policy  incident  to 
weak  princes,  embraced  the  cruel  resolution  of  massacring  the 
Danes  who  had  settled  in  his  dominions.  Secret  orders  were 
given  for  this  inhuman  purpose,  and  the  obnoxious  colonists 
were  destroyed  without  mercy.  Even  Gunilda,  sis-  .  „ -^.^ 

ter  to  Sweyn  king  of  Denmark,  who  had  married 
earl  Paling,  and  embraced  Christianity,  was  seized  and  put  to 
death,  after  having  seen  her  husband  and  son  brutally  murdered'^. 

This  unhappy  princess  foretold,  in  the  agonies  of  despair,  that 
her  murder  would  soon  be  revenged  by  the  ruin  of  the  English 
nation.  Never  was  prophecy  better  fulfilled,  nor  ever  did  bar- 
barous policy  prove  more  fatal  to  its  projectors!  The  king  of 
Denmark,  breathing  vengeance  for  the  slaughter  of  ,  ^^^^ 

his  countrymen,  landed  in  the  west  of  England,  and 
soon  reduced  the  greater  part  of  the  realm.  The  English,  sen- 
sible what  ihey  had  to  expect  from  a  barbarous  and  enraged 
enemy,  attempted  several  times  to  make  a  stand;  but  they  were 
successively  betrayed  by  the  Mercian  dukes  Alfric  and  Edric. 
The  base  and  imprudent  expedient  of  money  was  again  tried, 

15  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  ii. 

16  Ifl.  ibifl. — Hen.  Hunting,  lib.  vi. — Contrary  to  the  testimony  of  most  of  our  old  histo- 
rians, who  I'epresent  the  massacre  of  the  Danes  as  univ'-rsal,  Wallingfovd  says  that  it  af- 
fected only  a  military  body  in  the  pay  of  the  king.  After  so  great  a  lapse  of  time,  it  is  im- 
possible to  decide  upon  the  matter  with  certainty;  but,  as  the  kingdoms  of  Northumberland 
and  East-.^DgUa  were  chiefly  peopled  with  Danes,  VVallingford's  account  seems  most  pro- 
bable. 


150  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i, 

till  the  nation  was  entirely  drained  of  its  treasure,  but  without 

effect.     The  Danes  continued  their  rava_^es ;   and  P'.thelred, 

ini "   squally  afraid  of  the  violence  of  the  enemy,  and  the 

*  treachery  of  his  own  subjects,  fled  over  to  his  bro- 
ther-in-law, Richard  duke  of  Normandy,  who  received  him 
with  a  generosity  ihat  does  honour  to  his  memory.". 

Sweyn  died  soon  after  Ethelred  left  England,  and  before  he 
,^,  ^  had  time  to  establish  himself  in  his  newly-acquired 
'  dominions.  Ethelred  was  recalled  :  but  his  miscon- 
duct was  incurable.     On  resuming  the  government,  he  disco- 
vered the  same  incapacity,  indolence,  cowardice,  and  credulity, 
which  had  so  often  exposeil  him  to  the  insults  of  his  en<Jmies : 
and  the  English  found  in  Canute,  the  son  of  Sweyn,  an  enemy 
no  less  formidable  than  his  father.     An  army  was  assembled 
against  him  under  the  conuiiand  of  Edric,  and  prince  Edmund. 
Edric,  whom  the  infatuated  king  still  trusted,  continued  his  per- 
fidious machinations.     After  endeavouring  in  vain  to  get  the 
^r)-,e   prince  into  his  power,  he  found  means  to  disperse 
'  the  army,  and  then  openly  revolted  to  Canute  with 
forty  vessels^^ 

Notwithstanding  this  misfortune,Edmund,  whose  intrepidity 
never  failed  him,  collected  the  remaining  force  of  the  kingdom, 
and  was  soon  in  a  condition  to  give  the  enemy  battle.  But  the 
king  had  so  often  experienced  the  perfidy  of  his  subjects,  that 
he  had  lost  all  confidence  in  them :  he  therefore  refused  to  take 
the  field;  so  that  the  prince's  vigorous  measures  vi^ere  rendered 
altogether  ineffectual,  the  army  being  discouraged  by  the  timi- 
dity of  the  sovereign.  As  the  north  had  already  submitted  to 
,j^,  -   Canute's  power,  Edmund  retired  to  London,  de- 

*  termined  to  maintain  the  small  remains  of  English 
liberty.  In  the  mean  time  his  father  died,  after  an  inglorious 
reign  of  thirty-seven  years. 

Edmund,  who  received  the  name  of  Ironside  from  his  hardy 
valour,  possessed  courage  and  abilities  sufficient  to  have  saved 
his  country,  if  many  of  the  nobles  had  not  been  infected  with 
treachery  and  disloyalty.  But  this  disaffection  rendered  his 
best-concerted  schemes  abortive,  and  his  noblest  efforts  fruit- 
less. The  traitor  Edric  pretended  to  return  to  his  duty;  and 
Edmund  was  induced  to  give  him  a  considerable  command  in 
the  army.  A  battle  was  soon  after  fought  at  Assington  in  Es- 
sex. Edric  deserted  to  the  enemy,  in  the  beginning  of  the 
day,  and  occasioned  the  total  defeat  of  the  English  army,  with 
a  great  slaughter  of  the  nobility. 

I?  ?Ten.  Hunting,  lib.  vi.  18  Gu!.  Malmesb.  lib.  ri. 


LET.  xiK.  MODERN  EUROPE.  151 

The  indefatigable  kinj^,  however,  still  had  resaurces.  He  as- 
sembled a  new  army  at  Glocester,  and  was  again  in  a  condition 
to  dispute  the  field  ;  when  the  Danish  and  English  nobility, 
equally  tired  of  the  struggle,  obliged  their  two  leaders  to  come 
to  terms.  The  kingdom  was  divided  between  them  by  treaty. 
Canute  reserved  to  himself  the  provinces  of  Mercia,  i  ni  fi 

East-Anglia,  and  Northumberland  ;  the  southern 
parts  were  assigned  to  Edmund,  who  did  not  long  survive  the 
agreement.     He  was  murdered  at  Oxford  by  two  of  his  cham- 
berlains, accomplices  of  Edric,  whose  treachery  made  way  for 
the  accession  of  the  Danish  prince  to  the  throne  of  England*'. 

V  ,  19  Gul.  Malincsb. — Hen.  Hunting. 


LETTER  XIX. 


Of  the  Reigns  of  the  French  Kings^from  the  Accession  of  Hugh 
Capet ^  to  the  Invasion  of  England  by  William^  Duke  ofNor- 
manchj. 

WHILI'L  England  changed  its  line  of  sovereigns,  and  Ger- 
many its  form  of  government,  France  also  had  changed  its  reign- 
ing family,  and  had  become,  like  Germany,  a  govern- 
ment entirely  feudal.  Each  province  had  its  heredi-  ^'  ^* 
tary  counts  or  dukes.  He  who  could  only  seize  two  or  three 
small  villages,  paid  homage  to  the  usurper  of  a  province  ;  and 
he  who  had  only  a  castle  held  it  of  the  possessor  of  a  town. 
The  kingdom  was  a  monstrous  assemblage  of  members,  with- 
out any  compact  body. 

Of  the  princes,  or  nobles,  who  held  their  lands  immediately  of 
the  crown,  Hugh  Capet  was  not  the  least  powerful.  He  possess- 
ed the  dukedom  of  France,  which  extended  as  far  as  Touraine : 
he  was  also  count  of  Paris;  and  the  vast  domains  which  he  held 
in  Picardy  and  Champagne  gave  him  great  authority  in  those 
provinces.  He  therefore  seized  the  crown  on  the  death  of  Louis 
V*.  and  brought  more  strength  to  it  than  he  derived  from  it ;  for 
the  royal  domain  was  now  reduced  to  the  cities  of  Laon  and 
Soissons,  with  a  few  other  disputed  territories. 

The  right  of  succession  belonged  to  Charles,  dukeof  Lorrain, 
uncle  to  Louis  V.:  but  the  condition  of  vassal  of  the  empire  ap- 
peared to  the  French  nobility  a  sufficient  reason  for  excluding 

3    (i!ab.  Hist.  sui.  Tsinp.  lib.  \.. 


152  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

him;  and  Hugh  secured  the  favour  of  the  clergy  by  resigning  to 
them  the  abbeys  which  had  been  hereditary  in  his  family.  An 
extreme  devotion,  real  or  assumed,  recommended  him  to  the 
people  :  force  and  address  seconded  his  ambition  :  and  the  na- 
tional aversion  against  his  rival  completed  its  success.  He  was 
acknowledged  in  an  assembly  of  the  nobles;  he  was  anointed  at. 
Rheims ;  and  he  farther  established  his  throne,  by  associating 
pop  his  son  Robert  in  the  government  of  the  kingdom,  and 
'  investing  him  with  those  ensigns  of  royalty  which  he 
prudently  denied  to  himself,  as  what  might  give  umbrage  to 
men  who  were  lately  his  equals^ 

Disgusted  at  this  usurpation,  the  duke  of  Lorrain  entered 
qpq  France,  made  himself  master  of  Laon  by  assault,  and 
'of  Rheims  by  the  treachery  of  archbishop  Arnold,  his 
relative.  But  this  unhappy  prince  was  afterwards  himself  be- 
trayed by  the  bishop  of  Laon,  and  made  prisoner  for  life'. 

A  council  was  assembled  for  the  trial  of  Arnold.  He  was  de- 
graded ;  and  Gerbert,  a  man  of  learning  and  genius,  who  had 
been  tutor  to  the  emperor  Otho  HI.  and  to  the  king's  son  Robert, 
was  elected  archbishop  of  Rheims.  But  the  court  of  Rome  not 
being  consulted  in  this  transaction,  the  election  was  declared 
void,  Arnold  was  re-established,  and  Gerbert  deposed.  The 
former,  however,  remained  in  prison  till  the  death  of  Hugh,  who 
was  more  afraid  of  Arnold's  intrigues  than  of  the  thunder  of  the 
Vatican  ;  while  the  other,  having  found  an  asylum  in  the  court 
of  his  pupil  Otho,  became  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  and  after- 
wards pope,  under  the  name  of  Silvester  H. 

No  other  memorable  incidents  distinguished  the  reign  of 
Hugh,  who  conducted  all  his  affairs  with  great  prudence  and 
moderation  ;  and  had  the  extraordinary  honour  of  establishing 
a  new  family,  and  in  some  measure  a  new  form  of  government, 
with  few  circumstances  of  violence,  and  without  the  effusion  of 
996  blood.  He  died  in  the  fifty  seventh  year  of  his  age, 
'and  the  tenth  of  his  reign,  and  was  quietly  succeed- 
ed by  his  son  Robert,  a  prince  of  a  less  vigorous  genius, 
though  not  of  a  less  amiable  disposition. 

The  most  remarkable  circumstance  in  the  reign  of  Robert, 
and  the  most  worthy  of  our  attention,  is  his  excommunication 
by  the  pope.  This  prince  had  espoused  Bertha,  his  cousin  in 
the  fourth  degree — a  marriage  not  only  lawful  according  to  our 
present  ideas,  and  justified  by  the  practice  of  all  nations,  ancient 
and  modern,  but  expedientfor  the  welfare  of  the  state,  she  being 
the  sister  of  Rodolph  king  of  Burgundy.  But  the  clergy,  among 

2  Glab.  Hist,  sui.  Temp.  3  Sigebert  Chron- 


lET.  XIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  153 

their  other  usurpations,  had  about  this  time  made  a  sacrament 
of  marriage,  and  laid  the  most  essential  of  civil  engagements  un- 
der spiritual  prohibitions,  which  extended  even  to  the  seventh 
degree  of  consanguinity.  The  popes  politically  arrogated  to 
themselves  special  jurisdiction  over  this  first  object  of  society, 
and  that  on  which  all  the  rest  hang.  Gregory  V.  therefore  un- 
dertook to  dissolve  the  man'iage  between  Robert  and  Bertha, 
though  it  had  been  authorised  by  several  bishops  ;  and,  without 
examining  the  cause  or  hearing  the  parties,  he  published  an  ar- 
bitrary decree,  which  strictly  enjoined  the  separation  of  the  king 
and  queen.  As  Robert  persisted  in  keeping  his  wife,  he  incur- 
red the  sentence  of  excommunication  ;  which  according  to  car- 
dinal Peter  Damicn,  an  historian  of  those  times,  had  such  an 
effect  on  the  minds  of  men,  that  the  king  was  abandoned  by  all 
his  courtiers,  and  even  by  his  own  domestics,  two  servants  ex- 
cepted. And  these  threw  to  the  dogs  all  the  victuals  which  their 
master  left  at  meals,  and  purified,  by  fire,  the  vessels  in  which 
he  had  been  served  :  so  fearful  were  they  of  what  had  been 
touched  by  an  excommunicated  person  !'•  The  same  credulous 
author  adds,  that  the  queen  was  delivered  of  a  monster,  which 
had  a  neck  and  head  like  those  of  a  goose — a  certain  proof  and 
punishment  of  incest !  But,  as  Voltaire  jusdy  observes,  there 
was  nothing  monstrous  in  all  this  affair,  but  the  insolence  of  the 
pope,  and  the  weakness  of  the  king ;  who,  giving  way  to  super- 
stitious terrors,  or  afraid  of  civil  commotions,  at  last  repudiated 
his  wife  Bertha,  and  married  Constance,  daughter  to  the  count 
of  Aries,  in  whom  he  found  an  imperious  termagant,  instead  of 
an  amiable  consort.  Gregory  also  obliged  him  to  restore  the 
traitor  Arnold  to  the  see  of  Rheims'. 

In  the  mean  time  Robert  had  it  in  his  power  to  have  been 
master  of  the  popes,  if  he  had  possessed  the  ambition  and  the 
vigour  necessary  for  such  an  enterprise.    After  the  IQOA 

death  of  Henry  II.,  the  last  emperor  of  the  house  of 
Saxonv,  the  Italians  offered  their  crown  and  the  imperial  dig- 
nity to  the  king  of  France.  Robert,  however,  had  the  resolution 
to  refuse  it;  and  not  only  his  own  subjects,  but  Europe  in  ge- 
neral, were  soon  convinced  that  he  had  acted  wisely  ;  for  those 
who  made  the  proposal  deserted  the  person  who  accepted  it^. 

4  Let  lis  not,  however,  with  certaii  s-:»ri;rtslic*l  Iiistorians,  represent  this  mode  of  inspir- 
ing relisious  terrors  as  rh  invention  of  the  Chnsiian  priesthood.  For  CsBsar  tells  us,  that 
ariioni,'  the  ancient  Gauls,  itany  one,  whelhei"  magistrate  or  private  person,  refused  to  sub- 
mit to  the  sentence  of  tlie  Druids,  he  was  excluded  from  the  sacrifices;  and  that,  while 
under  such  prohibition,  all  men  shunned  him,  lest  they  should  suffer  by  the  contagion  of 
his  impiety,  (Cass.  Bell.  Gull.  lib.  vi.)  The  power  of  excommu^^icaTiox,  or  the  authority 
of  debarring  the  vicious  and  refractory  from  r.ligious  privileges,  is  necessary  indeed  to  every 
body  of  priests.  But  it  ought  to  extend  no  farther,  to  affect  BO  legal  right  or  civil  privilege. 
5  Aimon    Hist,  lib  v.  6  Id.  ibid. 

Vol.  I.  u 


134  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

The  latter  years  of  Robert's  reign  was  rendered  very  unhap- 
py by  the  disorders  of  his  family.  He  was  unfortunate  in  losing 
his  eldest  son  Hugh,  whom  he  had  associated  in  the  sovereignty; 
and  he  was  harassed  by  the  attempts  of  his  queen  Constance  to 
regulate  the  succession.  Having  an  aversion  against  her  son 
Henry,  she  wished  to  place  her  younger  son  Robert  on  the  throne. 
But  the  king,  b}'  the  advice  of  a  national  council,  confirmed  the 
succession  to  Henry,  his  eldest  surviving  son.  Provoked  at  this 
measure,  the  queen  endeavoured  to  embroil  the  brothers  ;  but 
they,  being  united  by  a  sincere  friendship,  withstood  all  her  ir- 
ritations. At  length,  becoming  equally  the  object  of  her  hatred, 
I  ,  ^^  they  retired  from  court,  and  took  arms  in  order  to  ob- 
,X,,  '  tain  a  separate  establishment^.  In  the  mean  time  the 
king  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Henry. 

There  is  not  any  monarch  in  the  French  history  more  gene- 
rally or  more  highly  commended  than  Robert  (notwithstanding 
his  weakness  of  temper),  or  on  whose  death  the  lamentations  of 
all  ranks  of  people  were  louder  or  more  sincere.  The  monks 
spoke  the  sense  of  the  whole  nation,  when  they  deplored  his 
death  in  these  words  :  "  We  have  lost  a  father,  who  governed  us 
"  in  peace.  We  lived  under  him  in  security ;  for  he  did  not  op- 
**  press,  or  suffer  others  to  be  guilty  of  oppression  ;  we  loved 
"  him,  and  there  was  nobody  whom  we  feared." 

Henry  I.  was  twenty-five  years  of  age  at  his  accession  to  the 
throne,  and,  with  all  the  spirit  of  a  young  man,  he  had  the  sa- 
gacity and  prudence  of  one  more  advanced  in  years  :  without 
which,  the  crown  would  have  been  shaken  from  his  head  almost 
as  soon  as  it  was  placed  upon  it.  Constance,  who  hated  him, 
as  has  been  observed,  and  who  was  ambitious  still  to  govern, 
had  drawn  over  to  her  party  a  number  of  lords  and  bishops,  un- 
der pretence  of  supporting  the  cause  of  young  Robert.  Henry, 
therefore,  after  some  ineffectual  struggles,  was  obliged  to  take 
refuge  m  Normandy,  where  he  was  received  with  all  possible 
respect  by  Duke  Robert,  who  assured  him  that  the  treasures  and 
forces  of  the  duchy  were  at  his  disposal.  Nor  were  these  mere 
expressions  of  civility  ;  an  army  of  Normans  entered  France  on 
one  side,  while  the  king  and  the  royal  party  invaded  it  on  the 
other.  The  queen-dowager  and  her  faction  were  humbled,  and 
Henry  recovered  all  that  he  had  lost.  But  although  this  con- 
test ended  gloriously  for  the  king,  it  proved  prejudicial  to  the 
monarchy  ;  for,  as  the  success  of  the  war  was  chiefly  the  conse- 
quence of  the  exertions  of  the  Normans,  Heniy  added  to  the 

7  Glab.  Hist,  sui  Temp.  lib.  iil 


LET.  XIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  155 

duchy,  Gisors,  Chaumont,  Pontoise,  and  that  part  of  the  Vexin, 
vvhich  yet  remained  to  the  crown*. 

The  next  affair  of  importance  that  occupied  the  kind's  atten- 
tion was  the  succession  to  the  duchy  of  Normandy.  Duke  Ro- 
bert had  thought  fit,  in  compHance  with  the  fashionable  devo- 
tion of  those  times,  to  make  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  But 
before  his  departure,  as  he  was  a  prudent  prince,  though  now 
old  and  superstitious,  he  assembled  his  nobles ;  and,  inform,ing 
them  of  his  pious  purpose,  the  length  of  the  journey,  and  the 
dangers  to  which  he  must  be  exposed,  he  engaged  them  to 
swear  allegiance  to  his  natural  son  William,  whom  he  tenderly 
loved,  and  intended  for  his  successor,  as  he  had  no  legitimate 
issue.  He  also  recommended  the  guardianship  of  this  son  to 
two  persons  in  whom  he  placed  the  greatest  confidence — the 
king  of  France,  and  Alain  duke  of  Bretagne'.  But  these  pre- 
cautions did  not  prevent  many  disorders,  which  a  mind  not 
hoodwinked  by  superstition  must  have  foreseen;  arising  from 
the  habitual  turbulence  of  the  great,  the  illegitimacy  of  William, 
and  the  pretensions  of  other  branches  of  the  ducal  family. 

Robert  died,  as  he  had  apprehended,  in  his  pilgrimage  ;  and 
left  his  son  rather  the  heir  of  his  wishes  than  of  his  ,  ^„  - 

dominions.  The  licentious  nobles,  freed  from  the 
awe  of  sovereign  authority,  broke  out  into  personal  quarrels, 
and  made  the  whole  duchy  a  scene  of  war  and  devastation.  The 
duke  of  Bretagne  came  to  appease  their  animosities ;  but  being 
very  roughly  treated,  he  returned  home,  and  was  soon  after 
carried  off  by  slow  poison,  supposed  to  have  been  given  him  in 
Normandy.  Various  pretenders  to  the  succession  arose  ;  and 
the  king  of  France,  forgetting  what  he  owed  to  Robert,  seemed 
willing  to  deprive  his  infant  son  of  his  inheritance,  by  taking 
advantage  of  these  troubles.  He  accordingly  invaded  the  Nor- 
man frontier,  and  reduced  several  places  ;  but  not  finding  the 
conquest  so  easy  as  he  expected,  or  influenced  by  ,^ . - 

*u         *        •  *•  *       rr  •      J  u-  J  -    A.  D.  1046. 

the  returning  sentiments  ot  iriendship  and  genero- 
sity, he  united  his  forces  with  those  of  the  young  duke,  and  the 
malcontents  were  totally  routed  in  the  battle  of  Val  de  Dunes, 
which  gave  William  quiet  possession  of  his  dominions^". 

Henry  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Philip,  w  hom  he  had  by  his 
second  wife,  the  daughter  of  Jaroslaus  or  Yaros-  *  ^  logn 
laf,  grand  duke  of  Russia — a  circumstance  truly  •^' 
remarkable,  in  an  age  when  no  very  familiar  intercourse  pre- 
vailed between  distant  nations.  But  the  prohibitions  of  mar- 
riage were  so  multiplied,  and  the  example  of  his  father  so  alarm- 
ing, that  Henry  is  supposed  to  have  sought  a  wife  in  a  remote 

8  Gul.  Gem«t.  lik.  n.  9  Id.  ibid.  10  Gul.  Gemet.  ubi  sup. 


156  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt.  i. 

country,  in  order  to  avoid  the  crime  of  incest,  and  the  danger 
of  excommunication.  What  must  the  disorders  of  society 
have  been,  when  even  a  king  did  not  know  whom  he  might 
lawfully  marry? 

Phihp  I.  was  only  eight  years  of  age  at  the  time  of  his  acces- 
sion :  and,  instead  of  being  put  under  the  guardianship  of  his 
mother  or  his  uncle,  one  of  whom,  it  might  naturally  be  suppo- 
sed, would  have  been  called  to  the  regency,  he  was  committed 
by  his  father  to  the  care  of  Baldwin  the  Pious,  earl  of  Flanders 
— a  man  of  strict  honour,  and  brother-in-law  to  Henry.  Bald- 
win gave  his  pupil  an  education  suitable  to  his  rank  :  he  kept 
the  nobles  in  awe,  without  giving  them  just  cause  of  offence  : 
and  he  maintained  peace  by  being  always  prepared  for  w^ar. — 
History,  in  a  word,  scarcely  furnishes  us  with  an  instance  of  a 
minority  more  quiet,  or  more  happy — an  example  the  more 
remarkable  from  the  delicacy  of  the  times  and  circumstances. 

The  only  colour  that  Baldwin  gave  for  censure,  was  in  his 
conduct  towards  William  duke  of  Normandy,  who  was  prepar- 
ing to  invade  England,  and  whom  he  permitted  to  raise  forces 
in  France  and  Flanders — a  liberty  which,  from  the  event,  was 
judged  impolitic.  But,  the  duke  being  his  son-in-law,  he  could 
not  refuse  him  with  a  good  grace  ;  and  there  was  yet  a  further 
motive  for  compliance.  The  fortunate  and  enterprising  Wil- 
liam might  have  entered  France  with  that  army  which  he  had 
assembled  against  England,  where  he  succeeded  more  speedily 
and  with  greater  ease  than  could  have  been  expected.  But  the 
particulars  of  that  invasion  and  its  consequences  belong  to  the 
history  of  our  own  country.  I  shall  therefore  onl}'^  here  observe , 
that,  to  balance  in  some  measure  the  increase  of  William's  pow- 
er, a  close  alliance  was  concluded  between  the  crowns  of  France 
,  P^ -._  and  Scotland.  Soon  after  that  negotiation  Baldwin 
^'  ^'  '  died  and  left  his  pupil  Philip  I.  in  peaceable  posses- 

sion of  his  kingdom,  when  he  had  completed  his  fifteenth  year. 


LETTER  XX. 


Of  the  Government  of  the  Kings  oj^  England,  from  the  Danish 
to  the  Norman  Conquest. 

YOU  have  already,  my  dear  Philip,  seen  Edmund  Iron- 
side inhumanly  murdered,  and  England  exposed  to  the  ambition 
of  Canute  the  Dane — a  prince  both  active  and  brave,  and  at  the 


LET.  XX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  157 

head  of  a  numerous  army,  ready  to  take  advantage  i  m  "* 

of  the  minority  of  Edward  and  Edmund,  the  sons  ^'  '  *' 
of  the  late  king.  The  English  could  therefore  expect  nothing 
but  total  subjection  from  Canute.  But  the  Danish  monarch, 
commonly  so  little  scrupulous,  showed  on  this  occasion,  an  anx- 
iety to  conceal  his  injustice  under  plausible  pretences.  Before 
he  seized  the  inheritance  of  the  two  young  princes,  he  summon- 
ed a  general  assembly  of  the  states  of  England,  in  order  to  fix 
the  sLiccession  ;  and  when  he  had  suborned  some  noblemen  to 
depose  that,  in  the  treaty  of  Glocester,  it  was  agreed,  "  That 
*'  Canute,  in  case  of  Edmund's  decease,  should  succeed  to  the 
*'  whole  kingdom,"  the  states,  convinced  by  this  evidence,  or 
over-awed  by  his  victorious  arms,  put  the  Dane  in  full  posses- 
sion of  the  government^ 

But  although  Canute  had  now  attained  the  great  object  of  his 
ambition  in  the  undivided  sovereignty  of  England,  he  was  at 
first  obliged  to  make  many  sacrifices  to  it,  and  to  gratify  the 
chief  nobility,  by  bestowing  on  them  extensive  governments  and 
jurisdictions.  He  also  thought  himself  obliged,  from  political 
motives,  to  exercise  some  severities.  In  order  to  reward  his 
Danish  followers,  he  loaded  the  people  with  oppressive  taxes; 
and  jealous  of  the  two  young  princes,  but  sensible  that  he  should 
render  himself  detested  if  he  ordered  them  to  be  murdered  in 
England,  he  sent  them  to  his  ally  the  king  of  Sweden,  whom  he 
desired  to  put  them  to  death.  But  the  Swedish  monarch  was 
too  generous  to  comply  with  such  a  barbarous  request.  Afraid, 
however,  to  draw  on  himself  the  displeasure  of  Canute,  by  pro- 
tecting the  English  princes,  he  sent  them  to  be  educated  in  the 
Hungarian  court — a  strange  place  surely  to  seek  for  a  preceptor. 
But  the  defenceless  seek  only  a  protector  :  and  the  sons  of  Ed- 
mund found  one  in  the  king  of  Hungary^. 

The  removal  of  Edmund's  children  into  a  distant  country  was 
regarded  by  Canute,  next  to  their  death,  as  the  greatest  securi- 
ty of  his  government.  But  he  was  still  under  alarm  on  account 
of  Alfred  and  Edward,  the  sons  of  Ethelred,  who  were  protect- 
ed and  supported  by  their  uncle,  Richard  duke  of  Normandy. 
Richard  had  even  fitted  out  a  fleet  with  a  view  of  procuring  the 
English  crown  for  one  of  these  princes.  To  avert  the  storm, 
and  secure  himself  on  that  side,  Canute  paid  his  addresses  to 
Emma,  the  duke's  sister,  and  the  mother  of  those  princes  who 
disputed  his  sway.  He  was  listened  to  :  Richard  sent  over  Em- 
ma to  England,  where  she  was  soon  after  married  to  Canute, 
the  enemy  of  her  former  husband's  family,  and  the  conqueror 
of  that  country  which  her  children  had  a  right  to  rule.     But 

1  Hoved,  Annal.  2  Hoved.  ad  annum  1017. 


158  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Canute  promised  that  her  children  should  still  rule  it,  though 
not  the  children  of  Ethelred;  and,  although  the  English  disap- 
proved the  match,  they  were  pleased  to  find  at  court  a  princess 
to  whom  they  were  accustomed;  so  that  the  conqueror,  by  this 
marriage,  not  only  secured  the  alliance  of  the  Normans,  but 
acquired  the  confidence  of  his  new  subjects.  Having  thus  freed 
himself  from  the  danger  of  a  revolution,  Canute  determined, 
like  a  truly  wise  prince,  to  reconcile  the  English  to  the  Danish 
yoke  by  the  equity  of  his  administration.  He  sent  back  to  their 
own  country  as  many  of  his  followers  as  could  safely  be  spared; 
he  restored  the  Saxon  customs;  he  made  no  distinction  between 
the  Danes  and  the  English  in  the  distribution  of  justice;  and  he 
took  care,  by  a  strict  execution  of  la'.v,  to  protect  the  lives  and 
properties  of  all  his  subjects^.  The  Danes  were  gradually  in- 
corporated with  the  native  English ;  and  both  were  glad  to 
breathe  a  little  from  those  multiplied  calamities  which  the  con- 
querors no  less  than  the  conquered  had  experienced  in  their 
struggle  for  dominion. 

The  first  use  that  Canute  made  of  this  tranquillity  was  to 
visit  Denmark,  where  he  obtained  a  victory  over  the  Swedes, 
1019  ^^'^%  ^y  ^^^  valour  cf  the  English  under  the  com- 
mand of  Earl  Godwin.  In  another  voyage  to  Den- 
mark, he  made  himself  master  of  Norway,  by  expelling  Olaus 
A  D  1028  ^^^  Saint  from  his  kingdom.  Canute  seems  thus  to 
*  have  attained  the  height  of  his  ambition;  for,  from 
this  period  he  appears  not  only  to  have  relinquished  all  thoughts 
of  future  conquest,  but  to  have  despised  all  the  glories  and  plea- 
sures of  the  world — a  necessary  consequence,  my  dear  Philip, 
of  assigning  to  human  enjoyments  a  satisfaction  which  they 
cannot  yield,  and  more  especially  of  pursuing  them  (another 
effect  of  the  same  cause)  at  the  expense  of  justice  and  humanity. 

During  this  change  of  mind  it  must  have  been  that  Canute, 
the  most  powerful  prince  of  his  time,  being  sovereign  of  Den- 
mark, Norway,  and  England,  put  to  the  "blush  his  flattering 
courtiers,  who  exclaimed,  in  admiration  of  his  grandeur,  that 
every  thing  was  possible  for  him.  He  ordered  a  chair  to  be 
brought,  and  seated  himself  on  the  sea- shore,  while  the  tide  was 
rising;  and  as  the  waves  approached,  he  said,  in  an  imperious 
tone,  "  Thou,  sea  !  art  under  my  dominion,  and  the  land  upon 
"  which  I  sit  is  mine:  I  charge  thee,  approach  no  farther  !  nor 
"  dare  to  wet  the  feet  of  thy  sovereign."  He  even  sat  some 
time  in  seeming  expectation  of  submission:  but  as  the  sea  still 
advanced  towards  him,  and  at  last  began  to  wash  him  with  its 
billows,  he  turned  to  his  courtiers,  and  observed,  that  every 

S  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  n. 


LET.  XX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  159 

creature  in  the  universe  is  feeble  and  impotent ;  and  that  power 
resides  only  with  one  Being,  in  whose  hands  are  the  elements 
of  nature,  and  who  can  say  to  the  ocean,  "  Thus  far  shalt  thou 
go,  and  no  farther*  !"* 

But  although  Canute,  weary  of  worldly  greatness,  began  to 
turn  his  eyes  towards  a  future  state  of  existence,  the  spirit  which 
prevailed  in  that  age  unfortunately  gave  a  false  direction  to  his 
piety.  Instead  of  making  reparation  to  the  persons  whom  he 
had  injured  by  former  acts  of  violence,  he  built  churches,  en- 
dowed monasteries,  and  appointed  prayers  to  be  said  for  the 
souls  of  those  who  had  fallen  in  battle  against  him  ;  and  (what 
was  thought  by  many  to  be  still  more  meritorious)  he  undertook 
a  pilgrimage  to  Rome. 

After  his  return  from  the  continent,  he  performed  nothine 
memorable,  except  an  expedition  against  Malcolm  king  of  Scot- 
land, whom-he  humbled.  He  left  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land to  Harold  Harefoot,  his  son  by  his  first  wife  ^\^' 
Elgiva,  daughter  to  the  earl  of  Hants,  in  prejudice  of  Hardi-ca- 
nute,  his  son  by  queen  Emma,  to  whom  he  had  promised  the 
succession*. 

Harold,  after  a  short  reign,  was  succeeded  by  his  brother 
Hardi-canute,  whose  reign  was  yet  shorter.     Nei-  mm 

ther  of  these  princes  had  any  striking  qualities  ;     *     * 
nor  did  any  thing  worthy  of  your  notice  happen  during  their 
reigns.     It  will  therefore  be  sufficient  to  observe,  that  on  the 
death  of  Hardi-canute,  who  fell  a  sacrifice  to  his  ini9 

brutal  intemperance,  the  English  shook  olFthe  Da-     *  °* 
nish  yoke;  and  placed  Edward,  son  of  Ethelred  and  Emma, 
on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors. 

This  revolution  was  effected  with  great  facility;  and  the  mild 
and  equitable  government  of  Edward  soon  reconciled  the 
Danes,  no  less  than  the  English,  to  his  sway.  The  distinction 
between  the  two  nations  vanished.  But  the  English  in  vain 
flattered  themselves  that  they  were  for  ever  delivered  from 
foreign  masters.  A  little  time  convinced  them  that  the  evil 
was  rather  suspended  than  removed. 

Edward  had  been  educated  in  Normandy;  and,  as  he  had  con- 
tracted a  friendship  with  many  of  the  natives  of  that  country, 
and  a  predilection  for  their  manners,  the  court  of  England  was 
soon  filled  with  Normans,  who  were  distinguished  by  the  royal 
favour,  and  had  great  influence  in  the  national  councils.  He 
had  also,  it  appears,  though  married  to  a  beautiful  woman, 
made  an  indiscreet  vow  of  virginity,  which  rendered  his  bed 
sterile,  but  procured  to  him  from  the  monks  the  title  of  Saint 

4  Anglia  Sacra,  vol.  i  5  Chron,  Sav.—Hoved, 


160  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

and  Confessor  :  and  he  is  said  to  have  given  his  kinsman,  Wil- 
liam duke  of  Normandy,  hopes  of  succeeding  to  the  Enghsh 
crown.  What  use  that  enterprising  prince  made  of  this  pro- 
mise, real  or  pretended,  we  shall  afterward  have  occasion  to  see. 

In  the  mean  time  the  English,  and  particularly  the  opulent 
and  powerful  earl  Godwin,  became  jealous  of  the  preference 
shown  to  foreigners,  and  openly  revolted.  The  rebels  were 
humbled :  the  estates  of  Godwin  and  his  sons  were  confiscated; 
and  they  were  obliged  to  quit  the  realm.  But  they  soon  after 
.-.£..  returned,  and  reduced  the  king  to  conditions  ;  the 
'^'     '  *  most  considerable  of  which  was,  that  all  foreigners 

should  be  banished^. 

Godwin's  death,  which  happened  about  two  years  after  this 
treaty,  prevented  him  from  establishing  that  authority  which  he 
had  acquired  at  the  expense  of  the  crown.  But  his  son  Harold, 
who  succeeded  him  in  his  estates  and  offices,  and  who,  with  an 
ambition  equal  to  that  of  his  father,  was  superior  to  him  in  ad- 
dress and  insinuation,  proved  no  less  dangerous  to  the  unsus- 
pecting and  unwarlike  Edward,  whose  confidence  he  had  ob- 
.„_-  tained.  And  the  death  of  Siward,  earl  of  North- 
'^'  °*  *  umberland,  while  it  enfeebled  the  royal  authority, 

gave  still  more  consequence  to  the  ambitious  Harold.  Siward, 
beside  his  loyalty  and  exploits  in  behalf  of  the  crown,  had  ac- 
quired honour  to  England,  by  his  successful  conduct  in  the  only 
foreign  enterprise  undertaken  during  this  reign  :  and  as  it  is 
connected  with  a  meniorable  circumstance  in  the  history  of  a 
neighbouring  kingdom,  as  well  as  with  the  intrigues  of  Harold, 
it  doubly  deserves  our  attention. 

Duncan,  king  of  Scotland,  a  prince  of  a  gentle  disposition, 
and  some  talents,  butnotpossessedof  sufficient  vigour  to  govern 
a  turbulent  nation  distracted  by  the  animosities  of  the  great, 
had  laid  himself  open  to  the  designs  of  Macbeth,  a  potent 
nobleman,  nearly  allied  to  the  crown  ;  who,  not  contented  with 
curbing  the  king's  authority,  carried  yet  farther  his  traitorous 
ambition.  He  murdered  his  sovereign  ;  usurped  the  crown  ; 
and  chased  Malcolm,  the  prince  and  heir,  into  England.  Si- 
ward, whose  daughter  was  married  to  Duncan,  undertook,  by 
Edward'.s  orders,  the  protection  of  this  unhappy  family.  He 
marched  with  an  army  into  Scotland,  defeated  and  killed  the 
bold  usurper,  and  restored  Malcolm  to  the  throne  of  his  ances- 
tors. This  ser\'ice,  added  to  his  former  connexions  with  the 
royal  family  of  Scotland,  brought  great  accession  to  the  authori- 
ty of  Siward  in  the  north,  and  enabled  him  to  be  highly  useful  to 
Edward,  in  restraining  the  ambition  of  Godwin  and  his  povver- 

6  Sira,  Dunelra. — Hored. 


1.ET.  XX.  MODERN  EUROPE*  16i 

ful  family  ;  but  as  he  had  lost  his  eldest  son  Osbern  in  the  ac- 
tion with  Macbeth,  it  proved  eventually  fatal  to  his  house,  and 
hurtful  to  the  crown.  His  second  son,  Waltheof,  appeared  too 
young,  on  his  father's  death,  to  be  entrusted  with  the  govern- 
ment of  Northumberland;  and  Harold's  influence  obtained  that 
dukedom  for  Tosti,  his  own  brother^. 

There  are  two  anecdotes  related  of  Siward,  which  strongly 
mark  his  character,  and  are  eminently  expressive  of  that  enthu- 
siasm of  valour,  long  so  predominant  in  the  house  of  Northum- 
berland. When  informed  of  his  son  Osbern's  death,  he  was  at 
first  inconsolable.  But  when,  having  inquired  how  he  fell,  he 
found  that  the  youth  had  behaved  vvith  great  gallantry,  and  that 
his  wound  was  in  the  breast^  the  feelings  of  the  father  seemed 
lost  in  those  of  the  soldier  :  his  grief  was  transformed  into  joy, 
*'  Would  to  God,"  exclaimed  he,  "  that  I  had  as  many  sons  as 
"  I  have  hairs,  that  I  might  lose  them  thus  !"  And  when  his 
own  death  approached,  he  ordered  himself  to  be  clothed  in  a 
suit  of  complete  armour  ;  and,  sitting  erect  on  a  couch,  with  a 
spear  in  his  hand,  "  In  this  posture,"  said  he,  "  the  only  one 
"  worthy  of  a  warrior,  I  will  meet  the  tyrant :  if  I  cannot  con- 
"  quer,  I  shall  at  least ^ace  my  enemy^" 

Tosti  behaved  so  tyrannically,  in  his  government  of  Northum- 
berland, that  the  people  rose  against  him,  and  expelled  him  by 
force  of  arms — a  circumstance  which  contributed  much  to  his 
brother's  aggrandisement.  Harold  was  appointed  by  the  king 
to  punish  the  Northumbrians,  and  advanced  with  an  army  for 
that  purpose ;  but  being  met  by  a  deputation  from  Morcar, 
whom  the  provincials  wished  to  have  for  their  governor,  and 
finding  that  Tosti  had  acted  in  a  manner  unworthy  of  his  station, 
he  returned  to  the  king,  and  generously  persuaded  him  not  only 
to  pardon  the  rebels,  but  to  confer  the  earldom  on  Morcar, 
He  afterwards  married  the  sister  of  that  nobleman,  for  whose 
brother  Edwin  he  procured  the  earldom  of  Mercia.  He  also 
undertook  an  expedition  against  the  Welsh^  over  whom  he 
placed  such  princes  as  he  approved. 

By  these  politic  and  fortunate  steps,  Harold  soon  found  him- 
self in  a  condition  openly  to  aspire  to  the  royal  succession.  He 
had  gained  the  affections  of  his  countrymen  by  his  lenity  to  the 
Northumbrians  ;  he  had  raised  their  admiration  of  his  valour 
by  his  success  in  Wales;  and  so  great  was  his  influence,  that  al- 
most all  England  was  under  the  command  of  himself  or  his 
friends.  His  competitors  for  the  succession  were  Edgar  Athe= 
ling,  the  oflfspring  of  king  Edmund's  son  Edward,  the  lawful 

7  Gul.  Malm^sb.  lib.  ii. — Hoved,  8  H.  Huntined,  lib.  7?. 

Vol.  I,  X 


162  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

heir  to  the  crown,  and  William  duke  of  Normandy,  the  king's 

cousin.  But  the  first  was  a  youth  whose  imbecility  was  thought 

sufficient  to  set  aside  his  claim,  and  the  second  a  foreigner. 

Edward's  prepossessions  rendered  him  unwilling  to  support  the 

pretensions  of  Harold ;  and  his  irresolution  prevented  him  from 

securing  the  crown  to  the  duke  of  Normandy,  whom  he  secretly 

.    ^    ir.cc  favoured.     He  therefore  died  without  appointing;  a 
A.  D.  1066.  ,    -  .     ■  ,  .-c      u- 

successor,  being  worn  out  with  age  and  miirmities, 

and  more  anxious  about  obtaining  a  heavenly  than  settling  his 

earthly  inheritance. 

Edward  the  Confessor  was  the  first  who  touched  for  the  scro- 
fula, hence  denominated  the  King's  Evil.  The  opinion  of  his 
sanctity  procured  belief,  among  the  superstitious  vulgar,  to  this 
mode  of  cure  :  and  his  successors  regarded  it  as  a  part  of  their 
royalty  to  support  the  same  idea.  The  practice  was  first  drop- 
ped by  the  princes  of  the  house  of  Brunswick,  who  wisely  con- 
sidered, that  such  a  pretension  must  be  attended  with  ridicule  in 
the  eyes  of  all  men  of  cultivated  minds,  and  even  become  the 
scorn  of  an  enlightened  populace.  Posterity  are  more  indebted 
to  Edward  for  the  body  of  laws  which  he  compiled,  and  which, 
on  account  of  their  mildness,  were  long  dear  to  our  ancestors. 

Though  this  prince  left  the  succession  undecided,  it  did  not 
long  continue  so.  Harold  immediately  stepped  into  the  vacant 
throne ;  and  so  well  had  he  taken  his  measures,  that  his  succes- 
sion was  attended  with  as  litde  opposition  or  disturbance  as  if 
he  had  succeeded  by  the  most  indisputable  hereditary  title.  The 
right  of  Edgar  Atheling  was  scarcely  ever  mentioned,  and  still 
less  the  claim  of  the  duke  of  Normandy :  the  whole  nation 
seemed  joyfully  to  swear  allegiance  to  the  new  king^. 

The  first  danger  that  Harold  experienced  was  from  abroad, 
and  from  his  own  brother.  Tosti,  when  expelled  from  the  go- 
vernment of  Northumberland,  had  submitted  to  a  voluntary  ba- 
nishment in  Flanders  :  but  no  sooner  did  he  hear  of  the  acces- 
sion of  Harold,  to  whose  fortunate  ambition  he  considered  him- 
self as  having  fallen  a  sacrifice,  than  he  entered  into  a  league 
with  Harfager  king  of  Norway,  who  invaded  England  with  a 
fleet  of  three  hundred  sail.  Tosti  himself  had  collected  about 
sixty  vessels  in  the  j3orts  of  Flanders,  with  which  he  put  to  sea; 
and,  after  committing  some  depredations  on  the  southern  and 
eastern  coasts  of  England,  he  sailed  to  Northumberland,  where 
he  was  joined  by  the  Norwegian  armament.  The  invaders  dis- 
embarked at  the  mouth  of  the  Humber,  and  defeated  the  earls 
of  Northumberland  and  Mercia^°. 

Harold  was  no  sooner  informed  of  this  disaster  than  he  has- 

9  Gul.  Pictav.— Order.  Vital.  10  H.  Huntingd.  lib.  vii. 


iET.  XX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  163 

tened  to  the  northward,  anxious  for  the  safety  of  his  people,  and 
eager  to  show  himself  worthy  of  that  crown  which  had  been 
conferred  upon  him  by  his  countrymen.  The  English  flocked 
from  all  quarters  to  his  standard  :  so  that  he  found  himself  in 
a  condition  to  give  battle  to  his  foes,  as  soon  as  he  reached 
them.  The  two  armies  engaged  at  Stanford- bridge  near  York. 
The  action,  which  was  long  and  bloody,  terminated  in  the  total 
rout  of  the  enemy,  and  in  the  death  of  Tosti  and  Harfager". 
Harold,  however,  had  scarcely  time  to  rejoice  on  account  of  this 
victory,  before  he  received  intelligence  that  the  duke  of  Norman- 
dy had  landed  with  a  formidable  force  in  the  south  of  England. 

The  Norman  prince  founded  his  claim  to  the  English  crown 
on  a  pretended  will  of  Edward  the  Confessor  in  his  favour.  This 
claim  he  fortified  with  an  oath  extorted  from  Harold  when  ship- 
wrecked on  the  coast  of  France,  importing  that  he  would  never 
aspire  to  the  succession,  andthathe  would  even  support  the  pre- 
tensions of  William.  The  will  Harold  knew  to  be  void  of  foun- 
dation, and  the  oath  he  entirely  disregarded,  as  it  had  been 
drawn  from  him  by  the  fear  of  violence.  He  therefore  replied 
to  the  Norman  ambassadors,  who  summoned  him  to  resign  the 
kingdom,  that  he  was  determined  strenuously  to  maintain  those 
national  liberties  with  which  he  had  been  intrusted,  and  that  the 
same  moment  should  put  a  period  to  his  life  and  his  sway''^. 

This  was  such  an  answer  as  William  expected.  He  knew  the 
valour  of  Harold,  and  the  power  of  the  English  nation  ;  but  he 
consulted  only  his  ambition,  and  his  courage.  The  boldness  of 
the  enterprise,  he  thought,  would  astonish  his  adversaries,  and 
inspire  his  soldiers  with  resolution  from  despair,  as  well  as 
from  a  desire  of  supporting  the  military  reputation  of  their 
countrymen. 

A  martial  spirit  had  at  this  time  diffused  itself  over  Europe  ; 
and  the  feudal  nobles,  whose  minds  were  elated  by  their  prince- 
ly situation,  eagerly  embraced  the  most  hazardous  enterprises, 
how  little  soever  diey  might  be  interested  in  the  failure  or  suc- 
cess. Hence  arose  their  passion  for  chivalry,  and  their  ambition 
to  outshine  each  other  in  exertions  of  strength  and  prowess. 
William  had  long  been  distinguished  among  those  haughty  chief- 
tains by  his  power,  his  courage,  and  his  address  in  all  military 
exercises;  and  all  who  were  airibitious  of  acquiring  renown  in 
arms  repaired  to  the  court  of  Normandy,  w  here  they  were  en- 
tertained with  that  hospitalitj^  and  courtesy  which  dignifted  the 
age.  The  fame  of  the  intended  invasion  of  England  had  been 
widely  pfopag.ited  ;  and,  the  more  perilous  the  attempt  appear- 
ed, the  more  it  suited  the  genius  of  the  times.  Muldtudes  of  ad- 

11  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  ii.        12  R.  Higdeni  Pely-Chronicon.— Mattli,  Westtn. 


164  THE  HISTORY  OF  tart  i. 

venturers,  therefore,  crowded  to  tender  their  service  to  William, 
who  selected  from  the  whole  number  as  many  as,  when  added 
to  the  Norman  troops,  swelled  his  army  to  the  amount  of 
60,000  men. 

The  continental  monarchs  could  surely  have  obstructed  those 
supplies.  But,  Philip  of  France  (whose  interest  was  most  likely 
to  be  affected  by  the  scheme)  being  a  minor,  Baldwin,  earl  of 
Flanders,  William's  father-in-law,  who  then  held  the  reins  of 
government,  favoured  the  duke's  levies,  as  I  have  had  occasion 
to  observe,  both  in  France  and  Flanders  ;  and  the  emperor 
Henry  IV.,  besides  sjiving  all  his  vassals  leave  to  embark  in 
this  expedition,  promised  to  defend  Normandy  during  the  ab» 
sence  of  the  duke,  and  thereby  enabled  him  to  draw  his  whole 
strength  to  the  attack  of  England. 

B;it  William's  most  important  ally  was  pope  Alexander  II., 
who  had  an  extraordinary  influence  over  the  warriors  of  that 
age  ;  and  who,  besides  being  flattered  by  an  appeal  which  Wil- 
liam had  made  to  the  court  of  Rome  on  the  subject  of  his  under- 
taking, at  a  time  when  this  pontiff  wished  to  be  the  arbiter  of 
princes,  foresaw  that  if  the  French  and  Norman  barons  should 
be  successful  in  their  enterprise,  they  would  import  into  Eng- 
land, which  still  maintained  some  degree  of  independence  in  ec- 
clesiastical matters,  a  more  devoted  reverence  to  the  holy  see. 
He  therefore  declared  immediately  in  favourof  William's  claim; 
pronounced  Harold  a  perjured  usurper  ;  denounced  excommu- 
nication against  him  and  his  adherents ;  and,  in  order  more 
particularly  to  encourage  the  duke,  he  sent  him  a  consecrated 
banner,  and  a  rins^  with  one  of  St.  Peter's  hairs  in  it.  Thus, 
as  the  sagacious  Hume  remarks,  all  the  ambition  and  violence 
of  this  invasion  were  covered  safely  over  with  the  broad  mantle 
of  religion. 

The  Norman  fleet,  which  consisted  of  three  hundred  vessels, 
had  been  assembled  early  in  the  summer,  and  put  to  sea  soon 
after ;  but  being  long  detained  by  contrary  winds,  the  troops 
began  to  imagine  that  Heaven  had  declared  against  them,  and 
that,  notwithstanding  the  pope's  benediction,  they  were  destined 
to  destruction.  The  wind,  however,  fortunately  changed  on  the 
eve  of  the  feast  of  St.  Michael,  the  tutelar  saint  of  Normandy  ; 
and  the  soldiers  and  their  bold  leaders,  who  had  an  equal  con- 
tempt of  real  and  dread  of  imaginary  dangers,  fancying  they  saw 
the  hand  of  Providence  in  the  cause  of  their  former  terrors,  set 
out  with  the  greatest  alacrity,  and  safely  arrived  at  Pevensey  in 
Sussex,  where  the  troops  quietly  disembarked.  The  duke  him- 
self had  the  misfortune  to  fall,  as  he  leaped  on  shore — a  circum- 
stance which  by  his  superstitious  followers,  might  have  been 


LET.  XX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  165 

construed  to  his  disadvantage,  but  which  he  had  the  presence  of 
mind  to  turn  in  his  favour,  by  calling  aloud,  "  I  have  taken 
possession  of  England'^ !" 

Harold's  late  victory  proved  his  ruin.  Many  of  his  bravest 
officers  and  veteran  soldiers  fell  in  the  action ;  many  retired  from 
fatigue,  and  a  great  number  withdrew  from  discontent,  because 
he  had  refused  to  distribute  the  spoils  of  the  field  among  them-— 
a  conduct  little  suited  to  his  usual  generosity,  and  which  can 
only  be  ascribed  to  a  desire  of  relieving  his  people  in  the  war 
that  hung  over  them  from  Normandy^  and  which  he  foresaw 
must  be  attended  with  great  expense. 

From  the  smallness  of  the  king's  force,  and  other  circum- 
stances, his  brother  Girth,  a  man  of  bravery  and  conduct,  be- 
gan to  entertain  apprehensions  of  the  event ;  and  represented  to 
him  that  it  would  be  more  prudent  to  prolong  the  war  than  to 
risque  a  general  action,  as  the  winter  was  approaching,  when 
the  enemy  would  sufter  many  hardships,  while  the  English,  bet- 
ter sheltered,  and  becoming  every  day  more  incensed  against 
their  invaders,  would  hasten  from  all  parts  to  his  assistance,  and 
render  his  army  invincible  :  or,  if  he  thought  it  necessary  to  ha- 
zard a  battle,  he  ought  at  least  not  to  expose  his  person,  that 
some  resource  mig;ht  still  be  left  for  the  liberty  and  independence 
of  the  kingdom.  Harold,  however,  rejected  this  advice  with  dis- 
dain ;  and  advanced  without  delay  against  the  Normans,  wh6 
had  removed  their  camp  to  Hastings.  He  affected  to  be  so  con- 
fident of  success,  that  he  sent  a  message  to  the  duke  of  Norman- 
dy, offering  him  a  sum  of  money,  if  he  would  retire  from  the 
kingdom  without  eft'usion  of  blood  ;  and  William,  equally  elate, 
commanded  him  to  resign  the  crown  of  England,  to  submit 
their  cause  to  the  arbitration  of  the  pope,  or  to  fight  him  in  sin- 
gle combat.  Harold  replied,  that  the  God  of  battles  would 
soon  be  the  arbiter  of  all  their  differences  ". 

Both  armies  now  impatiently  expected  the  awful  decision.  In 
the  night  which  preceded  the  battle,  the  scene  was  very  different 
in  the  two  camps.  The  English  passed  the  time  in  rioting  and 
feasting ;  the  Normans,  in  prayer  and  preparations  for  the  con- 
flict. As  soon  as  the  day  began  to  appear,  the  duke  q  ,  ^ 
harangued  his  principal  officers  in  terms  suitable  to  the 
occasion,  and  divided  his  army  into  three  lines.  The  first  con- 
sisted of  archers  and  light-armed  infantry ;  the  second  was  com- 
posed of  his  bravest  battalions,  heavy-armed,  and  ranged  inclose 
order.  The  cavalry,  at  the  head  of  which  William  placed  him- 
self, formed  the  third  line,  and  were  so  disposed,  that  they 

13  WacCj  Hlstoiie  des  Dues  de  Normand.  14  Gul.  Pictav. — Wace, 


166  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

stretched  beyond  the  infantry,  and  flanked  each  wing  of  the 
army.  He  commanded  the  si,^nal  to  be  given  ;  and  the  whole 
army,  moving  at  once,  and  singing  the  celebrated  song  of  Ro- 
land, the  supposed  nephew  and  renowned  captain  of  Charle- 
magne, advanced  in  order  of  battle'*. 

In  the  arrangement  of  the  English  army,  Harold  seized  the 
advantage  of  a  rising  ground,  and  drew  some  trenches  to  secure 
his  flanks.  The  Kentish  men  were  placed  in  the  front,  a  post 
which  they  had  always  claimed  as  their  due  ;  the  Londoners 
guarded  the  standard  ;  and  the  king,  dismounting,  placed^  him- 
self in  the  centre,  at  the  head  of  his  infantry,  expressing  his  re- 
solution to  conquer  or  die.  The  first  attack  of  the  Norman  in- 
fantry was  terrible  ;  the  archers  severely  galled  their  adversa- 
ries ;  and,  as  the  English  ranks  were  close,  the  arrows  did  great 
execution.  But  Harold's  army  received  the  shock  undismayed; 
and  after  a  furious  struggle,  which  long  remained  undecided, 
the  Normans  began  to  give  ground.  Confusion  was  spreading 
from  rank  to  rank;  when  William,  who  found  himself  on  the 
brink  of  ruin,  hastened  with  a  select  band  to  the  relief  of  his 
broken  forces.  His  presence  restored  the  battle  ;  and  the  Eng- 
lish were  obliged  to  retire  in  their  turn.  Finding  that  they  still 
made  a  vigorous  resistance,  the  duke  ordered  his  troops  to  make 
a  hasty  retreat,  and  allure  their  antagonists  from  their  station 
by  the  appearance  of  flight.  The  artifice  succeeded.  Impelled 
by  the  enthusiasm  of  valour  and  the  heat  of  action,  the  troops  of 
Harold  precipitately  followed  the  Normans  into  the  plain ;  while 
William  directed  his  infantry  to  face  about  on  their  pursuers, 
and  the  cavalry  to  make  an  assault  upon  their  wings.  The 
English  were  thrown  into  disorder,  and  driven  back  with  loss  to 
the  hill ;  where,  being  rallied  by  the  address  of  Harold,  they 
were  again  able  to  maintain  the  combat.  William  tried  the  same 
stratagem  a  second  time,  and  with  equal  success.  Yet  he  still 
found  a  large  body  of  English  forces  that  remained  firm  around 
their  prince,  and  seemed  determined  to  dispute  the  field  to  the 
last  man  ;  when  fortune  decided  a  victory  which  valour  had  left 
doubtful.  The  king  was  pierced  in  the  brain  with  an  arrow, 
while  bravely  defending  the  royal  standard  at  the  head  of  his 
guards  ;  and  his  two  gallant  brothers,  Girth  and  Leofwin  were 
also  slain.  Dispirited  by  the  loss  of  their  leaders,  the  English 
now  gave  way  on  all  sides,  and  were  pursued  with  great  slaugh- 
ter by  the  victorious  Normans^^ 

Such  were  the  chief  features  of  the  battle  of  Hastings,  which 
terminated  the  Anglo-Saxon  monarchy,  and  which,  by  the  heroic 

IS  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  iii.— Du  Cange  in  Gloss.  Verb.  Cant.  Roland. 
16Gul.  Malbes.  ubi  sup.— Gul,  Pict.  Hoved.— Order.  Vital. 


LET.  XX.  MODERN  Europe:  mr 

valour  displayed  on  both  sides,  seemed  worthy  to  decide  the  fate 
of  a  mighty  kingdom.  Fifteen  thousand  of  the  Normans  fell, 
and  a  much  greater  number  of  the  English  forces" — But  we 
must  take  a  view  of  the  other  nations  of  Europe,  and  also 
throw  a  glance  on  those  of  Asia  and  Africa,  before  we  consi- 
der the  consequences  of  this  victory,  and  the  influence  of  the 
revolution  by  which  it  was  followed,  upon  the  laws,  govern- 
ment, and  manners  of  England.  In  the  mean  time,  however, 
it  will  not  be  i-.n proper  to  take  a  slight  survey  of  the  state  of 
England  at  the  Norman  conquest. 

POSTSCRIPT. 

NO  territory  of  so  small  an  extent  has  ever  so  much  en- 
Qjaged  the  attention  of  mankind,  for  so  long  a  series  of  ages,  as 
the  island  of  Britain.  From  the  most  remote  antiquity  it  was 
visited  by  the  Phoenicians  and  Carthagenians,  on  account  of  its 
tin  and  other  valuable  productions.  The  Romans,  in  the  height 
of  their  power,  made  themselves  masters  of  the  southern  part 
of  it,  at  a  great  expense  of  blood  and  treasure ;  and  they  thought 
the  acquisition  of  sufficient  importance  to  induce  them  to  pre- 
serve their  footing  in  this  distant  and  transmarine  province  for 
three  hundred  years;  by  maintaining  in  it  a  considerable  naval 
and  military  force.  The  ancient  Britons  lost  their  courage  and 
their  independent  spirit  under  the  Roman  dominion,  but  receiv- 
ed from  their  enlightened  governors  some  knowledge  of  arts 
and  letters^\  The  Saxons,  in  achieving  their  sanguinary  con- 
quests, destroyed  every  trace  of  ingenuity  which  the  Romans 
had  introduced  into  the  island,  without  bringing  one  peaceful 
art,  with  which  the  Britons  were  not  better  acquainted:  and  the 
wars  between  the  princes  of  the  Heptarchy  afterward  obstruct- 
ed, among  their  people,  the  usual  progress  of  civilization.  But 
no  sooner  was  England  united  into  one  kingdom  under  Egbert, 
than  commerce  and  manufactures  began  to  be  cultivated  in  a 
country  so  highly  favoured  by  nature ;  abounding  in  the  mate- 
rials of  industry,  and  favoured  on  three  sides  by  the  proximity 
of  the  sea,  which  forms  on  its  coasts  many  commodious  bays 
and  safe  harbours^^. 

17  Gul.  Gemet.  lib.  vii. 

18  If  the  Britons  had  any  knowledge  of  letters  before  the  arrival  of  the  Romans,  that 
knowledge  was  confined  chiefly,  if  not  solely,  to  their  priests,  the  mysterious  Druids.  ' 

19  The  principal  English  exports,  during  the  Anglo-Saxon  times,  were  tin,  lead,  wool, 
hides,  horses  and  slaves  /  These  slaves  consisted  not  solely  of  such  unhappy  persons  as  the 
laws  of  war  or  other  causes  had  reduced  to  the  condition  of  perpetual  servitude.  The  An- 
glo-Saxons are  accused  by  some   contemporary  writers,  of  making  merchandise  even  of 

their  nearest  relations "  a  custom,"  adds  a  respectable  historian  who  lived  in  the  reiga 

of  the  first  Henry,  '*  which  prevails  in  Northumberland  evon  in  our  own  days."  Gul. 
Malmesb.  lib.  i. 


168  THE  HISTORY  OF  paet  i. 

The  Aniylo-Saxon  commerce,  however,  was  cruelly  injured 
by  the  piratical  cruises  and  predatory  invasions  of  the  Danes : 
yet  did  England  then  contain  many  large  trading  towns,  and  a 
greater  number  of  inhabitants,  both  in  the  towns  and  in  the 
country,  than  could  have  been  expected  in  such  a  turbulent  and 
hostile  period.  London,  York,  BristoP",  Exeter,  and  Norwich, 
were  great  and  populous  cities;  and  as  the  labours  of  husbandry 
were  chiefly  performed  by  slaves  or  villains  w  ho  were  excluded 
from  military  service,  the  number  of  freemen  in  England,  habi- 
tuated to  the  use  ofarms^  if  not  greater,  must  have  been  as  great 
at  the  Norman  invasion  as  in  any  former  or  subsequent  period^^^ 
But  let  us  not  hence  conclude,  that  sixty  thousand  men,  under 
an  experienced  leader,  have  at  all  times  been  sufficient  to  over- 
turn the  constitution  of  this  vigorous  kingdom.  William  was 
ultimately  indebted  for  his  good  fortune,  less  to  the  rashness  of 
the  English  monarch,  his  own  conduct,  or  the  valour  of  his 
troops,  than  to  the  unsettled  state  of  the  succession  to  the  crown. 
Harold  had  owed  his  exaltation  to  the  throne  as  much  to  fear  as 
affection;  and,  on  his  death,  the  English  nobility  who  had  borne 
with  impatience  the  sway  of  an  equal,  naturally  looked  up  to 
his  conqueror  and  competitor,  the  kinsman  of  their  last  prince, 
as  their  sovereign,  their  head,  and  centre  of  union.  The  duke  of 
Normandy,  at  Hastings,  had  triumphed  over  their  elected  king, 
but  not  over  their  liberties.  These,  when  a  spirited  resistance 
was  yet  in  their  power,  they  imprudently  put  into  his  hands  (as 
we  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  see)  in  the  hope  that  he 
would  not  abuse  their  generosity. 

20  The  Bristol  traders  were  distinguished,  even  in  those  early  ages,  by  their  mercan- 
t^e  sagacity.  "The  people  of  this  town,'' says  an  author  of  undoubted  veracity,  "  were 
'♦  cured  of  a  most  odious  and  inveterate  custom  by  VVuU'tan  (bishop  of  Worcester  at  the 
«  Norman  conquest),  of  buying  men  and  luotnen  in  all  parts  of  Ens^l  and,  and  exporting 
"  them  for  the  sake  of  gain.  The  young  -women  they  commonly  got  with  child,  and  carried 
"  them  to  market  in  their  pregnancy,  that  they  might  bring  a  better  price  /"  Jlnglia  Sacra, 
vol.  ii. 

21  To  that  exemption  from  rustic  labour,  which  was  friendly  to  the  use  of  arms,  may 
also  perhaps  be  ascribed  the  dissolute  manners  of  the  Anglo-Saxons.  Unless  when  em> 
ployed  in  war  or  in  hunting,  their  whole  time  was  spent  in  drinking  and  feasting.  This 
licentious  life  seems  to  have  much  impaired  the  native  courage  of  the  English  nation,  be- 
fore the  Danish  conquest.  The  wars  which  introduced  and  accompanied  that  conquest  re- 
vived their  martial  spirit:  and  under  the  Danish  princes,  the  Anglo-Saxons  appear  to  have 
emulated  their  conquerors  in  all  acts  of  prowess  and  valour.  But  both  were  alike  given  to 
long  and  excessive  drinking,  in  large  societies  or  clubs :  and  the  Danes  added  to  this  con- 
vivial intemperance  an  inordinate  passion  for  women  ;  in  which  they  seem  to  have  gloried, 
and  which  they  often  gratified  in  a  manner  shocking  to  humanity.  Violence  in  love  was 
with  them  as  common  as  in  war.  Yet  they  sometimes  made  use  of  other  means  to  accom- 
plish their  purpose — ihey  affected  gallantry;  and,  by  their  attention  to  dress  and  cleanli- 
liness,  are  said  to  have  seduced  many  English  wives.  Ihat  cleanliness,  however,  by 
■which  they  were  distinguished,  consisted  only  in  combing  their  hair  once  a  day,  and  wash* 
Ing  themselves  once  a  week.    Wallingford,  ap.  Gale,  vol.  i. — Anglia,  Sacra,  vol.  ii. 


iET.  XXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  169 


LETTER  XXI. 


Of  the  affairs  of  Spain,  the  Saracen  Empire,  and  that  of  Con- 
stantinople, during  the  ninth,  tenth,  and  part  of  the  eleventh 
Century. 

THE  death  of  Abdarrahman,  the  Moorish  king,  whom  we 
have  seen  reign  with  so  much  lustre  at  Cordova,  \vas  followed 
by  dissensions  among  his  children,  which  procured  some  relief 
to  the  Spanish  Christians.  The  little  kingdom  of  the  Asturias 
(or  of  Leon,  as  it  was  afterwards  called),  founded  by  Pelagius, 
increased  under  Alphonso  IIL,  surnamed  the  Great,  who  began 
to  reign  in  the  year  862.  About  thirty-four  years  prior  to  that 
date,  Eneco  count  of  Bigorre  had  founded  the  king- 
dom of  Navarre,  which  became  one  of  the  most  con-  ^*  ^' 
siderable  Christian  principalities  in  Spain. 

The  Moors,  however,  still  possessed  more  than  three-fourths 
of  Spain,  and  the  most  fertile  provinces.  Among  them,  as 
amcng  the  Christian  nations,  a  crowd  of  too  powerful  nobles 
affected  independence,  and  the  sovereign  was  obliged  to  contend 
with  his  subjects  for  dominion.  This  was  the  time  to  have 
crushed  the  Mohammedan  power :  but  the  Spanish  Christians 
were  not  more  united  than  their  enemies.  Though  continually 
at  war  widi  the  Moors,  they  were  always  destroying  each  other. 
The  reign  of  Alphonso  the  Great  abounded  with  conspiracies 
and  revolts:  his  wife  and  his  two  sons  were  among  the  number 
of  the  rebels.  He  resigned  his  crown  to  Garcias,  the  elder  of 
those  princes  ;  he  even  generously  fought  under  his  g,^ 

command;  and  died  in  911,  with  the  glory  of  a  hero, 
and  the  piety  of  a  saints 

Ramiro  II.,  king  of  Leon,  another  Spanish  hero,  gained  the 
celebrated  victory  of  Simancas,  where  the  Moors  g^o 

under  Abdarrahman  III.,  lost  thirty  thcjusand  men^ 
He  had  promised  to  St.  James,  in  a  pilgrimage  to  Compostella, 
that,  if  he  should  be  victorious,  all  his  subjects  should  offer  an- 
nually a  certain  measure  of  wheat  to  the  church  of  that  saint. 

1  Ferreras.— Mariana.  2  Mariana,  lib,  viii. 

Vol.  I.  Y 


170  THE  HSITORY  OF  tart  i. 

The  church  was  enriched,  and  the  name  of  St.  James  became 
the  alarm  to  battle  among  the  Spaniards. 

Men  are  chiefly  indebted  for  all  their  heroic  achievements  to 
their  passions  ;  hence  nothing  is  so  irresistible  as  the  valour 
inspired  by  enthusiasm,  while  it  continues.  The  name  of  St. 
James  was  long  terrible  to  the  Moors,  and  long  the  companion 
to  victory.  Mohammed  x\l-Mansour,  however,  the  celebrated 
general  and  prime-minister  of  Hesham  II.,  king  of  Cordova, 
found  means,  by  another  artifice,  to  turn  the  tide  of  success. 
QQ_  Seeing  his  troops  begin  to  fly,  in  a  battle  fought  on 
'the  banks  of  the  river  Ezla,  he  dismounted  from  his 
horse,  sat  down  in  the  field,  threw  his  turban  on  the  ground, 
and  laying  his  arms  across  his  breast,  declared  that  he  would  in 
that  posture  meet  his  fate,  since  he  was  abandoned  by  his  army. 
This  stratagem  had  the  desired  effect :  his  troops  returned  to 
the  charge,  and  obtained  a  complete  victory.  The  Moors  be- 
came sensible  that  they  could  conquer  in  spite  of  St.  James ; 
and  the  Christians  in  their  turn  trembled  at  the  name  of  Al- 
Mansour. 

That  great  man,  who  was  no  less  a  politician  than  a  warrior, 
is  said  to  have  vanquished  the  Christian  princes  in  fifty  engage- 
ments. He  took  the  city  of  Leon  by  assault ;  sacked  Compos- 
tella;  pillaged  the  church  of  St.  James,  and  carried  the  gates  in 
triumph,  on  the  shoulders  of  his  army,  to  Cordova.  This  tri- 
umph proved  his  ruin.  A  flux  breaking  out  among  his  troops, 
qgj>  the  Christians  considered  that  distemper  a  punish- 
'  ment  inflicted  by  St.  James:  the  flame  of  enthusiasm 
was  rekindled,  and  Al-Mansour  was  defeated.  But  what  was 
infinitely  more  advantageous  to  the  Christians,  as  well  as  more 
fatal  to  himself,  he  was  so  much  ashamed  of  his  misfortune, 
that  he  would  neither  eat  nor  drink,  and  obstinately  perished 
of  hunger^ 

Before  the  middle  of  the  eleventh  century,  the  race  of  Abdar- 
rahman  being  extinct,  the  kingdom  of  Cordova  was  dismember- 
ed by  the  ambition  of  a  number  of  noblemen  who  usurped  the 
regal  title.  Toledo,  Valentia,  Seville,  Saragossa,  and  almost 
all  the  great  cities,  had  their  independent  sovereigns.  The  pro- 
vinces were  changed  into  kingdoms,  which  multiplied  in  the 
same  manner  among  the  Christians,  who  had  a  king  of  Leon,  of 
Navarre,  of  Castile,  of  Arragon  :  and  Sancho,  sumamed  the 
1035  ^^^^^j  k'".?  of  Navarre,  was  so  imprudent  as  to 
*  subdivide  his  dominions  among  his  four  sons.  Per- 
petual jealousies,  with  all  the  crimes  that  accompany  them,  were 

3  Rod.  Tolet.  de  Reb.  Hisp. — Aonal.  Coroposte!, 


LET.  XXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  171 

the  consequence  of  these  divisions  of  territory — treachery,  poi- 
sonings, assassinations  !  the  common  weapons  of  petty  neigh- 
Ijouring  and  rival  princes,  who  have  much  ambition  and  small 
means  of  gratifying  it.  Hence  the  history  of  Spain  becomes 
less  important,  in  proportion  to  the  increase  of  the  number  of 
kingdoms.  One  circumstance,  however,  merits  our  attention, 
both  on  account  of  its  nature  and  its  singularity. 

In  this  dark  and  oppressive  period,  when  the  commonalty  of 
Europe  in  general  were  in  a  degraded  and  wretched  state,  the 
people  of  Arragon  shared  the  government  with  their  sovereign. 
The  representatives  of  cities  and  towns  had  a  place  in  their 
cortes,  or  national  assembly.  But  the  Arragonians,  not  satis- 
ed  with  this  check  on  the  royal  prerogative,  nor  willing  to  trust 
the  preservation  of  their  liberties  solely  to  their  representatives, 
elected  a  justiza,  or  grand  judge,  who  was  the  supreme  interpre- 
ter of  the  laws,  and  whose  particular  business  it  was  to  restrain 
the  encroachments  of  the  crown,  and  protect  the  rights  of  the 
subject.  He  was  chosen  from  among  the  cavalleros,  or  second 
order  in  the  state,  answering  to  our  gentry,  that  he  might  be 
equally  interested  in  curbing  the  oppressive  spirit  of  the  nobles, 
and  setting  bounds  to  the  ambition  of  the  prince.  His  person 
was  sacred,  and  his  jurisdiction  almost  unbounded:  his  power 
was  exerted  in  superintending  the  political  administration,  no 
less  than  in  regulating  the  course  of  justice.  He  had  a  right  to 
review  all  the  royal  proclamations  and  patents,  and  to  declare 
whether  they  were  agreeable  to  law,  and  ought  to  be  carried  in- 
to execution  : — and  he  could,  by  his  sole  authority,  exclude  any 
of  the  king's  ministers  from  the  management  of  affairs,  and 
call  them  to  answer  for  their  conduct  in  office,  while  he  himself 
was  answerable  to  the  cortes  alone.  He  had  also  the  singular 
privilege  of  administering  the  coronation  oath,  in  the  name  of 
the  people;  when,  holding  a  naked  sword  opposite  to  the  king's 
heart,  he  repeated  these  remarkable  words  :  "  We,  who  are 
"  your  equals,  make  you  our  sovereign,  and  promise  obedience 
"  to  your  government,  on  condition  that  you  maintain  our  rights 
"and  liberties  ;  if  not — not !"  And  it  was  accordingly  an  esta- 
blished maxim  in  the  constitution  of  Arragon,  that,  if  the  king 
should  violate  his  engagements,  it  was  lawful  for  the  people  to 
depose  him,  and  to  elect  another  in  his  stead*. 

From  the  Arabs  in  Spain,  we  pass  naturally  to  those  of  Asia 
and  the  neighbouring  continent  of  Africa.  The  great  empire  of 
the  Arabs,  as  well  as  its  branches,  had  experienced  those  revo- 
lutions which  war  and  discord  usually  produce,  and  which  soon- 
er or  later  overturn  the  best-founded  governments.  The  glory 

■i  Zurlt.  Annsl.  de  Arrag.— fJier-  Blanw,  Comment,  de  Reb»«  Ajrag. 


172  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  j, 

of  the  khalifate  was  obscured  about  the  beginning  of  the  tenth 
century.  Under  weak  or  wicked  princes,  the  African  governors 
shook  off  their  allegiance.    Religious  quarrels  augmented  those 
of  ambition.     The  Ismaelians  or  Fatimites,  a  Mohammedan 
Q^g  sect,  were  inflamed  with  all  the  fury  of  fanaticism. 
■  They  overthrew  the  Aglabite  dynasty,  which  govern- 
ed Tunis  and  Tripoli ;  and,  after  an   interval  of  sixty  years, 
„  -  „  they  founded  a  principality  in  Egypt.    Cairo,  the  ca- 
*  pital,  then  became  the  seat  of  a  new  khalif,  and  a 
flourishing  city  of  commerce. 

Another  sect  of  fanatics,  persuaded  that  the  abuses  introduc- 
ed into  the  religion  of  Mohammed  required  reformation,  deli- 
vered themselves  up  to  the  transports  of  enthusiasm,  and  ac- 
quired strength  by  being  persecuted.  They  revolted,  obtained 
several  victories,  and  seized  the  provinces  on  the  north-western 
coast  of  Africa,  which  form  the  present  kingdom  of  Morocco  ; 
where  their  chief,  like  the  other  khalifs,  uniting  the  royalty  with 
the  priesthood,  governed  his  new  empire  under  the  appellation 
of  Emir-al-Moumenin,  or  Commander  of  the  Faithful,  a  title 
implying  his  claim  to  the  khalifate. 

Other  circumstances  conspired  to  dismember  the  empire  of 
the  Arabs.  The  khalifs  of  Bagdad  had  received  into  their  ar- 
mies a  body  of  Turks,  or  Turcomans,  a  Tartar  tribe.  These 
auxiliaries,  on  account  of  their  valour,  were  soon  employed  as 
the  royal  guard,  and  subjected  those  whom  they  were  hired  to 
protect.  They  took  advantage  of  the  civil  wars  raised  against 
the  khalifate  to  make  themselves  lords  of  the  Asiatic  states : 
they  gradually  deprived  the  khalifs  of  the  sovereignty,  but  per- 
mitted them  to  retain  the  pontificate,  which  they  aifected  to  re- 
vere ;  prudently  submitting  to  the  religion  of  the  country,  and 
kneeling  to  the  priest  while  they  despoiled  the  king*. 

A  variety  of  sovereigns  sprang  up  under  the  name  of  Soltans. 
who  were  invested  with  their  dominions  by  the  khalifs,  but  took 
care  to  leave  them  very  little  authority  ;  so  that  the  successors 
of  Mohammed  found  themselves,  towards  the  middle  of  the  ele- 
venth century,  in  much  the  same  situation  with  those  of  St.  Pe- 
ter under  the  first  German  emperors,  or  with  the  kings  of  Eu- 
rope about  the  same  time,  whose  power  declined  in  proportion 
to  the  increase  of  their  vassals. 

While  the  Saracen  empire  was  thus  nearly  overturned,  and 
that  of  Charlemagne  falling  to  pieces,  the  empire  of  Constanti- 
nople, to  borrow  a  simile  from  Voltaire,  still  stood  like  a  large 
trdfe,  vigorous  though  old,  stripped  of  its  branches  and  even  of 
some  of  its  roots,  and  buffeted  on  every  side  by  storms  and  tem- 

5  Leunclav.  Annal.  Torcic. — KImacin.  Histor.  Saracen. 


LET.  XXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  173 

pests.  Though  considerably  diminished  on  the  eastern  frontier, 
it  yet  extended  over  all  Greece,  Macedonia,  Epirus,  Thessaly, 
Thrace,  Illyricum  :  it  was  contracted  indeed,  but  not  dismem- 
bered ;  often  changing  its  emperors,  but  always  united  under 
the  person  who  swayed  the  sceptre.  How  unworthy  were  these 
princes,  in  general,  of  the  imperial  dignity  !  and  what  a  people 
had  they  to  govern  ! 

Nicephorus,  whom  we  have  seen  dethrone  Irene,  was  an  exe- 
crable tyrant.  The  Saracens  robbed  him  of  the  isle  of  Cyprus ; 
and  the  Bulgarians,  the  scourge  of  Thrace,  after  hav- 
ing cut  off  his  army,  beheaded  him,  and  threw  his  ^*  ^•°*^^* 
body  to  the  beasts  of  the  field,  while  they  made  a  drinking-cup 
of  his  skull*. 

Stauratius,  the  son  of  Nicephorus,  rendered  himself  so  odious 
in  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  that  he  was  abandoned  by  his 
people,  and  obliged  to  become  a  monk. 

Michael,  who  succeeded,  refused  to  make  peace  with  the 
Bulgarians,  because  a  monk  declared  that  he  could  not  in  con- 
science deliver  up  the  deserters.  In  consequence  of  this  refusal, 
the  Greeks  were  defeated  by  the  Bulgarians :  the  emperor  be- 
took himself  to  flight,  and  the  officers,  incensed  at  his  beha- 
viour, proclaimed  Leo  the  Armenian. 

Leo  attempted  to  assassinate  the  king  of  the  Bulgarians, 
who,  in  revenge,  pillaged  the  suburbs  of  Constantinople.  The 
emperor  could  conceive  nothing  more  effectual  to  save  the 
state  than  the  extirpation  of  idolatry  ;  that  is  to  say,  the  sup- 
pression of  images.  He  accordingly  commanded  a  new  per- 
secution ;  and  eight  hundred  and  twenty  persons  were  massa- 
cred in  one  church. 

Michael  II.,  called  the  Stammerer,  at  first  tolerated  the  wor- 
ship of  images  :  but  he  afterwards  changed  his  system,  perse- 
cuted those  whom  he  had  formerly  protected,  and  would  even 
have  had  the  sabbath  observed,  and  the  passover  celebrated  in 
the  manner  of  the  Jews.  The  Saracens  took  advantage  of  his 
weakness  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the  isle  of  ^^„ 
Crete,  now  Candia  :  they  also  conquered  almost  all  *  * 
Sicily,  aud  ravaged  Apulia  and  Calabria^. 

During  the  reign  of  Theophilus,  though  more  worthy  of  the 
imperial  throne,  the  persecution  was  redoubled,  and  the  Sara- 
cens extended  their  conquests.  But,  after  his  death,  o^^ 
the  empress  Theodora,  governing  during  the  mino- 
rity of  Michael  III.,  re-established  the  worship  of  images,  as 
Irene  had  formerly  done.  Afterward,  desirous  of  converting 
the  Manicheans  by  terror,  she  caused  them  to  be  destroyed 

6  Theophan.  Chronograph.  7  Cedrini  Compend. 


1*1  iHE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

in  thousands.  Those  who  escaped  went  over  to  the  Bulgarians; 
and  the  empire  was  obliged  to  contend  with  its  own  subjects. 
Michael  confined  Theodora  in  a  convent;  and,  deUvering  him- 
self up  to  vice  and  criminality,  carried  his  impiety  so  far,  as  to 
0--  sport  with  the  ecclesiastical  ceremonies.     He  was 

*    *        *  assassinated  by  Basil,  whom  he  had  associated  in  the 
empire,  and  imprudently  would  have  deposed. 

Basil,  originally  a  beggar,  now  found  himself  emperor.  He 
is  celebrated  for  his  justice  and  humanity;  but  he  was  a  dupe  to 
the  patriarch  P'mtius,  whom  he  favoured  with  his  confidence, 
even  after  he  had  exiled  him.  His  reign  is  the  aera  of  the  grand 
schism  which  for  ever  divided  the  Greek  and  Latin  churches. 

This  schism,  which  took  its  rise  from  a  jealousy  between  the 
primates  of  the  East  and  West,  was  brought  to  a  crisis  by  the 
conversion  of  the  Bulgarians.  As  Bulgaria  had  formerly  be- 
longed to  the  eastern  empire,  it  was  disputed,  whether  the  new 
Christians  ought  to  be  subject  to  the  pope,  or  to  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople.  Other  reasons  were  assigned  for  the  rupture 
that  followed;  but  this  is  the  true  one,  and  the  only  one  which 
it  is  necessary  for  you  to  know.  The  council  of  Constantinople 
070  g^^^  judgment  in  favour  of  the  patriarch ;  but  the 
^'^'  pope's  legates  protested  against  the  decision.  New 
circumstances  widened  the  breach.  The  two  primates  excom- 
municated each  other;  and  although  the  quarrel  was  sometimes 
moderated  by  the  interposition  of  the  emperors,  the  schism 
continued. 

The  Saracens  took  Syracuse,  while  Basil  was  employed  in 
founding  a  church;  and  his  son  Leo  composed  sermons,  while 
the  empire  was  attacked  on  all  sides.  Leo,  however,  was  sty- 
led the  Philosopher,  because  he  loved  learning,  and  favoured 
learned  men,  not  from  being  an  Alfred  or  a  Marcus  Aurelius. 

Conslantine  Porphyrogeneta,  the  son  and  successor  of  Leo, 
merits  the  eulogies  bestowed  on  him,  as  a  protector  of  the  sci- 
ences, which  he  himself  cultivated  with  success.  ]»-  Men  of  the 
first  rank  taught  philosophy,  geometry,  and  rhetoric,  at  Con- 
stantinoj-ile,  during  his  reign,  which  commenced  in  912,  and 
ended  in  959.  But  the  affairs  of  the  empire  were  not,  in  general, 
conducted  better  than  they  had  formerly  been.  They  were  still 
^vvorse  conducted  under  Romanus,  the  son  of  Constantine,  who 
poisoned  his  father,  and  was  the  tyrant  of  his  people. 

Nicephorus  Phocas  had  the  honour  of  vanquishing  the  Sa- 
racens, and  of  recovering  from  them  Crere,  Antioch,  and  other 
places.    His  avarice  and  tyranny,  however,  rendered  him  odi- 
Q^Q  ojis;  his  wife  joined  in  a  conspiracy  against  him;  and 
*  he  was  murdered  in  bed. 


j,ET.  XXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  175 

John  Zimisces,  one  of  the  assassins,  seized  the  empire,  and 
defended  it  against  the  Russians  and  Saracens,  whom  he  defeat- 
ed in  several  engagements.  This  brave  prince  was  q-^ 
poisoned  by  his  charjiberlain,  after  a  short  reign.  '  '  * 
Basil  II.  was  a  warrior,  but  a  barbarous  one.  Having  van- 
quished the  Bulgarians,  he  caused  the  eyes  of  five  thousand  pris- 
oners to  be  put  out.  His  subjects,  loaded  with  taxes,  could 
not  enjoy  his  triumphs.  He  fought  for  himself,  not  for  them. 
His  death  was  followed  by  a  train  of  the  blackest  .^oc 
crimes  of  which  we  have  an  example  in  history*. 

The  princess  Zoe,  daughter  of  Constantine,  the  brother 
and  colleague  of  Basil,  had  espoused  Romanus  Argyropukis, 
who  was  proclaimed  emperor.  Zoe  afterwards  be-  in->S 

came  enamoured  of  Michael  the  Paphlagonian,  a     '     * 
man  of  low  birth.     She  poisoned  her  husband,  in  order  to  give 
the  throne  to  her  lover;  and,  the  poison  not  operating  so  quickly 
as  she  wished,  she  caused  him  to  be  drowned  in  a  bath.     The 
patriarch  of  Constantinople  at  first  scrupled  to  mar-  .  ^.^ 

ry  the  empress  to  Michael :  but  a  sura  of  money 
quieted  his  conscience,  and  the  grant  of  the  crown  followed 
tfie  sanction  of  the  church. 

The  emperor  Michael,  a  prey  to  diseases  and  remorse,  died  in 
the  habit  of  a  monk ;  and  Zoe  procured  the  impe-  ,^ , , 

rial  crown  for  Michael  Calaphates,  the  son  of  a  ship- 
caulker,  by  a  sister  of  the  other  Michael,  hoping  that  he  would 
be  the  slave  of  her  will.  But,  on  the  contrary,  the  new  empe- 
ror soon  put  her  in  confinement.  The  people  revolted ;  they 
released  Zoe  and  her  sister  Theodora,  and  put  out  the  eyes  of 
Calaphates'. 

Thetwosisters  reigned  together  about  three  months,  and  em- 
ployed themselves  only  upon  trifles.  The  people  would  have  a 
prince;  and  Zoe  then  married  Constantine  Monomachus,  one  of 
her  ancient  lovers,  who  was  placed  on  the  throne.  The  upstart 
emperor  neglected  his  wife  for  a  young  mistress.  The  Greeks, 
incensed  at  his  conduct,  seized  him  in  a  procession,  and  decla- 
red that  they  would  only  jbey  the  two  empresses.  He  would 
have  been  cut  in  pieces,  if  the  princesses  had  not  interposed. 

Monomachus  augmented  the  miseries  of  the  empire  by  his 
rapacity.  The  inhabitants  of  the  frontier  provinces  had  been 
exempted  from  taxes,  on  condition  that  they  should  defend 
themselves  against  the  barbarians.  The  emperor  pretended 
that  he  would  protect  them,  and  compel  them  to  pay  like  the 
rest  of  his  subjects  ;  but  they  were  poorly  defended,  notwith- 
standing the  taxes. 

8  Zonar*  Annul.— Cedreni  Conipend.  9  Zonae— Cedren. 


176  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

These  particulars  will  be  sufficient  to  enable  you  to  judge  of 
the  state  of  Constantinople.  If  at  any  time  we  find  an  able  and 
warlike  prince  there,  we  always  find  the  same  reigning  spirit  of 
superstition  and  rebellion.  Isaac  Comnenus,  one  of  the  best 
Greek  emperors,  was  hated  by  the  monks,  because  he  applied 
10*50  ^°  ^^^  public  exigences  the  excess  of  their  wealth. 
^*    *  *  Lamed  by  a  fall  from  his  horse,  he  gave  himself 

up  to  devotion,  resigned  his  crown  in  favour  of  Constantine 
Ducas,  and  took  the  habit  of  a  monk. 

Ducas,  too  much  a  friend  to  peace,  abandoned  the  provinces . 
to  the  ravages  of  the  Turks.  He  made  his  three  sons  empe- 
rors, and  left  the  regency  to  their  mother  Euidoxia,  exacting 
from  her  a  promise  that  she  would  never  marry ;  and  this  pro- 
mise he  obliged  her  to  confirm  in  writing.  Eudoxia,  however, 
soon  resolved  to  marry  Romanus  Diogenes,  whom  she  had 
condemned  to  death,  but  whose  fine  person  subdued  her  heart. 
Her  promise,  deposited  in  the  hands  of  the  patriarch,  now 
gave  her  great  uneasiness.  In  order  to  recover  it,  she  artfully 
pretended  to  have  fixed  her  choice  on  the  patriarch's  kinsman. 
This  amorous  deceit  had  the  desired  effect.  The  writing  was 
-p.^g  restored;  and  the  empress,  absolved  from  her  pro- 
^*  ^'  *  mise  of  widowhood,  did  not  fail  to  take  advantage 

of  her  release.     She  immediately  married  Romanus,  and  pro- 
cured him  the  empire*". 

Could  ignorant  savages  have  acted  more  absurdly  ?  or  ruffi- 
ans obnoxious  to  public  justice  more  atrociously? — Yet  the 
Greeks  were  still  the  most  learned  and  polished  people  in  Eu- 
rope; and  Constantinople,  notwithstanding  all  its  misfortunes, 
its  revolutions,  and  crimes,  having  never  felt  the  destructive 
rage  of  the  barbarians,  continued  to  be  the  largest  and  most 
beautiful  of  European  cities,  after  the  fall  of  Rome,  and  the 
only  one  where  any  image  of  ancient  manners  or  ingenuity  re- 
mained. 

Thus,  my  dear  Philip,  we  rapidly  traverse  the  wilds  of  his- 
tory; where  the  objects  are  often  confused,  rude,  and  uninter- 
esting. But  it  is  necessary  to  travel  these  first  stages,  in  order 
to  arrive  at  more  cultivated  fields.  We  shall  soon  meet  with 
a  new  set  of  objects  highly  interesting  and  important;  and  then 
a  more  deliberate  survey  will  be  required.  In  the  mean  time 
we  must  take  a  review  of  past  ages. 

to  Anns  Comnenss  Alex.— Nicet.  Hist. 


tET.  XXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  i?r 

LETTER  XXII. 

Of  the  Progress  of  Society  in  Europe^  from  the  Settlement  oj 
the  Modern  JVations  to  the  Middle  of  the  Eleventh  Century. 

I  HAVE  already  given  you,  in  a  particular  letter,  a  sketch 
of  the  system  of  policy  and  legislation  established  by  the  barba- 
rians on  their  settlement  in  the  provinces  of  the  Roman  empire*: 
and  I  have  endeavoured,  in  the  course  of  my  general  narration, 
to  mark,  the  progress  of  society,  as  it  regards  religion,  laws, 
government,  manners,  and  literature.  But  as  the  history  of 
the  human  mind  is  infinitely  more  important  than  the  detail  of 
events,  this  letter,  my  dear  Philip,  shall  be  entirely  devoted  to 
such  circumstances  as  tend  more  particularly  to  throw  light 
upon  that  subject.  I  shall  also  pursue  the  same  method,  at 
different  intervals,  during  the  subsequent  part  of  your  histori- 
cal studies. 

Though  the  invaders  wanted  taste  to  value  the  Roman  arts, 
laws,  or  literature,  they  generally  embraced  the  religion  of  the 
conquered  people.  And  the  mild  and  benevolent  spirit  of  Chris- 
tianity would  doubtless  have  softened  their  savage  manners, 
had  not  their  minds  been  already  infected  by  a  barbarous  su- 
perstition. Their  former  religion,  mingling  itself  with  the  Chris- 
tian principles  and  ceremonies,  produced  that  absurd  mixture 
of  violence,  devotion,  and  folly,  which  so  long  disgraced  the 
Romish  church,  and  which  formed  the  character  of  the  mid- 
dle ages.  The  clergy  were  gainers,  but  Christianity  was  a  loser 
by  the  conversion  of  the  barbarians.  They  rather  changed  the 
object  than  the  spirit  of  their  religion. 

The  druids  among  the  Gauls  and  Britons,  the  priests  among 
the  ancient  Germans,  and  among  all  the  nations  of  Scandinavia, 
possessed  an  absolute  dominion  over  the  minds  of  men.  These 
people,  after  embracing  Christianity,  preserved  their  veneration 
for  the  priesthood.  And  unhappily  the  clergy  of  those  times  had 
neither  virtue  enough  to  prevent  them  from  abusing,  nor  know- 
ledge sufficient  to  enable  them  to  make  a  proper  use  of  their 
power.  They  blindly  favoured  tlie  superstitious  homage:  and 
such  of  the  barbarians  as  entered  into  holy  orders  retained  their 
ignorance  and  their  original  prejudices. 

The  Christian  emperors  of  Rome  and  Constantinople  had  en- 
riched the  church:  they  had  lavished  on  it  privileges  and  immu- 
nities; and  these  seducing  advantages  had  contributed  to  a  re- 

1  See  Letter  I. 

VoL.L  Z 


1?8  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

laxation  of  discipline,  and  the  introduction  of  disorders,  more 
or  less  hurtful,  which  had  altered  the  spirit  of  the  Gospel.  Un- 
der the  dominion  of  the  barbarians  the  degeneracy  increased, 
till  the  pure  principles  of  Christianity  were  lost  in  a  gross  su- 
perstition, which,  instead  of  aspiring  to  virtuous  sanctity,  the 
only  sacrifice  that  can  render  a  rational  being  acceptable  to  the 
great  Author  of  order  and  excellence,  endeavoured  to  concili- 
ate the  favour  of  God  by  the  same  means  that  satisfied  the  jus- 
tice of  men,  or  by  those  employed  to  appease  their  fabulous 
deities*. 

As  the  punishments  due  for  civil  crimes,  among  the  barbarian 
conquerors,  might  be  bought  offby  money,  they  attempted  in  like 
manner  to  bribe  Heaven,  by  benefactions  to  the  church,  in  order 
to  supersede  all  future  inquest.  And  the  more  they  gave  them- 
selves up  to  their  brutal  passions,  to  rapine,  and  to  violence,  the 
more  profuse  they  were  in  this  species  of  good  works.  They 
seem  to  have  believed,  says  the  Abbe  de  Mably,  that  avarice 
was  the  first  attribute  of  the  Divinity,  and  that  the  saints  made 
a  traffic  of  their  influence  and  protection.  Hence  the  bon-mot  of 
Clovis  :  "  St.  Martin  serves  his  friends  very  well ;  but  he  also 
*'  makes  them  pay  well  for  his  trouble  !" 

"  Our  treasury  is  poor,"  said  Chilperic,  the  grandson  of  Clo- 
vis ;  "  our  riches  are  gone  to  the  church  :  the  bishops  are  the 
"  kings!" — And  indeed  the  superior  clergy,  who,  by  the  acqui- 
sition of  lands,  added  the  power  of  fortune  to  the  influence  of 
religion,  were  often  the  arbitersof  kingdoms,  and  disposed  of  the 
crown  while  they  regulated  the  affairs  of  the  state.  There  was 
a  necessity  of  consulting  them,  because  they  possessed  all  the 
knowledge  that  then  remained  in  Europe.  The  acts  of  their 
councils  were  considered  as  infallible  decrees,  and  they  spoke 
usually  in  the  name  of  God;  but,  alas !  they  were  only  men. 

As  the  interest  of  the  clergy  clashed  with  that  of  the  laity, 
opposition  and  jealousy  produced  new  disorders.  The  priests 
made  use  of  artifice  against  their  powerful  adversaries  :  they 
invented  fables  to  awe  them  into  submission  :  they  employed 
the  spiritual  arms  in  defence  of  their  temporal  goods,  and 
changed  the  mild  language  of  charity  into  terrific  anathemas. 
To  the  thunder  of  the  church,  the  instrument  of  so  many  wars 
and  revolutions,  they  joined  the  assistance  of  the  sword.  War- 
like prelates,  clad  in  armour,  combated  for  their  possessions. 
or  to  usurp  those  of  others  ;  and,  like  the  heathen  priests,  whose 
pernicious  influence  was  founded  op  the  ignorance  of  the  peo- 
ple, the  Christian  clergy  sought  to  extend  their  authority  by 
confining  all  knowledge  to  their  own  order.     They  made  a 

2  Mosheitn,  Hist.  Eccjes,  vol   i,  iU 


LET.  XXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  U9 

mystery  of  the  most  necessary  sciences  ;  truth  was  not  permit- 
ted to  see  the  light,  and  reason  was  fettered  in  the  cell  of  super- 
stition. Many  of  the  ecclesiastics  themselves  could  scarcely 
read,  and  writing  was  chiefly  confined  to  the  cloisters^  where  a 
blind  and  interested  devotion,  equally  willing  to  deceive  and  to 
believe,  held  the  quill,  and  where  false  chronicles  and  fabulous 
legends  were  composed,  which  contaminated  history,  religion, 
and  the  principles  and  the  laws  of  society. 

Without  arts,  sciences,  commerce,  policy,  principles,  the 
European  nations  were  all  in  a  barbarous  and  wretched  state. 
Charlemagne  indeed  in  France,  and  Alfred  the  Great  in  Eng- 
land, endeavoured  to  dispel  this  darkness,  and  tame  their  sub- 
jects to  the  restraints  of  law  :  and  thev  were  so  fortunate  as  to 
succeed.  Light  and  order  distinguished  their  reigns.  But  the 
ignorance  and  barbarism  of  the  age  were  too  powerful  for  their 
liberal  institutions :  the  darkness  returned  after  their  time,  more 
thick  and  heavy  than  formerly,  and  settled  over  Europe  ;  and 
society  again  fell  into  chaos. 

The  ignorance  of  the  West  was  so  profound,  during  the  ninth 
and  tenth  centuries,  that  the  clergy,  who  alone  possessed  the 
important  secrets  of  reading  and  writing,  became  necessarily 
the  arbiters  and  judges  of  almost  all  secular  affairs.  They 
comprehended  within  their  jurisdiction,  marriages,  contracts, 
wills,  which  they  took  care  to  involve  in  mystery,  and  by  which 
they  opened  to  themselves  new  sources  of  wealth  and  power.* 
Every  thing  wore  the  colour  of  religion  ;  temporal  and  spiritual 
concerns  were  confounded  ;  and  from  this  unnatural  mixture 
sprang  numerous  abuses.  The  history  of  those  ages  forms  a 
satire  on  the  human  soul ;  and  also  on  religion,  if  we  should 
impute  to  it  the  faults  of  its  ministers. 

•^Redeem  your  souls  from  destruction,'^  says  Egidius, 
bishop  of  Noyon,  "  while  you  have  the  means  in  your  power  : 
*'  offer  presents  and  tithes  to  churchmen  ;  come  more  frequent- 
'*  ly  to  church  ;  humbly  implore  the  patronage  of  the  saints  ; 
"  for,  if  you  observe  these  things,  you  may  come  Avith  security 
"  in  the  day  of  the  tribunal  of  the  Eternal  Judge,  and  say,  Give 
"  us,  O  Lord,  for  we  have  given  unto  thee*!'' 

In  several  churches  of  France  a  festival  was  celebrated  in  com- 
memoration of  the  Virgin  Mary's  flight  into  Egypt.  It  was  call- 
ed the  Feast  of  the  Ass.    A  young  girl  richly  dressed,  with  a 

3  Persons  -who  could  not  write  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  in  place  of  their  name,  in  con- 
firmation of  any  legal  deed.  (Du  Cange,  Gloss,  ad.  vocem  Cruz.)  Hence  the  phrase  sign- 
ing, instead  of  subscribing  a  paper. 

4  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccles.  torae  xix.  Disc.  Prelim, 

5  Spicileg.  Vet,  Script,  vol.  Ji. 


180  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

child  in  her  arms,  was  placed  upon  an  ass  superbly  caparisoned. 
The  ass  was  led  to  the  altar  in  solemn  procession.  High  mass 
was  said  with  great  pomp.  The  ass  was  taught  to  kneel  at  pro- 
per places ;  a  hymn  no  less  childish  than  impious,  was  sung  in 
his  praise ;  and  when  the  ceremony  was  ended,  the  priest,  in- 
stead of  the  usual  words  with  which  he  dismissed  the  people, 
brayed  three  times  like  an  ass  ;  and  the  people,  instead  of  the 
usual  response,  brayed  three  times  in  return^. 

Letters  began  to  revive  in  the  eleventh  century,  but  made 
small  progress  till  near  its  close.  A  scientific  jargon,  a  false 
logic,  employed  about  words,  without  conveying  any  idea  of 
things,  composed  the  learning  of  those  times.  It  confounded  all 
things,  in  endeavouring  to  analyse  every  thing.  x\s  the  new 
scholars  were  chiefly  clergymen,  theological  matters  engaged 
the  greatest  share  of  their  attention ;  and  as  they  neither  knew 
history,  philosophy,  nor  criticism,  their  labours  were  as  futile 
as  their  inquiries,  which  were  equally  disgi'aceful  to  reason  and 
religion.  The  conception  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  and  the  diges- 
tion of  the  eucharist,  were  two  of  the  principal  objects  of  their 
speculation  :  and  out  of  the  last  a  third  arose,  which  was,  to 
know  whether  it  was  voided  again^? 

The  disorders  of  government  and  manners  kept  pace,  as  they 
always  will,  with  those  of  religion  and  learning.  These  disor- 
ders seemed  to  have  attained  their  utmost  height  about  the  mid- 
dle of  the  tenth  century.  Then  the  feudal  policy,  the  defects  of 
which  I  have  pointed  out',  was  almost  universal.  The  dukes  or 
governors  of  provinces,  the  marquises  employed  to  guard  the 
marches  or  borders,  and  even  the  counts  entrusted  with  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice,  all  originally  officers  of  the  crown,  had 
made  themselves  masters  of  their  duchies,  marquisates  and  coun- 
ties. The  king  indeed,  as  superior  lord,  still  received  homage 
from  them  for  those  lands  which  they  held  of  the  crown,  and 
which,  in  default  of  heirs,  returned  to  the  royal  domain.  He 
had  the  right  of  calling  them  out  to  war,  of  judging  them  in  his 
court  by  their  assembled  peers,  and  of  confiscating  their  estates 
in  case  of  rebellion  ;  but,  in  all  other  respects,  they  themselves 
enjoyed  their  rights  of  royalty.  They  had  their  sub- vassals,  or 
subjects  :  they  made  laws,  held  courts,  coined  money  in  their 
own  names,  and  levied  war  against  their  private  enemies*. 

The  most  dreadful  disorders  arose  from  this  state  of  feudal 
anarchy.  Force  decided  disputes  of  every  kind.  Europe  seem- 
ed to  be  one  great  field  of  batde,  where  the  weak  struggled  for 
freedom,  and  the  strong  for  dominion.    The  king  was  without 

6  Du  Cange,  ad  voc.  Fesium.  7  Hist.  Literaire  de  Fiance. 

S  Letter  II.  fl  Du  Cangc,  ad.  voc.  Fcml'ini. 


iET.  XXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  181 

power,  and  the  nobles  without  principle  :  they  were  tyrants  at 
home,  and  robbers  abroad.  Nothing  remained  to  be  a  check 
upon  ferocity  and  violence.  The  Tartars  in  their  deserts  could 
not  be  less  indebted  to  the  laws  of  society  than  the  Europeans 
during  the  period  under  review.  The  people,  the  most  nume- 
rous as  well  as  the  most  useful  class  in  the  community,  were 
either  actual  slaves,  or  exposed  to  so  many  miseries,  arising 
from  pillage  and  oppression,  that  many  of  them  made  a  volun- 
tary surrender  of  their  liberty  for  bread  and  protection'*.  What 
must  have  been  the  state  of  that  government  where  slavery  was 
an  eligible  condition ! 

But,  conformably  to  the  observation  of  the  philosophic  Hume, 
there  is  a  point  of  depression  as  well  as  of  exaltation,  beyond 
which  human  affairs  seldom  pass,  and  from  which  they  naturally 
return  in  a  contrary  progress.  This  utmost  point  of  decline 
society  seems  to  have  attained  in  Europe,  as  I  have  already  said, 
about  the  middleof  the  tenth  century ;  when  the  disorders  of  the 
feudal  government,  together  with  the  corruption  of  taste  and 
manners  consequent  upon  these,  had  arrived  at  their  greatest 
excess.  Accordingly  from  that  asra  we  can  trace  a  succession 
of  causes  and  events,  which,  with  different  degrees  of  influence, 
contributed  to  abolish  anarchy  and  barbarism,  and  introduce 
order  and  politeness. 

Among  the  first  of  these  causes  we  must  rank  chivalry ;  which, 
as  the  elegant  and  inquisitive  Dr.  Robertson  remarks,  though 
commonly  considered  as  a  wild  institution,  the  result  of  caprice 
and  the  source  of  extravagance,  arose  naturally  from  the  state 
of  society  in  those  times,  and  had  a  very  serious  effect  in  refining 
the  manners  of  the  European  nations. 

The  feudal  state,  as  has  been  observed,  was  a  state  of  perpe- 
tual war,  rapine,  and  anarchy.  The  weak  and  unarmed  were 
constantly  exposed  to  insults  or  injuries.  The  power  of  the 
sovereign  was  too  limited  to  prevent  these  wrongs,  and  the  le- 
gislative authority  too  feeble  to  redress  them.  There  was  scarce- 
ly any  shelter  from  violence  and  oppression,  except  what  the  va- 
lour and  generosity  of  private  persons  afforded;  and  the  arm  of 
the  brave  was  the  only  tribunal  to  which  the  helpless  could  ap- 
peal for  justice.  Traders  could  no  longer  travel  in  safety,  or 
bring  unmolested  their  commodities  to  market.  Every  posses- 
sor of  a  casde  laid  them  under  contribution  ;  and  many  not  only 
plundered  the  merchants,  but  carried  off  all  the  women  that  fell 
in  their  w  ay.  Slight  inconveniences  may  be  overlooked  or  en- 
dured ;  but,  when  abuses  grow  to  a  certain  height,  the  society 
must  be  reformed  or  go  to  ruin.  It  becomes  the  business  of  all 

10  Mareulf.  lib,  ii.  cnp.  9, 


182  THE  HISTORY  0^  part  r. 

to  discover  and  to  apply  such  remedies  as  will  most  effectually 
remove  the  prevailing  disorders.  Humanity  sprang  from  the 
bosom  of  violence,  and  relief  from  the  hand  of  rapacity.  Those 
licentious  and  tyrannic  nobles,  who  had  been  guilty  of  every  spe- 
cies of  outrage  and  every  mode  of  oppression;  who,  equally  un- 
just, unfeeling,  and  superstitious,  had  made  pilgrimages,  and  had 
been  guilty  of  pillage  !  who  had  massacred,  and  had  done  pe- 
nance !  touched  at  last  with  a  sense  of  natural  equity ;  and  sway- 
ed by  ihe  conviction  of  a  common  interest,  formed  associations 
for  the  redress  of  private  wrongs,  and  the  preservation  of  public 
safety".  So  honourable  was  the  origin  of  an  institution  gene- 
rallv  represented  as  whimsical. 

The  young  warrior  among  the  ancient  Germans,  as  well  as 
among  the  modern  knights,  was  armed,  for  the  first  time,  with 
certain  ceremonies  proper  to  inspire  martial  ardour :  but  chi- 
valry, considered  as  a  civil  and  military  institution,  is  as  late  as 
the  eleventh  century.  The  previous  discipline  and  solemnities 
of  initiation  were  remarkable.  The  novice  in  chivalry  was  edu- 
cated in  the  house  of  some  knight,  commonly  a  person  of  high 
rank,  whom  he  served  first  in  the  character  of  a  page,  and  af- 
terwards of  esquire  :  nor  was  he  admitted  to  the  supreme  ho- 
nour of  knighthood,  until  he  had  given  many  striking  proofs  of 
his  valour  and  address.  The  ceremony  of  initiation  was  very 
solemn.  Severe  fastings,  and  nights  spent  in  a  church  or  chapel 
in  prayer  ;  confession  of  sins,  and  the  receiving  the  sacraments 
with  devotion;  bathing,  and  putting  on  white  robes,  as  emblems 
of  the  purity  of  manners  required  by  the  laws  of  chivalry  ; 
were  necessary  preparations  for  the  ceremony. 

When  the  candidate  for  knighthood  had  gone  through  these 
and  other  formalities,  he  fell  at  the  feet  of  the  person  from  whom 
he  expected  that  honour,  and  on  his  knees  delivered  to  him  his 
sv  ord.  When  he  had  answered  suitable  questions,  the  usual 
oath  was  administered  to  him;  namely,  to  serve  his  prince,  de- 
fend the  faith,  protect  the  persons  and  reputations  of  virtuous  la- 
dies, and  to  rescue,  at  the  hazard  of  his  life,  widows,  orphans, 
and  all  unhappy  persons  groaning  under  injustice  or  oppression. 
Then  the  knights  and  ladies  who  assisted  at  the  ceremony, 
adorned  the  candidate  with  the  armour  and  ensigns  of  chivalry; 
first  putting  on  the  spurs,  and,  after  intermediate  investments  and 
decorations,  girding  him  with  the  sword.  Seeing  him  thus  ac- 
coutred, the  king  or  some  nobleman  who  was  to  confer  the  ho- 
nour of  knighthood,  gave  him  the  accolade^  or  duhhmg,  by  three 
gentle  strokes  with  the  flat  part  of  the  sword  on  the  shoulder, 
or  with  the  palm  of  the  hand  on  the  neck,  saying,  <'In  the  najne 

11  Mora,  sui'.  I'Ancienne  Chevalerie,  par  M.  de  la  Curne  de  St.  Palaye. 


lET.  XXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  183 

"  of  God.  St.  Michael,  and  St.  George,  I  make  thee  a  knight ! 
<'  be  thou  loyal,  brave,  and  hardy^^" 

Valour,  humanity,  courtesy,  justice,  honour,  were  the  charac- 
teristics of  chivalry  ;  and  to  these  we  may  add  religion,  which, 
by  infusing  a  large  portion  of  enthusiastic  zeal,  carried  them  all 
to  a  romantic  excess,  wonderfully  suited  to  the  genius  of  the 
age,  and  productive  of  the  greatest  and  most  permanent  effects 
both  upon  policy  and  manners.  War  was  carried  on  with  less 
ferocity,  when  humanity,  no  less  than  courage,  began  to  be 
deemed  the  ornament  of  knighthood,  and  knighthood  a  distinc- 
tion superior  to  royalty,  and  an  honour  which  princes  were  proud 
to  receive  from  the  hands  of  private  gentlemen  ;  more  gentle 
and  polished  manners  were  introduced,  when  courtesy  was  re- 
commended as  the  most  amiable  of  knightly  virtues,  and  every 
knight  devoted  himself  to  the  service  of  some  lady  ;  and  vio- 
lence and  oppression  decreased,  when  it  was  accounted  merito- 
rious to  check  and  to  punish  them.  A  scrupulous  adherence  to 
truth  with  the  most  religious  attention  to  the  performance  of 
all  engagements,  particularly  those  between  the  sexes,  as  more 
easily  violated,  became  the  distinguishing  character  of  a  gen- 
tleman ;  because  chivalry  was  regarded  as  the  school  of  ho- 
nour, and  inculcated  the  most  deUcate  sensibility  with  respect  to 
that  point".  And  valour,  seconded  by  so  many  motives  of 
love,  religion,  and  virtue,  became  altogether  irresistible. 

That  the  spirit  of  chivalry  often  rose  to  an  extravagant 
height,  and  had  sometimes  a  pernicious  tendency,  must  however 
be  allowed.  In  Spain,  under  the  influence  of  a  romantic  gallan- 
try, it  gave  birth  to  a  series  of  wild  adventures,  which  have 
been  deservedly  ridiculed  ;  in  the  train  of  Norman  ambition,  it 
extinguished  the  liberties  of  England,  and  deluged  Italy  in 
blood  ;  and  we  shall  soon  see  it,  at  the  call  of  superstition,  and 
as  the  engine  of  papal  power,  desolate  Asia  under  the  banner  of 
the  cross.  But  these  violences,  resulting  from  accidental  cir- 
cumstances, ought  not  to  be  considered  as  arguments  against 
an  institution  laudable  in  itself,  and  necessary  at  the  time  of  its 

12  M6m.  sur.  I'Ancienne  Chevalerie,  par  M.  de  la  Curne  de  St.  Palaye. 

13  This  sentiment  became  reciprocal.  Even  a  princess,  says  Tirant  le  Blanc,  declares, 
that  she  submits  to  lose  all  right  to  the  benefits  (if  chivalry,  and  consents  that  never  an^ 
knight  shall  take  arms  in  her  defence,  if  she  keeps  not  the  promise  of  marriage,  which  she 
has  given  to  the  knight  who  adored  her.  And  a  young  gentlewoman,  whose  defence  was 
undertaken  by  Gerard  de  Nevers,  beholding  the  ardour  with  which  he  engaged  in  it,  took 
offher  glove,  we  are  told,  and  delivered  it  to  him,  saying,  "  Sir,  my  person,  my  life,  ray 
♦'  lands,  and  my  honour,  I  deposit  in  the  care  of  God  and  you  ;  praying  for  such  assistance 
"  &n(\  grace,  that  I  may  be  delivered  out  of  this  peril."  (M.  de  la  Curne  de  St.  Palaye, 
ubi  sup.)  Many  similar  examples  might  be  produced  of  this  mutual  confidence,  the  basis 
of  that  elegant  intercourse  between  the  sexes,  which  so  renmrkably  distinguishes  modern 
from  ancient  manners. 


iU  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

establishment.  And  they  who  pretend  to  despise  it,  the  advo- 
cates of  ancient  barbarism  and  ancient  rusticity,  ought  to  re- 
member, that  chivalry  not  only  first  taught  mankind  to  carry 
the  civilities  of  peace  into  the  operations  of  war,  and  to  mingle 
politeness  with  the  use  of  the  sword,  but  roused  the  human  soul 
from  its  lethargy ;  invigorating  the  human  character,  even  while 
it  softened  it;  and  produced  exploits  which  antiquity  cannot  pa- 
rallel. Nor  ought  they  to  forget  that  it  gave  variety  and  ele- 
gance, and  communicated  an  increase  of  pleasure,  to  the  inter* 
course  of  life,  by  making  woman  a  more  essential  part  of  socie^ 
ty ;  and  is  therefore  entitled  to  our  gratitude,  though  the  point 
of  honour,  and  the  refinements  in  gallantry,  its  more  doubtful 
eftects,  should  be  excluded  from  the  improvements  in  modern 
manners. 

But  the  beneficial  effects  of  chivalry  were  strongly  counter- 
acted by  other  institutions  of  a  less  social  kind.  Some  persons 
of  both  sexes,  of  most  religions,  and  most  countries,  have  in  all 
ages  secluded  themselves  from  the  world,  in  order  to  acquire  a 
reputation  for  superior  sanctity,  or  to  indulge  a  melancholy  turn 
of  mind,  affecting  to  hold  converse  only  with  the  Divinity. 
These  solitary  devotees,  however,  in  ancient  times,  were  few ; 
and  the  spirit  of  religious  seclusion,  among  the  heathens,  was 
confined  chiefly  to  high  southern  latitudes,  where  the  heat  of 
the  climate  favours  the  indolence  of  the  cloister.  But  the  case 
has  been  very  different  in  more  modern  ages :  for  although  the 
monastic  life  had  its  origin  among  the  christians  in  Egypt,  Sy- 
ria, and  Palestine,  it  rapidly  spread  not  only  over  all  Asia  and 
Africa,  but  also  over  Europe,  and  penetrated  to  the  most  re- 
mote corners  of  the  north  and  west,  almost  at  the  same  time 
that  it  reached  the  extremities  of  the  east  and  south ;  to  the 
great  hurt  of  poi)ulation  and  industry,  and  the  obstruction  of 
the  natural  progress  of  society^*. 

Nor  were  these  the  only  consequences  of  the  passion  for  pi- 
ous solitude.  As  all  who  put  on  the  religious  habit,  after  the 
monastic  system  was  completely  formed,  took  a  vow  of  perpe- 
tual chastity,  the  commerce  of  the  sexes  was  represented  by 
those  holy  visionaries  as  inconsistent  with  Christian  purity;  and 
the  whole  body  of  the  clergy,  in  order  to  preserve  their  influence 
with  the  people,  found  themselves  under  the  necessity  of  pro- 
fessing a  life  of  celibacy.  This  condescension,  which  was  justly 
considered  as  a  triumph  by  the  monks,  increased  their  impor- 
tance, and  augmented  the  number  of  their  fraternities.  Nothing 
was  esteemed  so  meritorious,  at  this  period,  as  the  building  and 

14  Mosheim,  Hist.  Eccl.es.  vol  i.  ik 


lET.  XXII.  [MODERN  EUROPE.  185 

endowing  of  monasteries.  And  multitudes  of  men  and  women 
of  all  conditions,  but  especially  of  the  higher  ranks,  considering 
the  pleasures  of  society  as  seducers  to  the  pit  of  destruction, 
and  turning  with  horror  from  sensual  delight,  retired  to  moun- 
tains and  deserts,  or  crowded  into  cloisters,  where,  under  the 
notion  of  mortifying  the  body,  and  shutting  all  the  avenues  of 
the  soul  against  the  allurements  of  external  objects,  they  aftect- 
ed  an  austerity  that  gained  them  universal  veneration,  and  threw 
a  cloud  over  the  manners  of  the  Christian  world. 

The  extravagance  to  which  both  sexes  are  said  to  have  car- 
ried that  austerity,  during  the  first  fervours  of  monastic  zeal, 
seems  altogether  incredible  to  cool  reason,  unenlightened  by 
philosophy.  In  attempting  to  strip  human  nature  of  every 
amiable  and  ornamental  quality,  in  order  to  humble  pride,  and 
repress  the  approaches  of  loose  desire,  or,  in  their  own  phrase, 
"  to  deliver  the  celestial  spirit  from  the  bondage  of  flesh  and 
blood^^  they  in  a  manner  divested  themselves  of  the  human 
character.  They  not  only  lived  among  wild  beasts,  but,  after 
the  manner  of  those  savage  animals,  ran  naked  through  the 
lonely  deserts,  with  a  furious  aspect,  and  lodged  in  gloomy  ca- 
verns; or  grazed  in  the  fields  like  the  common  herd,  and  like 
cattle  took  their  abode  in  the  open  air'*.  And  some  monks  and 
holy  virgins,  by  the  habit  of  going  naked,  became  so  complete- 
ly covered  with  hair,  as  to  require  no  other  veil  to  modesty. 
Many  chose  their  rugged  dwelling  in  the  hollow  side  or  narrow 
cleft  of  some  rock,  which  obliged  them  to  sit  or  stand  in  the 
most  painful  and  emaciating  posture,  during  the  remainder  of 
their  wretched  lives;  while  others,  with  no  small  exultation, 
usurped  the  den  of  some  ferocious  brother  brute,  whom  they 
affected  to  resemble ;  and  not  a  few,  under  the  name  of  Stylites, 
or  Pillar-Saints,  ascended  the  top  of  some  lofty  column,  where 
they  remained  for  years,  night  and  day,  without  any  shelter 
from  heat  or  cold'^. 

Even  after  religious  houses  had  been  provided  for  the  devout 
solitaries  of  both  sexes,  and  endowed  with  ample  revenues  by 
the  profuse  superstition  of  the  newly  converted  barbarians,  they 
attempted,  in  their  several  cells,  to  extinguish  every  spark  of 
sensuality,  by  meagre  fastings,  bloody  flagellations,  and  other 
cruel  austerities  of  discipline.  But  no  sooner  did  the  monastic 
fury  subside,  than  nature  began  to  assert  her  empire  in  the 
hearts  of  the  deluded  fanatics ;  to  tell  them  they  had  wants  in- 
consistent with  their  engagements,  and  that,  in  abandoning  so- 

15  Mosheim,  vol.  ii. Tillemont,  M6m,  Eccles.  tome  viii. 

16  Tillemont,  M6m.  Eccles,  tome  viii. 

Vol.  I.  A  a 


ISfi  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

ciety,  they  liad  relinquished  the  most  essential  requisites  of  hu- 
man happiness.  The  holy  sisters  and  brothers,  convinced  of 
their  pious  folly,  endeavoured  by  tender  familiarities  to  console 
each  other,  but  without  violating,  as  they  affirmed,  their  vow 
of  chastity^'.  And  although  this  commerce  Avas  prohibited^% 
as  alike  scandalous  and  dangerous,  by  resembling  too  nearly 
the  ways  of  the  world,  and  provoking  sensibilities  too  strong 
for  the  curb  of  restraining  grace,  other  solacing  practices  took 
place  in  the  convents,  not  more  for  the  honour  of  the  monastic 
life'^.  Whenever  any  set  of  people,  by  laying  a  constraint 
upon  the  natural  appetites,  seek  to  arrive  at  a  degree  of  purity 
inconsistent  with  the  welfare  of  society,  they  never  fail  to  be 
guihy  of  crimes  which  society  disclaims,  and  nature  abhors, 
unless  they  relax  the  rigour  of  their  institutions,  or  slide  back, 
by  a  less  criminal  corruption,  into  the  more  smooth  but  slip- 
pery paths  of  erring  humanity. 

The  ignorance  of  the  times,  however,  favoured  by  certain 
circumstances,  continued  the  veneration  for  religious  solitude, 
notwithstanding  the  licentiousness  of  the  monks.  Many  new 
monastic  orders  v,  ere  instituted  in  the  eleventh  century,  under 
various  rules  of  discipline;  but  all  with  a  view  to  greater  regu- 
larity of  manners.  And  monks  were  called  from  die  lonely  cell 
to  the  most  arduous  and  exalted  stations ;  to  fill  the  papal  chair, 
and  support  the  triple  crown;  or  to  discharge  the  office  of  prime 
minister  in  some  mighty  kingdom,  and  regulate  the  interests  of 
nations.  Though  utterly  ignorant  of  public  transactions,  their 
reputation  for  superior  sanctity,  which  was  easily  acquired,  by 
real  or  affected  austerity,  in  ages  of  rapine  and  superstition, 
made  them  be  thought  fit  to  direct  all  things.  This  spiritual  re- 
putation even  enabled  them  to  trample  upon  the  authority,  and 
insult  the  persons  of  the  princes  whose  government  they  admi- 
nistered ;  especially  if  the  lives  of  such  princes,  as  was  very 
commonly  the  case,  happened  to  be  stained  with  any  atrocious 
acts  of  lust,  violence,  or  oppression.  In  order  to  stay  the  uplift- 
ed arm  of  divine  justice,  and  render  the  governor  of  the  world 
propitious,  the  king  knelt  at  the  feet  of  the  monk  and  the  minis- 
ter— happy  to  commit  to  the  favourite  of  Heaven  the  sole  guid- 
ance of  his  spiritual  and  temporal  concerns^".     And  if  chivalry, 

17  Moslieim,  ubi  sup. 

18  The  sixth  general  council  (canon  xvii.)  forbade  woTnen  to  pass  the  night  in  a  male,  o.- 
nien  in  a  female  monastciT-  And  the  seventh  general  council  (canon  xx.)  prohibited  the 
erection  of  double  or  promiscuous  monasteries  of  both  sexes. 

19  Mosheirn,  vol.  ii. 

20  Beside  the  wealth  and  influence  acquired  by  the  monks,  in  consequence  of  the  si>- 
perstitious  ignorance  of  the  great,  who  often  shared  not  only  their  power,  but  the  fruits  o» 
their  rapine,  with  their  pious  directors,  a  popular  opinion  which  prevailed  toward  the  close 


LET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  187 

by  awakening  a  spirit  of  enterprise,  had  not  roused  the  human 
powers  to  deeds  of  valour,  and  revived  the  passion  for  the  softer 
sex,  by  connecting  it  with  arms,  and  separating  it  from  gross 
desire,  Europe  might  have  sunk  under  the  tyranny  of  a  set  of 
men,  who  pretended  to  renounce  the  world  and  its  affairs,  and 
Christendom  have  become  but  one  great  cloister. 

of  the  tenth  ceHliirv  contributed  greatly  to  augment  their  opulence.  The  thousand  years, 
fi-om  the  birth  or  death  of  Chiist,  mentioned  by  St.  John  in  the  book  of  Revelations,  were 
suppi'sed  to  be  nearly  acconiplislicd,  and  the  day  of  judgment  at  hand.  Multitudes  of 
Christians,  therefoie,  anxious  only  (or  their  eternal  salvation,  d>livered  over  to  the  monas- 
tic orders  all  their  lands,  treasures,  and  other  valuable  effects,  and  repaired  with  precipita- 
tion to  Palestine,  where  they  expected  the  appearance  of  Christ  on  Mount  Sion.  Mosheim. 
vol.  it. 


LETTER  XXIII. 


Of  the  German  Empire  andits  Dependencies,  under  Conrad  11. 
and  his  Descendants  of  the  House  of  Franconia. 

WE  now,  my  dear  Philip,  return  to  the  great  line  of  his- 
tory, which  I  shall  endeavour  to  trace  with  accuracy,  that  you 
may  be  able  to  keep  in  view  the  train  of  events,  without  which 
you  will  neither  be  able  to  reason  distinctly  on  them  yourself, 
nor  to  understand  clearly  the  reasonings  of  others.  I  shall  there- 
fore bring  down  the  history  of  the  German  empire  to  the  death 
of  Henry  V.,  when  the  quarrel  between  the  popes  and  the  empe- 
rors came  to  a  stand,  before  I  speak  of  the  affairs  of  France  and 
England,  which,  from  the  Norman  conquest  became  insepara- 
bly interwoven,  but  had  little  influence  for  some  centuries  on 
the  rest  of  Europe. 

Great  disputes  ensued  on  the  death  of  Henry  II.,  about  the 
nomination  of  a  successor  to  the  empire,  as  that  prince  died 
without  issue.  The  princes  and  states  assembled  in  the  open 
fields,  between  Mentz  and  Worms,  no  hall  being  \Q24< 

sufficient  to  hold  them;  and,  after  six  weeks'  en- 
campment and  deliberation,  they  elected  Conrad  duke  of  Fran- 
conia, sumamed  the  Salic,  because  he  was  born  on  the  banks 
of  the  river  Sala\ 

Being  informed  of  a  revolt  of  the  Lombards,  the  new  emperor 

I  Annal.  de  TEmp.  tome  i. 


188  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

marched  into  Italy  ;  and  having  reduced  the  rebels  by  force  of 
■tr^nj    arms,  he  went  to  Rome,  where  he  was  consecrated 
^'  ^'  '  and  crowned  by  pope  John  XX.     He  was  soon 

obliged  to  return  to  Germany,  as  an  insurrection  had  broken 
out  in  his  absence.  Before  he  attempted  to  humble  the  insur- 
gents, he  procured  the  sanction  of  the  diet  to  the  succession  of 
his  son  Henry,  who  was  solemnly  crowned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle. 
The  rebellion  was  quickly  suppressed  by  the  valour  of  Conrad, 
who  defeated  the  authors  of  it  in  several  engagements  ;  in  one 
of  which,  Ernest,  duke  of  Suabia,  who  had  been  put  to  the  ban 
of  the  empire,  was  slain'. 

The  word  ban  originally  signified  banner,  afterwards  edict, 
and  lastly,  a  declaration  of  outlawry,  which  was  intimated  thus: 
*<  We  declare  thy  wife  a  widow,  thy  children  orphans,  and  send 
"  thee,  in  the  name  of  the  devil,  to  the  four  corners  of  the  earth." 
This  is  one  of  the  first  examples  of  that  proscription. 

The  emperor  next  turned  his  arms  against  the  Poles,  and  af- 
terwards against  the  Huns,  and  obliged  both  to  subscribe  to  his 
own  conditions.  In  the  mean  time,  Rodolph  III.,  the  last  king 
of  Transjurane  Burgundy  and  Provence,  dying  without  issue, 
left  his  dominions  to  Conrad.  While  he  was  employed  in  taking 
possession  of  his  new  territories,  the  Poles  again  took  up  arms. 
When  he  had  met  with  success  against  them,  he  was  called  into 
Italy  to  suppress  a  revolt,  excited  by  Hubert,  bishop  of  Milan, 
whom  he  had  loaded  with  favours.  He  was  so  quick  in  his  mo- 
in'^Q  ^'^"'^'  ^^^^  ^^  ^°°^  Milan  by  surprise.  The  bishop 
^'  ^'  '  was  condemned  to  perpetual  banishment:  and  the 

emperor  died  soon  after  his  return  to  Germany,  with  the  cha- 
racter of  a  just,  generous,  and  magnanimous  prince^. 

Henry  III.  surnamed  the  Black,  now  became  emperor.  In  the 
earlier  part  of  his  reign,  he  was  engaged  in  wars  with  Bohemia, 
Poland,  and  Hungary ;  which,  however,  produced  no  very  re- 
markable incidents.  Rome  and  Italy,  as  usual,  were  involved 
in  confusion,  and  distracted  by  factions,  particularly  those  of 
the  Pandolphi  and  the  Ptolemei.  The  Pandolphi  had  thrustBe- 
nedict  IX.,  a  boy  of  twelve  years  of  age,  into  the  papacy.  He 
Avas  deposed  by  the  Ptolemei  and  the  people,  who  substituted  in 
his  place  Sylvester  III.  This  pontiff  was  deposed,  in  his  turn, 
by  the  Pandolphia,  and  his  rival  re-established. 
A.  D.  •.  J3£^g(]j(,|^^   however,    finding   himself  universally 

despised,  voluntarily  resigned  in  favour  of  John,  arch-priest  of 
the  Roman  church  ;  but  afterwards  repenting  of  his  resigna- 
tion, he  aimed  at  the  resumption  of  his  dignity. 

2  Heiss,  lib.  ii.  3  Id.  ibid. 


LET.  xxiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  189 

These  three  popes,  supported  by  their  several  partisans,  and 
living  peaceably  with  each  other,  maintained  themselves  each 
upon  a  different  branch  of  the  revenues  of  the  holy  see.  One 
resided  at  St.  Peter's,  another  at  Santa  Maria  Major,  and  the 
third  in  the  palace  of  the  Lateran,  all  leading  the  most  profligate 
and  scandalous  lives.  A  priest,  called  Gratian,  at  last  put  an 
end  to  this  extraordinary  triumvirate.'  Partly  by  artifice,  partly 
by  presents,  he  prevailed  upon  all  three  to  renounce  their  pre- 
tensions to  the  papacy  ;  and  the  people  of  Home,  out  of  grati- 
tude for  so  signal  a  service  to  the  church,  chose  him  pope,  un- 
der the  name  of  Gregory  VI. 

Henry  III.  took  umbrage  at  this  election,  in  which  he  had 
not  been  consulted,  and  marched  with  an  army  into  Italy.  No  em- 
peror ever  exercised  more  absolute  authority  in  that  country. 
He  deposed  Gregory,  as  having  been  guilty  of  simony,  and  filled 
the  papal  chair  with  his  own  chancellor,  Suideger,  bishop  of 
Bamberg,  who  assumed  the  name  of  Clement  II.,  .„ 

and  afterward  consecrated,  at  Rome,  Henry  and  the 
empress  Agnes^  After  this  ceremony,  the  Romans  having 
sworn  never  to  elect  a  pope  without  the  approbation  of  the  reign- 
ing emperor,  Henry  proceeded  to  Capua,  where  he  ifU7 
was  visited  by  Drogo  or  Draco,  Rainulphus,  and 
other  adventurers,  who,  having  left  Normandy  at  different  times, 
had  made  themselves  masters  of  great  part  of  Apulia  and  Cala- 
bria, at  the  expense  of  the  Greeks  and  Saracens.  Henry  enter- 
ed into  a  treaty  with  them  ;  and  not  only  solemnly  invested 
them  with  those  territories  which  they  had  acquired  by  conquest, 
but  prevailed  on  the  pope  to  excommunicate  the  Beneventines, 
who  had  refused  to  open  their  gates  to  him,  and  bestowed  that 
city  and  its  dependencies,  as  fiefs  of  the  empire,  upon  the  Nor- 
man princes,  provided  they  took  possession  by  force  of  arms^ 
What  use  they  made  of  the  imperial  favour  we  shall  afterwards 
have  occasion  to  see.  At  present  the  papacy  claims  our  whole 
attention. 

Clement  II.  was  succeeded  in  the  apostolic  see  by  Damasus  II.; 
on  whose  death,  Henry  nominated  Bruno,  bishop  of  ,  ^ .  o 

Toul,  to  the  vacant  chair.  Bruno  immediately  as-  *  ' 
sumed  the  pontificals;  but,  being  a  modest  and  pious  prelate,  he 
threw  them  off,  by  the  persuasion  of  Hildebrand,  an  aspiring 
monk,  and  went  to  Rome  as  a  private  man.  "  The  emperor 
alone,"  said  Hildebrand,  "  has  no  right  to  create  a  pope."  He 
accompanied  Bruno  to  Rome,  and  secretly  retarded  his  election, 
that  he  might  arrogate  to  himself  the  merit  of  obtaining  if. 

4Mu!-atori,  Annal.  d'ltal. — Mosheitn,  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  ii. 

5  Hist.  Conq.  Norm.  6  Li:oiiis  Osliens,  Hist.  lib.  ii,     Ditlimai-.  Vit.  Gieg.  VII 


190  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

The  scheme  succeeded  to  his  wish.  Bruno,  who  took  the  name 
of  Leo  IX.,  believing  himself  indebted  to  Hildebrand  for  the 
pontificate,  favoured  him  with  his  particular  friendship  and  con- 
fidence; and  hence  originated  the  power  of  this  enterprising 
monk,  of  obscure  birth,  but  boundless  ambition,  who  so  long 
governed  Rome,  and  whose  zeal  for  the  exaltation  of  the  church 
occasioned  so  many  troubles  to  Europe. 

Leo,  soon  after  his  elevation,  waited  on  the  emperor  at 
Worms,  to  crave  asssistance  against  the  Norman  princes,  who 
were  become  the  terror  of  Italy,  and  treated  their  subjects  with 
great  severity.  Henry  furnished  the  pope  with  an  army;  at  the 
head  of  which  his  holiness  marched  against  the  Normans,  after 
having  excommunicated  them,  accompanied  by  a  great  number 
-„_„  of  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics,  who  were  all 
'  either  killed  or  made  prisoners,  the  Germans  and 
Italians  being  totally  routed.  Leo  himself  was  led  captive  to 
Benevento,  of  which  the  Normans  were  now  masters,  and  which 
Henry  had  granted  to  the  pope  in  exchange  for  the  fief  of  Bam- 
berg in  Germany.  The  Norman  chiefs,  however,  who  had  a 
right  to  that  city  by  a  prior  grant,  restored  it,  in  the  mean  time, 
to  the  princes  of  Lombardy;  and  the  holy  father  was  treated  with 
so  much  respect  by  the  conquerors,  thathe  revoked  the  sentence 
of  excommunication,  and  joined  his  sanction  to  the  imperial  in- 
vestiture for  the  lands  which  they  held  in  Apulia  and  Calabria'^. 

Leo  died  soon  after  his  release;  and  the  emperor  about  the 
-.p.t'A   same  time,  caused  his  infant  son,  afterwards  the 
■  *     *  *  famous  Henry  IV.,   to  be  declared  King  of  the 

Romans,  a  title  still  in  use  for  the  acknowledged  heir  of  the 
empire.  Gebhard,  a  German  bishop,  was  elected  pope,  under 
the  name  of  Victor  II.,  and  confirmed  by  the  address  of  Hilde- 
brand, who  visited  the  emperor  for  that  purpose,  though  he 
disdained  to  consult  him  previously  on  the  subject.  Perhaps 
Hildebrand  would  not  have  found  this  task  so  easy,  had  not 
Henry  been  involved  in  a  war  with  the  Hungarians,  who  se- 
verely harassed  him,  but  whom  he  obliged  at  last  to  pay  a  con- 
siderable tribute,  and  furnish  him  annually  with  a  certain  num- 
ber of  fighting  men. 

As  soon  as  the  emperor  had  finished  this  war,  and  others  to 
which  it  gave  rise,  he  marched  into  Italy  to  inspect  the  conduct 
of  his  sister  Beatrice,  widow  of  Boniface,  marquis  of  Mantua, 
and  made  her  prisoner.  She  had  married  Gozelo,  duke  of  Lor- 
rain,  without  the  emperor's  consent;  and  contracted  Matilda, 
her  daughter  by  the  marquis  of  Mantua,  to  Godfrey,  duke  of 
Spoleto  and  Tuscany,  Gozelo's  son  by  a  former  marriage.  This 

r  GiannoQC.  Hist,  di  Napo!, 


lET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  191 

formidable  alliance  justly  alarmed  Henry;  he  there-  lo'^fi 

fore  attempted  to  dissolve  it  by  carrying  his  sister 
into  Germany,  where  he  died  soon  after  his  return. 

This  emperor,  in  his  last  journey  to  Italy,  concluded  an  al- 
liance with  Contarini,  doge  of  Venice.  That  republic  was  al- 
ready rich  and  powerful,  though  it  had  only  been  enfranchised 
in  the  year  998  from  the  tribute  of  a  mantle  of  cloth  of  gold, 
which  it  formerly  paid,  as  a  mark  of  subjection,  tb  the  empe- 
rors of  Constantinople.  The  Genoese  were  the  rivals  of  the 
Venetians,  in  power  and  in  commerce,  and  were  already  in 
possession  of  the  island  of  Corsica,  which  they  had  taken  from 
the  Saracens^ 

Henry  IV.,  surnamed  the  Great,  was  only  five  years  old  at 
his  father's  death.  He  was  immediately  acknowledged  emperor 
in  a  diet  of  the  princes  convoked  at  Cologne,  and  the  care  of 
his  education  was  committed  to  his  mother  Agnes,  who  also 
governed  the  empire.  She  was  a  woman  of  spirit  and  address, 
and  discharged  both  her  public  and  private  trust  with  diligence 
and  ability. 

Germany,  during  the  first  years  of  this  reign,  was  harassed 
with  civil  w  ars  ;  so  that  the  empress  Agnes,  notwithstanding 
her  strong  talents,  found  it  difficult  to  maintain  her  authority. 
And  at  length  the  dukes  of  Saxony  and  Bavaria,  un-  .    j^    -i  q/tq 
cles  of  the  young  emperor,  took  him  from  her  by    '     ' 
stratagem,  accusing  her  of  having  sacrificed  the  public  welfare 
to  the  w  ill  of  the  bishop  of  Augsburg,  her  minister  and  sup-  - 
posed  gallant.  Thus  divested  of  the  regency,  she  fled  to  Rome, 
and  there  took  the  veiP. 

Henry  w-as  now  put  under  the  tuition  of  the  archbishops  of 
Cologne  and  Bremen,  who  discharged  their  trust  in  a  very  op- 
posite manner.  The  first  endeavoured  to  inspire  him  with  a 
love  of  learning  and  virtue,  w  hile  the  second  sought  only  to  ac- 
quire an  ascendancy  over  his  passions,  by  indulging  him  in  all 
the  pleasures  of  youth.  This  indulgence  produced  a  habit  of 
licentiousness  which  he  could  never  afterwards  restrain. 

Italy  was  a  prey,  as  usual,  to  intestine  disorders.  After  a  va- 
riety of  troubles,  excited  on  account  of  the  pontificate,  Nicholas 
II.,  the  creature  of  Hildebrand,  passed  a  famous  decree,  by  which 
it  was  ordained,  in  a  council  of  a  hundred  and  thirteen  bishops, 
that  for  the  future  the  cardinals  only  should  elect  the  pope,  and 
that  the  election  should  be  confirmed  by  the  rest  of  the  Roman 
clergy  and  the  people:  "  saving  the  honour,"  he  added,  '^  due  to 
*'  our  dear  son  Henry,  now  king  ;  and  who,  if  it  please  God, 
*'•  shall  one  day  be  emperor,  according  to  the  privilege  which  we 

8  Muraton,  Annal.  c]'Ital.  vdI  y'.  9  Anna!,  de  I'Einp. 


102  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

"  have  already  conferred  upon  him;  and  saving  the  honour  of 
•'  his  successors  on  whom  the  apostolic  see  shall  confer  the 
"  same  high  privilege^"." 

The  same  pope,  atfer  having  in  vain  excommunicated  the 
Norman  princes,  made  protectors  and  vassals  of  them ;  and 
they,  who  were  feudatories  of  the  empire,  less  afraid  of  the  popes 
than  the  emperors,  readily  did  homage  for  their  lands  to  Ni- 
cholas, in  1059,  and  agreed  to  hold  them  of  the  church^*. 

This  mode  of  tenure  was  very  common  in  those  days  of  ra- 
pacity, both  for  princes  and  private  persons,  the  only  authority 
then  respected  being  that  of  the  church:  and  the  Normans  wise- 
ly made  use  of  it  as  a  safeguard  against  the  emperors.  They 
gave  their  lands  to  the  church  under  the  name  of  an  oblation 
or  offering,  and  continued  to  possess  them  on  paying  a  slight 
acknowledgment.  Hence  arose  the  pope's  claim  of  superiority 
over  the  kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicily. 

Robert  Guiscard,  the  Norman  warrior,  one  of  the  gallant 
sons  of  Tancred  of  Hauteville,  received  from  the  pope  the  ducal 
crown  of  Apulia  and  Calabria  :  and  Richard,  count  of  Aversa, 
was  confirmed  prince  of  Capua,  a  title  which  he  had  already 
assumed.  The  pope  also  gave  the  Normans  a  right  to  hold  Si- 
cily in  the  same  manner  with  their  other  possessions,  provided 
they  could  expel  the  Saracens  from  iti* :  and  Robert  and  his 
brother  Roger  made  themselves  masters  of  that  island  about  the 
year  1070. 

When  Henry  IV.  had  assumed  the  reins  of  government,  he 
^rs-rc)  resolved  to  repress  the  robberies  and  extortions, 
"'  which  the  subjects  of  the  duke  of  Saxony  exercised 
upon  strangers,  as  well  as  upon  each  other.  But  the  princes 
and  nobles,  who  were  gainers  by  these  abuses,  particularly  by 
the  infamous  practice  of  imprisoning  travellers,  and  making 
them  pay  for  their  ransom,  opposed  the  intended  reformation, 
and  entered  into  an  association  against  the  emperor,  under  pre- 
tence that  their  liberties  were  in  danger.  In  this  rebellious  dis- 
position they  were  encouraged  by  the  arrogance  of  pope  Alex- 
ander 11.,  who,  at  the  instigation  of  Hildebrand,  summoned 
Henry  to  appear  before  the  tribunal  of  the  holy  see,  on  account 
of  his  loose  life,  and  to  answer  to  the  charge  of  having  exposed 
the  investiture  of  bishops  to  sale^\ 

10  Chronicon.  Farsense,  in  Muiat.  Script.  Rer.  Ital.  vol.  ii. — To  this  edict  the  cardinals 
owe  the  extensive  authority  and  important  privileges  vvhich  they  still  enjoy.  Under  the 
name  of  Cardinals  the  pope  comprehended  the  seven  Roman  bishops,  who  were  considered 
as  his  suffragans;  and  also  the  twenty-eight  presbyters,  or  parish  priests,  who  officiated  in 
the  pi-incipal  churches.     Mosheim,  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  ii. 

1 1  Giannone,  Hist,  di  Napol.  12  Giannone,  Hist,  di  Napot. 
ISLeonisOstieus.  Hist.  lib.  iii. — Dilhmar.  Vit.  Greg.  VII. 


£ET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  193 

Henry  treated  tlie  pope's  mandate  u  ith  contempt,  and  carried 
on  the  war  with  vij^our  against  the  Saxons,  whom  he  totally 
routed  in  a  bloody  engagement,  which  was  followed  in"! 

by  the  conquest  of  Saxony.  The  leaders  of  the  re-  *  '  '  * 
bellion  asked  pardon  of  the  emperor  in  public,  and  begged  to  be 
restored  to  his  favour  ;  he  generousl}'  accepted  their  submis- 
sion, and  peace  was  restored  to  Gerjnany. 

But  Henry  was  not  suffered  long  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  va- 
lour. A  new  storm  threatened  him  from  Italy,  which  after- 
wards fell  with  violence  on  his  head,  and  shook  all  the  thrones 
in  Christendom.  On  the  death  of  Alexander  H.,  in  1073,  Hil- 
debrand  had  been  elected  pope,  under  the  name  of  Gregory-  |  f 
Vn.,  and  although  he  had  not  asked  the  emperor's  voice,  he 
prudently  waited  for  his  confirmation  before  he  assumed  the 
tiara.  He  obtained  it  by  this  mark  of  submission  :  Henry  con- 
firmed his  election  ;  and  Gregory  then  pulled  off  the  mask.  He 
began  his  pontificate  with  excommunicating  every  ecclesiastic 
who  should  receive  a  benefice  from  a  layman,  and  every  lay- 
man by  whom  such  benefice  should  be  conferred.  This  was 
engaging  the  church  in  an  open  war  with  the  sovereigns  of  all 
the  Christian  nations.  But  the  thunder  of  the  holy  see  was 
more  particularly  directed  against  the  emperor ;  and  Henry, 
sensible  of  his  danger,  and  walling  to  avert  it,  wrote  a  submis- 
sive letter  to  Gregory,  who  pretended  to  take  him  into  favour, 
after  having  severely  reprimanded  him  for  the  crimes  of  simony 
and  debauchery,  of  W'hich  he  now  confessed  himself  guilty". 

Gregory  at  the  same  time,  proposed  a  crusade,  in  order  to  de- 
liver the  holy  sepulchre  from  the  hands  of  the  infidels  ;  offering 
to  head  the  Christians  in  person,  and  desiring  Henry  to  serve 
as  a  volunteer  under  his  command'*  ! — a  project  so  wild  and 
extravagant,  that  nothing  but  the  prevailing  spirit  of  the  times, 
the  double  enthusiasm  of  religion  and  valour,  can  save  the  me- 
mory of  its  author  from  the  imputation  of  insanity. 

Gregory's  project  of  making  himself  lord  of  Christendom,  by 
not  only  dissolving  the  jurisdiction  which  kings  and  emperors 
had  hitherto  exercised  over  the  various  orders  of  the  clergy,  but 
also  by  subjecting  to  the  papal  authority  all  temporal  princes, 
and  rendering  their  dominions  tributary  to  the  see  of  Rome, 
seems  no  less  romantic  ;  yet  this  he  undertook,  and  not  alto- 
gether without  success.  Solomon,  king  of  Hungary,  dethroned 
by  his  cousin  Geysa,  had  fled  to  Henry  for  protection,  and  re- 
newed the  homage  of  Hungary  to  the  empire.  Gregory,  who 
favoured  Geysa,  exclaimed  against  this  act  of  submission  ;  and 

X4  Aniial  dc  1'  Enip.  tome  i. — Dilhmar.  Vit.  Greg.  Vlf- 
15  Dithmar.  Vit.  Grep.  Vlf. 

Vol.  I.  B  b 


194  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

said,  in  a  letter  to  Solomon,  "  You  ought  to  know,  that  the 
"  kingdom  of  Hungary  belongs  to  the  Roman  church ;  and 
•'  learn  that  you  will  incur  the  indignation  of  the  holy  see,  if 
"  you  do  not  acknowledge  that  you  hold  your  dominions  of  the 
"  pope,  and  not  of  the  emperor'^." 

This  presumptuous  declaration,  and  the  neglect  with  which  it 
was  treated,  brought  the  quarrel  between  the  empire  and  the 
church  to  a  crisis.  It  was  directed  to  Solomon,  but  intended  for 
Henry.  And  if  Gregory  could  not  succeed  in  one  way,  he  was 
resolved  that  he  should  in  another  :  he  therefore  resumed  the 
claim  of  investitures,  for  uhich  he  had  a  more  plausible  pre- 
tence ;  and  as  that  dispute  and  its  consequences  merit  particu- 
lar attention,  I  shall  be  more  circumstantial  than  usual. 

The  predecessors  of  Henry  IV.  as  well  as  other  princes  of 
Christendom,  had  enjoyed  the  right  of  nominating  bishops  and 
abbots,  and  of  giving  them  investiture  by  the  ring  and  crosier. 
The  popes  had  been  accustomed,  on  their  part,  to  send  legates 
to  the  emperors,  to  entreat  their  assistance,  and  to  obtain  their 
confirmation,  or  desire  them  to  come  and  receive  the  papal 
sanction,  but  for  no  other  purpose.  Gregory,  however,  sent 
two  legates  to  summon  Henry  to  appear  before  him  as  a  delin- 
quent, because  he  still  continued  to  bestow  investitures,  not- 
withstanding the  apostolic  decree  to  the  contrary  ;  adding,  that 
if  he  should  fail  to  yield  obedience  to  the  church,  he  must  ex- 
pect to  be  excommunicated  and  dethroned. 

Incensed  at  this  arrogant  message  from  one  whom  he  consi- 
dered as  his  vassal,  Henry  abruptly  dismissed  the  legates,  and 
,  ,.„^  convoked  an  assembly  of  princes  and  dignified  ec- 
'  '  clesiastics  at  VV"orms  ;  where,  after  mature  delibe- 
ration, they  concluded,  that  Gregory  having  usurped  the  chair 
of  St.  Peter  by  indirect  means,  infected  the  church  of  God  with 
many  novelties  and  abuses,  and  deviated  from  his  duty  to  his 
sovereign  in  several  scandalous  attempts,  the  emperor,  by  the 
supreme  authority  derived  from  his  predecessors,  ought  to  di- 
vest him  of  his  dignity,  and  appoint  another  in  his  place". 

In  consequence  of  this  determination,  Henry  sent  an  ambas- 
sador to  Rome,  with  a  formal  deprivation  of  Gregory  ;  who,  in 
his  turn,  convoked  a  council,  at  which  were  present  a  hundred 
and  ten  bishops,  who  unanimously  agreed,  that  the  pope  had  just 
cause  to  depose  Henry,  to  dissolve  the  oath  of  allegiance  which 
the  princes  and  states  had  taken  in  his  favour,  and  to  prohibit 
them  from  holding  any  correspondence  with  him  on  pain  of  ex- 

16  Goldast  Apologia  pro  Hen.  IV. — Thomas.  Content,  inter  Imp.  et  Sacerdot. 

17  Schiller,  de  LiberUt.  Eccles.  German.  Ub,  iv. 


LET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  195 

communication.  And  that  sentence  was  immediately  fulminated 
against  the  emperor  and  his  adherents.  "  In  the  name  of  Al- 
"  mighty  God,  and  by  your  authority/'  said  Gregory,  address- 
ing the  members  of  the  council,  "  I  prohibit  Henry,  the  son  of 
"  our  emperor  Henry,  from  governing  the  Teutonic  kingdom, 
"  and  Italy  ;  I  release  all  Christians  from  their  oath  of  alle- 
''  giance  to  him  ;  and  I  strictly  forbid  all  persons  to  serve  or 
''  attend  him  as  king".'' 

This  is  tlie  lirsi  instance  of  a  pope's  pretending  to  deprive  a 
sovereign  of  his  crown  ;  but  it  was  too  fluttering  to  ecclesiasti- 
cal pride  to  be  the  last.  No  prelate,  from  the  foundation  of  the 
church,  had  ever  presumed  to  use  so  imperious  a  language  as 
Gregory;  for,  although  Louis  the  Debonnaire  had  been  deposed 
by  his  bishops,  there  was  at  least  some  colour  for  that  step. 
They  condemnedLouis,  in  appearance,  only  to  do  public  penance. 

The  circular  letters  written  by  this  pontift' breathe  the  same 
spirit  with  his  sentence  of  deposition.  In  these  he  repeatedly 
asserts,  that  "  bishops  are  superior  to  kings,  and  made  to  judge 
*'  them  !'' — expressions  alike  artful  and  presumptuous,  and  cal- 
culated for  bringing  in  all  the  churchmen  of  the  world  to  his 
standard.  Gregory's  purpose  is  said  to  have  been,  to  engage 
in  the  bonds  of  fidelity  and  allegiance  to  the  Vicar  of  Christ,  as 
King  of  Kings  and  Lord  of  Lords,  all  the  potentates  of  the 
earth,  and  to  establish  at  Rome  an  annual  assembly  of  bishops, 
by  whom  the  contests  that  might  arise  between  kingdoms  and 
sovereign  states  were  to  be  decided,  the  rights  and  pretensions 
of  princes  to  be  examined,  and  the  fate  of  nations  and  empires 
to  be  determined'^. 

The  haughty  pontiff  knew  well  what  consequences  would  fol- 
low the  thunder  of  the  church.  The  German  bishops  came  im- 
mediately over  to  his  party,  and  drew  with  them  many  of  the 
nobles :  the  brand  of  civil  war^still  lay  smouldering,  and  a  bull 
properly  directed  v.  as  suflicient  to  set  it  in  a  blaze.  The  Sax- 
ons, Henry's  old  enemies,  made  use  of  the  papal  displeasure  as 
a  pretence  for  rebelling  against  him.  Even  his  favourite  Guelf, 
a  nobleman  to  whom  he  had  given  the  duchy  of  Bavaria,  sup- 
ported the  malcontents  with  that  power  winch  he  owed  to  his 
sovereign's  bounty  ;  and  the  very  princes  and  prelates  who  had 
assisted  in  deposing  Gregory,  gave  up  their  monarch  to  be  tried 
by  the  pope,  who  wao  requested  to  come  to  Augsburg  for  that 
purpose'". 

Willing  to  prevent  this  odious  trial  at  Augsburg,  Henry  took 
the  unaccountable  resolution  of  suddenly  passing  the  Tirolese 

ISDithmar.  Hist.  Bell,  inter.  Imp.  et.  Sacerdot. 

19  Mosheitn,  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  ii.  par.  ii.  cent.  xi.  et.  A.uct.  cit.  ia  loe. 

'JO  Dithraar.  ubi  sup. — Aonal,  German,  ap.  Sti'uy. 


196  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

Alps,  accompanied  only  by  a  few  domestics,  in  order  to  ask  ab- 
solution of  Gregory,  his  tyrannical  oppressor,  who  was  then  in 
Canosa,  on  the  Appenines  ;  a  fortress  belonging  to  the  countess 
or  duchess,  Matilda,  whom  I  have  already  had  occasion  to  men- 
tion. At  the  gates  of  this  place  the  emperor  presented  himself 
as  an  humble  penitent.  He  alone  was  admitted  within  the  outer 
court,  where,  being  stripped  of  his  robes,  and  wrapped  in  sack- 
,  ,.„-  cloth,  he  was  obliged  to  remain  three  days,  in  the 
*  month  of  January,  barefooted  and  fasting,  before  he 
was  permitted  to  kiss  the  feet  of  his  holiness,  who  was  then 
shut  up  with  the  devout  Matilda,  whose  spiritual  director  he  had 
long  been,  if  not  her  gallant.  So  strong  was  the  attachment  of 
this  lady  to  Gregory,  or  her  hatred  against  the  Germans,  that 
she  assigned  all  her  territories  to  the  apostolic  see  ;  and  this  do- 
nation is  perhaps  the  true  cause  of  almost  all  the  wars  which 
subsequently  raged  between  the  emperors  and  the  popes.  She 
possessed,  in  her  own  right,  great  part  of  Tuscany  ;  Mantua, 
Parma,  Reggio,  Placentia,  Ferrara,  Modena,  Verona,  and  al- 
most the  whole  of  what  is  now  called  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter, 
from  Viterbo  to  Orvieto ;  with  part  of  Umbria,  Spoleto,  and 
the  Marche  of  Ancona^'. 

The  emi)eror  was  at  length  permitted  to  throw  himself  at 
the  feet  of  the  haughty  pontiff,  who  condescended  to  grant  him 
absolution,  after  he  had  sworn  obedience  to  his  holiness  in  all 
things,  and  promised  to  submit  to  his  solemn  decision  at  Augs- 
burg— so  that  Henry  reaped  no  other  fruit  than  disgrace  by  his 
journey,  while  Gregory,  elate  with  his  triumph,  and  now  con- 
sidering himself  as  the  lord  and  master  of  all  the  crowned 
heads  in  Christendom,  said  in  several  of  his  letters,  that  it  was 
his  duty  "  to  pull  down  the  pride  of  kings." 

This  extraordinary  accommodation  disgusted  the  princes  of 
Italy.  They  never  could  forgive  the  insolence  of  the  pope  or 
the  abject  humility  of  the  emperor.  Happily  however  for  Hen- 
ry, their  indignation  at  Gregory's  arrogance  overbalanced  their 
detestation  of  his  meanness.  He  took  advantage  of  this  tem- 
per :  and  by  a  change  of  fortune,  hitherto  unknown  to  the  Ger- 
man emperors,  he  found  a  strong  party  in  Italy ,|when  abandon- 
ed in  Germany.  All  Lombardy  took  up  arms  against  the  pope, 
while  he  was  raising  all  Germany  against  the  emperor. 

Gregory,  on  the  one  hand,  made  use  of  every  art  to  procure 
the  election  of  another  emperor  in  Germany  ;  and  Henry,  on  his 
part,  left  nothing  undone  to  persuade  the  Italians  to  make  choice 
of  another  pope.  The  Germans  chose  Rodolph,  duke  of  Suabia, 

21  Fran.  Mar.  Fiorent.  Mem.  (lellaCountessa  Matilda. 


LET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  19r 

who  was  solemnly  crowned  at  Mentz ;   and  Gre-  ,  „  «^ 

i^ory,  hesitating  on  this  occasion,  behaved  truly 
like  the  supreme  judfije  of  kings.  He  had  deposed  Henry;  but 
it  was  still  in  his  power  to  pardon  that  prince  :  lie  therefore 
affected  to  be  displeased  that  Rodolph  was  consecrated  with- 
out his  order  ;  and  declared,  that  he  would  acknowledge  as 
emperor  and  king  of  Germany  that  claimant  who  should  be 
most  submissive  to  the  holy  see-^. 

Henry,  however,  trusting  more  to  the  valour  of  his  troops 
than  to  the  generosity  of  the  pope,  set  out  immediately  for  Ger- 
many where  he  defeated  his  enemies  in  several  ensrap-ements  : 
and  Gregory,  seeing  no  hopes  of  submission,  thun-  in^O 

dered  out  a  second  sentence  of  excommunication 
against  him,  confirming  at  the  same  time   the  election  of  Ro- 
dolph, to  whom  he  sent  a  golden  crown,  on  which  the  following 
well-known  verse,  equally  haughty  and  puerile,  was  engraven  : 

Petra  dedit  Petro^  Petrus  diadema  Rodolpho. 

This  donation  was  accompanied  with  a  prophetic  anathema 
against  Henry,  so  wild  and  extravagant,  as  to  make  one  doubt 
whether  it  was  dictated  by  enthusiasm  or  priestcraft.  After  de- 
priving him  oi strength  in  combat,  Siud  condemning  him  Jieve?-  to 
be  victorious,  it  concludes  with  the  following  remarkable  apostro- 
phe to  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul :  "  Make  all  men  sensible,  that,  as 
"  you  can  bind  and  loose  every  thing  in  heaven,  you  can  also 
"  upon  earth  take  from,  or  give  to,  every  one  according  to  his 
"  deserts,  empires,  kingdoms,  principalities  :  let  the  kings  and 
"  princes  of  the  age  instantly  feel  your  power,  that  they  may 
"  not  dare  to  despise  the  orders  of  your  church ;  and  let  your 
"justice  be  so  speedily  executed  upon  Henry,  that  nobody  may 
*^'  doubt  of  his  fallina;  bv  your  means,  and  not  by  chance-^." 

"••TX 

To  avoid  the  effects  of  the  second  excommunication,  Henry 
took  a  step  worthy  of  himself.  He  assembled  at  Brixen  about 
twenty  German  bishops,  who,  acting  also  for  the  bishopsof  Loii- 
bardy,  unanimously  resolved,  that  the  pope,  instead  of  having 
power  over  the  emperor,  owed  him  obedience  and  allegiance; 
and  that,  having  rendered  himself  unworthy  of  the  papal  chair 
by  his  misconduct  and  rebellion,  he  ought  to  be  deposed.  They 
accordingly  degraded  Hildebrand,  and  elected  in  his  room 
Guibert,  archbishop  of  Ravenna,  a  person  of  undoubted  merit, 
who  took  the  name  of  Clement  HI. 

Henry  promised  to  put  the  new  pope  in  possession  of  Rome. 

22  Diilimar,  Hist.  Bell,  inter  Imp.  et  Sacerdot.— Muratori,  Annal.  d'ltal. 

23  Haiflouin,  Concil. — Fleury,  liist.  Eccles. 


198  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

But  he  was  obliged,  in  the  mean  time,  to  shift  the  scene  of  ac- 
tion, and  to  employ  all  his  forces  against  his  rival  Rodolph,  who 
had  re-assembled  a  large  body  of  troops  in  Saxony.  The  two 
armies  met  near  Mersburgh,  and  both  fought  with  great  fury. 
Victory  remained  long  doubtful:  but  the  fortune  of  the  day  seem- 
ed inclining  to  Rodolph,  when  his  hand  was  cut  off  by  the  fa- 
mous Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  then  in  the  service  of  Henry,  and  af- 
terwards renowned  by  the  conquest  of  Jerusalem.  Discouraged 
by  the  misfortune  of  their  chief,  the  rebels  immediately  gave 
way ;  and  Rodolph  perceiving  his  end  approaching,  ordered  the 
hand  that  was  cut  off  to  be  brought  to  him,  and  made  a  speech 
to  his  officers  on  the  occasion,  which  could  not  fail  to  have  a  fa- 
vourable influence  on  the  emperor's  aftairs.  "  Behold,"  said 
he,  ^'  the  hand  with  which  I  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Hen- 
''  ry — an  oath  which,  at  the  instigation  of  Rome,  I  have  vio- 
"  lated,  in  perfidiously  aspiring  to  an  honour  that  was  not  my 
"  due2^'' 

The  emperor,  thus  delivered  from  this  formidable  antagonist, 
soon  dispersed  the  rest  of  his  enemies  in  Germany,  and  set  out 
for  Italy,  in  order  to  settle  Clement  III.  in  the  papal  chair.  But 
,^o,    the  gates  of  Rome  being  shut  against  him,  he  was 
'     *  '  obliged  to  attack  the  city  in  form.  After  a  siege  of 

two  years,  it  was  taken  by  assault,  and  with  difficulty  saved 
from  being  pillaged  ;  but  Gregory  retired  into  the  castle  of  St. 
Angelo,and  thence  defied  and  excommunicated  the  conqueror. 

The  new  pope  being  consecrated  with  the  usual  ceremonies, 
,  ^P  .   expressed  his  gratitude  by  croAAuing  Henry,  with  the 
concurrence  of  the  Roman  senate  and  people.  The 
siege  of  St.  Angelo  was  in  the  mean  time  prosecuted  :  but,  the 
emperor  being  called  intoLombardy,  Robert  Guiscard  took  ad- 
-„„_  vantage  of  his  absence  to  release  Gregory  ;  who 
*  died  soon  after  at  Salerno.     His  last  words,  bor- 
rowed from  the  Scripture,  were  worthy  of  the  greatest  saint : 
*'  I  have  loved  justice,  and  hated  iniquity ;  therefore  I  die  in  ex- 
*'  ile"." 

Henry  did  not  long  enjoy  the  success  of  his  Italian  expedi- 
tion, or  that  tranquillity  which  might  have  bQen  expected  from 
the  death  of  Gregory.  Germany  was  involved  in  new  troubles: 
thither  he  rapidly  marched.  The  Saxons  had  elected  a  king  of 
the  Romans,  whom  he  defeated  in  several  conflicts,  and  whose 
blood  atoned  for  his  presumption.  Another  pretender  shared 
the  same  fate.     Every  thing  yielded  to  the  emperor's  valour. 

But  while  Henry  was  thus  victorious  in  Germany,  his  enemies 
were  busy  in  embroiling  his  affairs  in  Italy.  Not  satisfied  with 

2i  Chron.  Magdeb.  25  Dithmar.  Vit.  Greg.  VII. — Murat  ubi.  sup. 


T.ET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  199 

the  emperor's  pope,  they  had  elected  the  abbot  of  Monte  Cas- 
sino,  under  the  name  of  Victor  III.;  and,  he  dying  in  a  short 
time,  they  chose  in  his  room  Urban  II.,  who,  in  conjunction 
with  the  countess  Matilda,  seduced  the  emperor's  son,  Conrad, 
into  a  rebellion  against  his  father. 

Conrad,  assuming  the  title  of  king  of  Italy,  was  mon 

crowned  by  Anselmo,  archbishop  of  Milan;  and,  ^'  °*  ^^^^' 
soon  after  this  ceremony,  he  married  the  daughter  of  Roger, 
count  of  Sicily.  He  succeeded  so  well  in  his  usurpation,  that 
the  greater  part  of  the  Italian  cities  and  nobles  acknowledged 
him  as  their  sovereign.  Despairing  of  being  able  to  reduce  him 
to  obedience  by  arms,  Henry  at  length  assembled  ^^.^ 

the  German  princes,  who  put  the  delinquent  to  the  *  *  ^^^^' 
ban  of  the  empire,  and  declared  his  brother  Henry  king  of  the 
Romans2^.  An  accommodation  was  now  made  with  the  Sax- 
ons and  other  adversaries  of  the  emperor ;  and  he  hoped  to 
spend  the  latter  part  of  his  life  in  peace. 

Pascal  II.,  another  Hiidebrand,  succeeded  Urban  in  the  see 
of  Rome.  This  pontiff  no  sooner  found  himself  safely  seated  in 
the  papal  chair,  than  he  called  a  council,  to  which  he  summoned 
the  emperor;  and,  as  Henry  did  not  obey  the  cita- 
tion, he  excommunicated  him  anew  for  the  schisms 
which  he  had  introduced  into  the  church.  But  that  vengeance, 
though  sufficiently  severe,  was  gende,  in  comparison  of  what 
Pascal  meditated  and  accomplished.  After  the  death  of  Conrad, 
he  excited  young  Henry  to  rebel  against  his  father,  under  pre- 
tence of  defending  the  cause  of  orthodoxy ;  alleging,  that  he 
was  bound  to  take  upon  himself  the  reins  of  government,  as  he 
could  not  acknowledge  an  excommunicated  king  or  father^'. 

In  vain  did  the  emperor  use  every  paternal  remonstrance  to 
dissuade  his  son  from  proceeding  to  extremities:  the  breach  be- 
came wider ;  and  both  prepared  for  the  decision  of  the  sword. 
But  the  son,  dreading  his  father's  military  superiority,  and  con- 
fiding in  his  tenderness,  made  use  of  a  stratagem  as  base  as  it 
was  effectual.  He  threw  himself  unexpectedly  at  the  emperor's 
feet,  and  implored  pardon  for  his  undutiful  behaviour,  which  he 
imputed  to  the  advice  of  evil  counsellors.  In  consequence  of 
this  submission,  he  was  taken  into  favour  by  his  deceived  pa- 
rent, who  immediately  dismissed  his  army.  The  ungrateful 
youth  now  bared  his  perfidious  heart :  he  ordered  his  father  to 
be  confined ;  and  assembled  a  diet  of  his  own  confederates,  at 
which  the  pope's  legate  presided,  and  repeated  the  \\c\'^ 
sentence  ofexcommunication  against  the  obnoxious 

26  CUron.  Magdeb,  27  Dithmar.  Hist.  Bell .  inter.  Imp.  et  Sacerdot. 


200  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

emperor,  whose  dignity  was  instantly  transferred  to  his  rebel- 
lious son^^ 

The  archbishops  of  Mentz  and  Cologne  were  sent  as  depu- 
ties to  the  old  emperor,  to  intimate  his  deposition,  and  demand 
the  regalia.  Henry  received  this  deputation  with  equal  surprise 
and  concern;  and  finding  that  the  chief  accusation  against  him 
was,  "  the  scandalous  manner  in  which  he  had  set  bishoprics  to 
"  sale,"  he  thus  addressed  the  audacious  ecclesiastics  :  "  If  I 
"  have  prostituted  the  benefices  of  the  church  for  hire,  you  your- 
"  selves  are  the  most  proper  persons  to  convict  me  of  that  si- 
*'  mony.  Say,  then,  I  conjure  you,  in  the  name  of  the  eternal 
"  God  !  what  have  I  exacted,  or  what  have  I  received,  for  hav- 
"  ing  promoted  you  to  the  dignities  which  you  now  enjoy  ?'*' 
They  acknowledged  he  was  innocent,  as  far  as  regarded  their 
preferment: — "  and  yet,"  continued  he,  "  the  archbishoprics  of 
*'  Mentz  and  Cologne,  being  two  of  the  best  in  my  gift,  I  might 
*'  have  filled  my  cofters  by  exposing  them  to  sale.  I  bestowed 
*'  them,  however,  on  you,  out  of  free  grace  and  favour  ;  and  a 
"  worthy  return  you  make  to  my  benevolence! — Do  not,  I  be- 
*'  seech  you,  become  abettors  of  those  who  have  lifted  up  their 
"  hands  against  their  lord  and  master,  in  defiance  of  faith,  gra- 
"  titude,  and  allegiance." 

As  the  two  archbishops,  unmoved  by  that  pathetic  address, 
insisted  on  his  comj:)liance  with  the  purport  of  their  errand,  he 
retired,  and  put  on  his  royal  ornaments;  then  returning  to  the 
apartment  he  had  left,  and  seating  himself  on  a  chair  of  state, 
he  renewed  his  remonstrance  in  these  words ;  *'  Here  are  the 
"  marks  of  that  royalty  with  which  I  was  investad  by  God  and 
*'  the  princes  of  the  empire  :  if  you  disregard  the  wrath  of  Hea- 
*'  ven,  and  the  eternal  reproach  of  mankind,  so  much  as  to  lay 
*'  violent  hands  on  your  sovereign,  you  may  strip  me  of  them. 
"  I  am  not  in  a  condition  to  defend  myself." 

Regardless  of  these  expostulations,  the  unfeeling  prelates 
snatched  the  crown  from  his  head,  and,  dragging  him  from  his 
chair,  pulled  off  his  robes  by  force.  While  they  were  thus 
employed,  Henry  exclaimed,  "  Great  God  !" — the  tears  flowed 
down  his  venerable  cheeks — <^'  thou  art  the  God  of  vengeance, 
*'  and  wilt  repay  this  outrage.  I  have  sinned,  I  own,  and  me- 
"  riled  such  shame  by  the  follies  of  my  youth  ;  but  thou  wilt 
"  not  fail  to  punish  those  traitors,  for  their  insolence,  ingrati- 
"  tude,  and  perjuryz^." 

To  such  a  degree  of  wretchedness  was  this  prince  reduced  by 
the  barbarity  of  his  son,  that,  destitute  of  the  common  necessa- 

aS  Dithmar.  His(.  Bell,  inter  Imp.  etSaceHot.  29  Dithmar.  ubi  sup.— Heiss,  lib.  ii.cap.  i\. 


lET.  XXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  201 

ries  of  life,  he  entreated  the  bishop  of  Spire,  whom  he  had  pro- 
moted to  that  see,  to  grant  him  a  canonry  for  his  subsistence ; 
representing  that  he  was  capable  of  performing  the  office  of 
"  chanter  or  reader  I''  Disappointed  in  that  humble  request,  he 
shed  a  flood  of  tears,  and,  turning  to  those  who  were  present, 
said,  with  a  deep  sigh,  "  My  dear  friends,  at  least  have  pity  on 
"  my  condition,  for  I  am  touched  by  the  hand  of  the  Lord !" 
The  hand  of  man,  at  least,  was  heavy  upon  him;  for  he  was 
not  only  in  want,  but  under  confinement. 

In  the  midst  of  these  distresses,  when  every  one  thought  his 
courage  was  utterly  extinguished,  and  his  soul  overwhelmed  by 
despondence,  Henry  found  means  to  escape  from  custody,  and 
reached  Cologne,  where  he  was  recognised  as  lawful  emperor. 
He  then  repaired  to  the  Low  Countries,  where  he  found  friends, 
who  raised  a  considerable  body  of  men  to  facilitate  his  resto- 
ration ;  and  he  sent  circular  letters  to  the  princes  of  Christen- 
dom, in  order  to  interest  them  in  his  cause.  He  even  wrote 
to  the  pope,  giving  him  to  understand  that  he  was  inclined  to 
an  accommodation,  provided  it  could  be  settled  without  preju- 
dice to  his  crown.  But  before  any  thing  material  could  be  ex- 
ecuted in  his  favour,  he  died  at  Liege,  in  the  fifty-  »  -  1 160 
sixth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  forty-ninth  of  his  °'  ' 
reign.  He  was  a  prince  of  great  courage,  and  excellent  en- 
dowments both  of  body  and  mind.  There  was  an  air  of  dig- 
nity in  his  appearance  that  spoke  the  greatness  of  his  soul.  He 
possessed  a  natural  fund  of  eloquence  and  vivacity ;  was  of  a 
mild  and  merciful  temper ;  extremely  charitable  ;  and  an  ad- 
mirable pattern  of  fortitude  and  resignation^". 

Henry  V.  put  the  finishing  stroke  to  his  barbarous,  unnatu- 
ral, and  hypocritical  conduct,  by  causing  his  father's  body,  as 
the  carcass  of  an  excommunicated  wretch,  to  be  dug  out  of  the 
grave  where  it  was  buried,  in  the  cathedral  of  Liege,  and  be 
carried  to  a  cave  at  Spire^',  But,  notwithstanding  his  obliga- 
tions, ^nd  seeming  attachment  to  the  church,  this  parricidil 
zealot  no  sooner  found  himself  established  upon  the  imperial 
throne,  than  he  maintained  that  right  of  investiture  in  opposition 
to  which  he  had  taken  arms  against  his  father,  and  the  exercise 
of  which  w^as  thought  to  merit  anathemas  so  frightful  as  to  dis- 
turb the  sacred  mansions  of  the  dead. 

In  order  to  terminate  that  old  dispute,  Henry  invited  the  pope 
into  Germany.  But  Pascal,  who  was  well  acquainted  with  the 
)iew'  emperor's  haughty  and  implacable  disposition,  thought 
proper  to  take  a  different  route,  and  put  himself  under  the  pro- 

30  Leonis  Osfiens.  Hist.— Hhron.  Magdeb.  31  Annal  de  I'Emp.  »ome  i. 

Vol.  L  C  c 


202  THE  HSITORY  OF  part  i. 

tection  of  Philip  I.,  king  of  France,  who  undertook  to  mediate 

an  accommodation  between  the  empire  and  the  holy  see.     A 

conference  accordingly  took  place  at  Chalons,  but  without  effect. 

After  this  unsuccessful  meeting,  the  pope  held  a  council  at 

.  .^„  Troves,  and  Henry  convoked  a  diet  at  Mentz ;  the 

*  former  supported  Pascal's  pretensions,  and  the  lat- 
ter declared  for  the  emperor's  right  of  investiture.  But  more 
weighty  affairs  demanding  Henry's  attention,  the  dispute  sub- 
sided for  a  time.  He  was  engaged  for  several  years  in  wars 
with  Hungary  and  Poland,  which  ended  without  any  very  re- 
markable incidents,  and  left  things  nearly  as  at  the  beginning. 

When  he  was  weary  of  fighting,  Henry  thought  of  disputing; 
he  was  desirous  of  settling  his  contest  with  the  pope;  and  there- 
in 1    ^^^^  entered  Italy  with  such  an  army  as  he  thought 

*  would  intimidate  the  pontiff.  Pascal  received  him 
with  an  appearance  of  cordiality,  but  would  not  renounce  the 
claim  of  investiture;  and  Henry,  finding  himself  deceived  in  his 
expectations,  ordered  the  pope  to  be  seized.  The  citizens  now 
took  up  arms,  and  a  battle  was  fought  within  the  walls  of  Rome. 
The  Romans  were  defeated ;  and  the  carnage  was  so  great,  that 
the  waters  of  the  Tiber  were  stained  with  blood.  Pascal  was 
taken  prisoner,  and  became  less  inflexible.  He  crowned  Henry, 
and  confirmed  him  in  the  right  of  investiture;  dividing  the  host 
with  him,  at  the  same  time,  in  token  of  perfect  reconciliation, 
and  pronouncing  the  following  anathema :  "  As  this  part  of  the 
"  vivifying  body  is  separated  from  the  other,  let  the  violator  of 
"  this  treaty  be  separated  from  the  kingdom  of  Christ'^" 

But  Henry  had  no  sooner  left  Italy  than  it  appeared  that  the 

court  of  Rome  was  by  no  means  sincere  in  the  concessions  it 

had  made;  for,  although  Pascal  himself  still  preserved  the  ex- 

1112  ^^^'^''s  of  friendship  and  good  faith,  a  council  of 

*  the  Lateran,  called  by  him,  annulled  the  bull  for 
the  royal  investiture  of  benefices,  and  ordered  the  emperor  to 
be  excommunicated. 

A  rebellion  broke  out  in  Saxony,  which  Henry  was  enabled 

1114  ^o9"^^^t)ythe  valour  of  his  nephew,  Frederic  duke 
'  of  Suabia  and  Alsace,  whom  he  had  promoted  to 

the  supreme  command  of  his  army.  On  the  death  of  the  coun- 
tess Matilda,  the  emperor,  as  her  nearest  relative,  claimed  the 

1115  ^"^^^^S'^^o"  notwithstanding  the  steps  she  had  taken 

*  in  favour  of  the  holy  see,  alleging  that  it  was  not  in 
her  power  to  alienate  her  estates,  which  depended  immediately 
upon  the  empire.  He  therefore  set  out  for  Lombardy,  and  sent 
ambassadors  to  Rome,  beseeching  the  pope  to  revoke  that  sen- 

32  Chron.  Abb.  PetriburgenB. — Padre  Paolo,  Belief.  Eccles. 


LET.  xxiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  203 

tence  of  excommunication  which,  in  defiance  of  their  last  agree- 
ment, had  been  fulminated  against  him. 

Pascal  would  not  even  favour  the  ambassadors  with  an  au- 
dience, but  convoked  a  council,  in  which  his  treaty  with  the  em- 
peror was  a  second  time  condemned.  Incensed  at  n  i  r 
such  arroi^ance,  Henry  advanced  towards  Rome,  *  * 
determimed  to  make  his  authority  respected  ;  and  the  pope, 
alarmed  athis  approach,  took  shelter  among  the  Norman  princes 
in  Apulia,  the  new  vassals  and  protectors  of  the  church. 

The  emperor  entered  Rome  in  triumph,  and  was  crowned 
by  Burdin  bishop  of  Braga,  who  attended  him  in  1117 

this  expedition.  But  Henry's  presence  being  neces- 
sary in  Tuscany,  Pascal  privately  returned  to  Rome,  where  he 
died  after  a  pontificate  unusually  long.     Cardinal  . . ._ 

Cajetan  was  elected  his  successor,  without  the  as-     *     ' 
sent  of  the  emperor,  under  the  name  of  Gelasius  II, 

Enraged  at  this  presumption,  Henry  declared  the  election 
void,  and  ordered  the  substitution  of  Burdin,  who  assumed  the 
name  of  Grogory  VIII.,  revoked  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion against  his  patron,  and  confirmed  his  right  of  investiture. 
Gelasius,  though  supported  by  the  Norman  princes,  was  obliged 
to  take  refuge  in  France,  where  he  died  ;  and  the  1 1  m 

archbishop  of  Vienne  was  elected  in  his  room,  by  *  *     * 
the  cardinals  then  present,  under  the  name  of  Calixtus  II. 

Calixtus  attempted  an  accommodation  with  Henry,  which  not 
succeeding,  he  called  a  council,  and  excommunicated  both  the 
emperor  and  the  antipope.     He  then  set  out  for  .   »_ 

Rome,  where  he  was  honourably  received,  and  Gre- 
^gory  VIII.  retired  to  Sutri,  a  strong  town  garrisoned  by  the  em- 
peror's troops.  They  were  not,  however,  able  to  protect  him 
from  the  fury  of  his  rival.  Calixtus,  assisted  by  the  Norman 
princes,  besieged  Sutri ;  and  the  inhabitants,  dreading  the  con- 
sequences, delivered  up  Gregory,  who  was  placed  by  his  compe- 
titor upon  a  camel,  with  his  face  towards  the  tail,  and  conduct- 
ed through  the  streets  of  Rome,  amid  the  scoft's  and  insults  of 
the  populace,  as  a  prelude  to  his  confinement  for  life". 

The  states  of  the  empire  wishing  for  a  termination  of  this  long 
contest  between  the  popes  and  the  emperors,  unanimously  sup- 
plicated Henry  for  peace.  He  referred  himself  entirely  to  their 
decision  :  and  a  diet  being  assembled  at  Worms,  it  was  de- 
creed, that  an  embassy  should  immediately  be  sent  to  the  pope, 
desiring  that  he  would  convoke  a  general  council  at  Rome,  by 
which  all  disputes  might  be  determined.  Calixtus  «  \\o-^ 
accordingly  called  the  famous  council,  which  was     '     ' 

33  Dicbmnr.  Hist.  Bel!,  inter  Imp.  etSacerdot. 


204  THE  HISTORY  OB'  part  i. 

opened  during  Lent,  and  at  which  were  present  three  hundred 
bisliops,  and  about  seven  hundred  abbots. 

The  imperial  ambassadors  being  heard  before  this  grand  as- 
sembly, the  affair  of  investiture  was  at  length  settled,  with  their 
consent,  on  the  follow  ing  conditions  : — "  That,  for  the  future, 
"  the  bishops  and  abbots  should  be  chosen  by  the  monks  and 
"  canons  ;  but  that  this  election  should  be  made  in  the  presence 
"  of  the  emperor,  or  of  an  ambassador  appointed  by  him  for  that 
"  purpose  :  that,  in  case  of  a  dispute  among  the  electors  the  de- 
"  cision  of  it  should  be  left  to  the  emperor,  who  was  to  consult 
'^  with  the  bishops  on  that  subject ;  that  the  bishop  or  abbot 
"  elect  should  take  an  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  emperor,  receive 
"  from  his  hand  the  regalia^  and  do  homage  for  them  ;  that  the 
"  emperor  should  no  longer  confer  the  regalia  by  the  ceremony 
*'  of  the  ring  and  crosier,  which  were  the  ensigns  of  a  spiritual 
*'  dignity,  but  by  that  of  the  sceptre,  as  more  proper  to  invest 
*'  the  person  elected  in  the  possession  of  rights  and  privileges 
"  merely  temporal*." 

Thus,  in  substituting  the  sceptre  for  the  ring  and  crosier^ 
ended  one  of  the  most  bloody  quarrels  that  ever  desolated 
Christendom.  But  as  no  mention  had  been  made,  in  this  ac- 
commodation of, the  emperor's  right  to  create  popes,  or  to  in- 
1 194.  t^'"'^"'^^dle  in  their  election,  Calixtus  was  no  sooner 
dead,  than  the  cardinals,  clergy,  and  people  of 
Rome,  without  the  participation  of  Henry,  proceeded  to  a  new 
election,  which  was  carried  on  with  so  much  disorder,  that  two 
persons  were  chosen  at  the  same  time;  Theobald,  called  Celes- 
tine,  and  Lambert,  bishop  of  Ostia,  who  assumed  the  name  of 
Honorius  IL  The  latter  was  confirmed  in  the  papacy,  on  the 
voluntary  resignation  of  his  competitor. 

Henry  died  at  Utrecht  at  the  age  of  forty-four  years.     He 
TV  J       1  iQc  ^^'^s  a  wise,  politic,  and  resolute  prince  ;  and,  ex- 

'^'  *  elusive  of  his  unnatural  behaviour  to  his  father, 

was  worthy  of  the  imperial  throne.  As  he  had  no  children  by 
his  wife  Matilda,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Henry  L  of  Eng- 
land, a  contest  arose  for  the  succession.  But  a  variety  of  ob- 
jects demand  your  attention,  before  I  proceed  with  the  history 
of  Germany. 

34  Padre  Paolo,  ubi  sup. — Schilt.  de  Libertat.  German,  fib.  iv. 


LET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  205 

LETTER  XXIV. 

Of  the  Rc'igns  of  the  first  three  Norman  Kings  nf  England. 

YOU  have  already,  my  clear  Philip,  seen  the  Norman  duke 
victorious  at  Hastings.  Nothing  could  exceed  the  astonishment 
of  the  Engl  ish  nation  at  the  issue  of  that  unfortunate  ,  ^^^ 

battle — the  death  of  their  king,  and  the  slaughter  of 
their  principal  nobility.  And  William,  in  order  to  terminate  an 
enterprise  which  required  celerity  and  vigour  to  render  it  com-" 
pletely  successful,  instantly  put  his  army  in  motion,  and  advan- 
ced by  forced  marches  to  London.  His  approach  increased  the 
general  alarm,  and  the  divisions  already  prevalent  in  the  Eng- 
lish councils.  The  superior  clergy,  many  of  whom  even  then 
were  French  or  Normans,  began  to  declare  in  his  favour ;  and 
the  pope's  bull,  by  which  his  undertaking  was  avowed  and  con- 
secrated, was  now  offered  as  a  reason  for  general  submission. 

Other  causes  rendered  it  difficult  for  the  English,  destitute  as 
they  were  of  a  leader,  to  defend  their  liberties  in  this  critical 
emergency.  The  body  of  the  people  had,  in  a  great  measure, 
lost  their  ancient  pride  and  independent  spirit,  during  their  sub- 
jection to  the  Danes:  and  as  Canute  had  in  the  course  of  his  ad- 
ministration, much  abated  the  rigours  of  conquest,  and  governed 
them  equitably  by  their  own  laws,  they  regarded  with  less  ter- 
ror a  foreign  sovereign  ;  and  deemed  the  inconveniences  of  ad- 
mitting the  pretensions  of  William  less  dreadful  than  those  of 
bloodshed,  war,  and  resistance.  A  repulse,  which  a  party  of 
Londoners  received  from  five  hundred  Norman  horse,  renewed 
the  terror  of  the  great  defeat  at  Hastings ;  the  easy  submission 
of  all  the  inhabitants  of  Kent  was  an  additional  discouragement; 
and  the  burning  of  Southwark  made  the  citizens  of  London 
dread  a  like  fate  for  their  capital.  Few  men  longer  entertained 
any  thoughts  but  of  immediate  safety  and  self  preservation. 

Stigand,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  met  the  conqueror  at 
Berkhamstead,  and  made  submission  to  him  :  and  before  he 
reached  London,  all  the  chief  nobility,  with  the  weak  Edgar 
Atheling,  their  lawful  but  deservedly  neglected  prince,  came  into 
William's  camp,  and  declared  their  intention  of  yielding  to  his 
authority.  They  requested  him  to  accept  the  crown,  vyhich 
they  now  considered  as  vacant ;  and  orders  were  immediately 
issued  to  prepare  every  thing  for  the  ceremony  of  his  corona- 
tioi?.    It  was  accordingly  performed  in  Westminster- abbey,  in 


206  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

presence  of  the  most  considerable  nobility  and  gentry,  both 
English  and  Norman,  with  seeming  satisfaction'.  This  appear- 
ance of  satisfaction  on  the  part  of  the  former,  if  it  contained  any 
sincerity,  must  have  been  the  effect  of  the  conciliating  manner 
in  which  the  ceremony  was  conducted.  The  duke  took  the 
usual  oath  administered  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  kings  at  their  in- 
auguration; namely,  "  to  preserve  inviolate  the  constitution, 
•'  and  govern  according  to  the  laws,"  before  the  crown  was 
placed  upon  his  head,  and  after  the  consent  of  all  present  had 
been  asked  and  obtained*. 

William,  thus  possessed  of  the  throne  by  a  pretended  will  of 
,  j-.^_  king  Edward  and  an  irregular  election  of  the  people 
*  abetted  by  force  of  arms,  retired  to  Barking  in  Es- 
sex j  where  he  received  the  submissions  of  all  the  nobles  who 
had  not  attended  his  coronation,  and  whom  he  generally  con- 
firmed in  the  possession  of  their  lands  and  dignities,  confiscating 
only  the  estates  of  Harold  and  those  of  his  most  active  partisans. 
Every  thing  wore  the  appearance  of  peace  and  tranquillity.  The 
new  sovereign  seemed  solicitous  to  unite  the  English  and  Nor- 
mans by  intermarriages  and  alliances  :  and  all  his  subjects  who 
approached  his  person  were  received  with  affability  and  respect. 
He  confirmed  the  liberties  aijid  immunities  of  London,  and  all 
the  other  cities  of  England ;  and  seemed  desirous  of  resting 
every  thing  on  ancient  foundations.  In  his  whole  administration 
he  bore  the  semblance  of  the  lawful  prince,  not  of  the  conquer- 
or ;  so  that  the  English  began  to  flatter  themselves  they  had 
only  changed  the  succession  of  their  sovereigns — a  point  which 
gave  them  little  concern — without  injury  to  the  form  of  their 
government. 

But,  notwithstanding  this  seeming  confidence  and  friendship 
which  he  expressed  for  his  English  subjects,  he  took  care  to 
place  all  real  power  in  the  hands  of  the  Normans,  and  still  to 
keep  possession  of  that  sword  to  which  he  was  chiefly  indebted 
for  his  crown.  He  every-where  disarmed  the  inhabitants  :  he 
built  fortresses  in  the  principal  towns,  where  he  quartered  Nor- 
man soldiers;  he  bestowed  the  forfeited  estates  on  the  most  pow- 
erful of  his  captains,  and  established  funds  for  the  payment  of 

1  Gm!.  Pictav. — Orderic.  Vita). 

2  Aware  that  such  an  oath  would  be  demanded,  and  conscious  that  he  must  either  vio- 
^Ue  it  or  relinquish  the  lights  of  conquest,  William  is  said  to  have  hesitated,  whether  he 
siiould  accept  the  offer  of  the  English  crown  from  the  nobility  and  clergy,  or  owe  it  solely 
to  the  sword.  But  his  most  experienced  officers  advised  him  to  moderate  his  ambition  ; 
sensible  that  the  people  of  England,  wlien  they  saw  they  had  to  contend  for  their  free  con- 
stitution, and  not  meitly  for  the  person  who  should  administer  their  government,  wouh! 
iiglit  with  double  fury,  when  they  found  that  their  dearest  interests,  their  liberty,  and  pro- 
jierty,  were  at  stake.     Gul.  Pictav, 


lET.  xxiT.  MODERN  EUROPE.  20r 

his  troops.  While  his  civil  administration  seemed  to  be  that  of 
the  legal  magistrate,  his  military  institutions  were  those  of  a 
master  and  a  tyrant.  By  this  mixture  of  rigour  and  lenity  he 
so  subdued  and  composed  the  minds  of  the  people  of  England, 
that  he  ventured  to  visit  his  native  country  within  six  months 
after  he  had  left  it. 

Various  reasons  have  been  assigned  by  historians  for  this  ex- 
traordinary journey ;  for  extraordinary  it  certainly  was  in  Wil- 
liam, as  Normandy  remained  in  tranquillity,  to  absent  himself 
so  soon  after  the  exterior  submission  of  a  great  nation.  Some 
have  ascribed  it  to  an  ostentatious  desire  of  displaying  his  pomp 
and  magnificence  among  his  ancient  courtiers ;  while  others, 
supposing  him  incapable  of  such  weakness,  affirm,  that  in  this 
step,  apparently  so  extravagant,  he  was  guided  by  a  concealed 
policy ;  that  finding  he  could  neither  satisfy  his  rapacious  offi- 
cers, nor  secure  his  unstable  government,  without  seizing  the 
possessions  of  the  English  nobility  and  gentry,  he  left  them  to 
the  mercy  of  an  insolent  and  licentious  army,  in  order  to  try 
their  spirit,  to  provoke  them  to  rebellion,  and  to  give  a  colour 
to  his  intended  usurpations.  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  Wil- 
liam was  influenced  by  both  these  motives  in  undertaking  his 
journey  to  Normandy.  But,  whatever  was  the  cause,  the  effect 
is  certain :  many  of  the  English  gentry  revolted  in  consequence 
of  the  king's  absence  ;  and  he  thenceforth  either  embraced,  or 
was  more  fully  confirmed  in,  the  resolution  of  reducing  them  to 
the  most  abject  condition. 

But  although  the  natural  violence  and  austerity  of  William's 
temper  prevented  him  from  feeling  any  scruples  in  the  execution 
of  this  tyrannical  purpose,  he  had  art  enough  to  conceal  his  in- 
tention, and  still  to  preserve  some  appearance  of  justice  in  his 
oppressions.  He  was  prevailed  on  to  pardon  the  rebels  who 
submitted  to  his  mercy  ;  and  he  ordered  that  all  his  English 
subjects  who  had  been  arbitrarily  expelled  from  their  posses- 
sions by  the  Normans  during  his  absence,  should  be  reinstated. 
The  public  discontents,  however,  daily  increased ;  and  the 
injuries  committed  and  suffered  on  both  sides  highly  embit- 
tered the  quarrel  between  the  victors  and  vanquished.  The 
insolence  of  imperious  masters,  dispersed  through  the  king- 
dom, seenied  intolerable  to  the  natives,  who  took  every  oppor- 
tunity of  gratifying  their  vengeance  by  the  private  slaughter  of 
their  enemies. — Meanwhile  an  insurrection  in  the  northern 
counties  drew  general  attention,  and  seemed  pregnant  with  the 
most  important  events. 

Edwin  and  Morcar,  the  potent  earls  of  Mercia  lOfiR 

and  Northumberland,  w  ere  the  conductors  of  this 


208  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

attempt  to  shake  off  the  Norman  yoke.  Before  they  took  arms, 
they  had  stipulated  for  aid  from  Blethin,  prince  of  North  Wales, 
Malcolm,  king  of  Scotland,  and  Sweyn,  king  of  Denmark. — 
Aware  of  the  importance  of  celerity  in  crushing  a  rebellion  sup- 
ported by  such  powerful  leaders,  and  in  a  cause  so  agreeable  to 
the  wishes  of  the  body  of  the  people,  William,  who  had  always 
his  troops  in  readiness,  marched  northward  with  speed ;  and 
reached  York  before  the  hostile  chieftains  were  prepared  for  ac- 
tion, or  had  received  any  succours,  except  a  small  reinforcement 
from  Wales.  Edwin  and  Morcar,  therefore  found  it  necessary 
to  have  recourse  to  the  clemency  of  the  king  :  and  their  adhe- 
rents, thus  deserted,  were  unable  to  make  any  resistance.  But 
the  treatment  of  the  chieftans  and  their  followers,  after  submis- 
sion, was  very  different.  William  observed  religiously  the 
terms  granted  to  the  former,  and  allowed  them  for  the  present 
to  keep  possession  of  their  estates  :  but  he  punished  the  latter 
w  ith  the  rigours  of  confiscation^ 

The  English  were  now  convinced  that  their  final  subjection 
was  intended.  The  early  confiscation  of  the  estates  of  Harold's 
followers  seemed  iniquitous,  as  the  proprietors  had  never  sworn 
fealty  to  the  duke  of  Normandy,  and  fought  only  in  defence  of 
that  government  which  they  themselves  had  established.  Yet 
that  rigour,  however  repugnant  to  the  spirit  of  the  Anglo-Saxon 
laws,  was  excused  on  account  of  the  urgent  necessities  of  the 
victor;  and  such  as  were  not  involved  in  those  forfeitures  hoped 
to  enjoy  unmolested  their  possessions  and  their  dignities.  But 
the  subsequent  confiscation  of  so  many  estates  in  favour  of  the 
Normans,  convinced  the  people  that  William  intended  to  rely 
jiolely,  for  the  maintenance  of  his  authority,  on  the  support 
and  affection  of  foreigners.  And  they  foresaw  that  new  for- 
feitures and  attainders  would  necessarily  ensue  from  this  de- 
structive plan  of  policy. 

Impressed  with  a  sense  of  their  melancholy  situation,  many 
of  the  English  fled  into  foreign  countries,  with  an  intention  of 
passing  their  lives  abroad,  free  from  oppression,  or  of  returning 
at  an  early  opportunity  to  assist  their  friends  in  recovering  their 
native  liberties.  Edgar  Atheling  himself,  though  caressed  by 
William,  retired  into  Scotland  with  his  sisters  Margaret  and 
Christina.  They  were  well  received  by  Malcolm  III.,  who  soon 
after  espoused  Margaret ;  and  pardy  with  a  view  of  strength- 
ened his  kingdom  by  the  accession  of  so  many  strangers,  part- 
ly in  the  hope  of  employing  them  against  the  growing  power  of 
William,  he  gave  great  countenance  to  all  the  English  exiles*. 

SOrtleric.  Vital. — Sim.  Dunelaa.  4  Mr.t.t!i.  Par.  Hist.  Maj— Iloved.  Aiii>.;il. 


lbt.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  209 

Many  of  them  settled  in  Scotland,  and  there  laid  the  foundations 
of  families  which  afterward  made  a  fiyjLire  in  that  kingdom. 

While  the  people  of  England  laboured  under  those  oppres- 
sions, new  atttempts  were  made  for  the  recovery  of  their  liber- 
ties. Godwin,  Edmund,  and  Magnus,  sons  of  Harold,  had 
sought  a  retreat  in  Ireland,  after  the  defeat  at  Hastings ;  and 
having  met  with  a  kind  reception  from  the  princes  of  that  island, 
they  projected  an  invasion  of  England,  and  hoped  that  all  the 
exiles  from  Denmark,  Scotland,  and  Wales,  assisted  by  forces 
from  these  several  countries,  would  at  once  commence  hostili- 
ties, and  rouse  the  resentment  of  the  English  nation  against 
their  hausrhty  conquerors.  Thev  landed  in  Devon-  ^  ^  in/c:Q 
shire,  but  found  a  body  of  Normans  ready  to  op- 
pose them ;  and,  being  defeated  in  several  encounters,  they 
were  obliged  to  seek  shelter  in  their  ships. 

The  struggle,  however,  was  not  yet  over :  all  the  north  of 
England  was  soon  in  arms.  The  Northumbrians,  impatient  of 
servitude,  had  attacked  Robert  de  Comyn,  governor  of  Dur- 
ham, and  put  him  and  seven  hundred  of  his  followers  to  death. 
This  example  animated  the  inhabitants  of  York,  who  slew  Ro- 
bert Fitz- Richard  their  governor,  and  besieged  in  the  casde 
William  Malet,  on  whom  the  chief  command  had  devolved. 
About  the  same  time  a  Danish  army  landed,  under  the  com- 
mand of  Osberne,  brother  to  king  Sweyn ;  and  Edgar  Atheling 
also  re-appeared  with  some  English  noblemen  who  had  shared 
his  exile,  and  who  easily  excited  the  warlike  and  discontented 
Northumbrians  to  a  general  insurrection. 

To  provide  more  effectually  for  the  defence  of  the  citadel  of 
York,  Malet  set  fire  to  some  neighbouring  houses.  The  flames 
quickly  spreading,  reduced  the  greater  part  of  the  city  to  ashes ; 
and  the  enraged  inhabitants,  aided  by  the  Danes,  took  advan- 
tage of  the  confusion  to  attack  the  fortress,  which  they  carried 
by  assault,  and  put  the  garrison,  amounting  to  three  thousand 
men,  to  the  sword.  This  success  served  as  a  signal  of  revolt 
to  many  other  parts  of  the  kingdom.  The  English,  repenting 
of  their  former  too  easy  submission,  seemed  determined  to 
make  one  great  effort  for  the  recovery  of  their  liberty  and  the 
expulsion  of  their  oppressors*. 

Undismayed  amidst  these  alarms,  William  marched  against 
the  insurgents  in  the  north;  whom  he  considered  as  most  for- 
midable. Not  choosing,  however,  to  trust  entirely  to  force,  he 
endeavoured  to  weaken  the  rebels  by  detaching  the  Danes  from 
them.     He  prevailed  upon  Osberne,  by  large  presents,  and  the 

5  Ord.  Vital.— Gul.  Gemet.— Sim.  Dunelm. 

Vol.  I.  Dd 


£10  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

liberty  of  plundering  the  coast,  to  desert  his  engagements. 
Many  English  noblemen,  in  despair,  followed  the  unworthy 
example,  and  made  submissions  to  the  conqueror.  Malcolm, 
coming  too  late  to  support  his  confederates,  was  obliged  to  re- 
,^^p.  tire;  and  the  Normans  again  triumphed.  Prince 
Edgar  escaped  to  the  court  of  that  monarch ;  but 
he  afterwards  submitted  to  his  enemy,  and  was  permitted  to 
live  unmolested  in  England^. 

William's  seeming  clemency  proceeded  only  from  political 
considerations,  or  from  his  esteem  of  individuals ;  his  heart  was 
hardened  against  all  compassion  toward  the  English  as  a  peo- 
ple; and  he  scrupled  no  measure,  however  violent,  which  seem- 
ed requisite  to  support  his  plan  of  tyrannical  administration. 
To  punish  the  Northumbrians,  and  incapacitate  them  from 
ever  more  molesting  him,  he  issued  orders  for  laying  waste  the 
whole  country  between  the  Humber  and  the  Tyne^.  The 
houses  w  ere  reduced  to  ashes  by  the  unfeeling  Normans ;  the 
cattle  were  seized  and  driven  awav;  the  instruments  of  husband- 
ry were  destroyed;  and  the  inhabitants  were  compelled  either 
to  seek  a  subsistence  in  the  southern  parts  of  Scotland,  or  to 
perish  miserably  in  the  woods  from  cold  and  hunger.  The 
lives  of  a  hundred  thousand  persons  are  computed  to  have  been 
sacrificed  to  this  stroke  of  barbarous  policy*;  which,  by  seeking 
a  remedy  for  a  temporary  evil,  inflicted  a  lasting  wound  on  the 
power  and  population  of  the  country. 

The  insurrections  and  conspiracies,  in  different  parts  of  the 
kingdom,  had  involved  the  bulk  of  the  landholders  in  the  guilt 
of  treason ;  and  the  king  rigorously  executed  against  them  the 
laws  of  forfeiture  and  attainder.  Their  lives  were  commonly 
spared;  but  their  estates  were  either  annexed  to  the  royal  do- 
main, or  conferred  with  the  most  profuse  bounty  on  the  Nor- 
mans and  other  foreigners.  Against  a  people  thus  devoted  to 
destruction,  any  suspicion  served  as  the  most  undoubted  proof 
of  guilt.  It  was  a  sufficient  crime  in  an  Englishman  to  be  opu- 
lent, noble,  or  powerful :  and  the  policy  of  the  king,  concurring 
with  the  rapacity  of  needy  adventurers,  produced  an  almost 
total  revolution  in  the  landed  property  of  the  kingdom.  Ancient 
and  honorable  families  were  reduced  to  beggary.  The  nobles 
were  treated  with  ignominy  and  contempt;  they  had  the  morti- 
fication to  see  their  castles  and  manors  possessed  by  Normans 
of  the  meanest  condition,  and  to  find  themselves  excluded  from 
every  road  that  led  either  to  riches  or  preferment^. 

Power  naturally  follows  property.    This  change  of  Ic^ndhold- 

6  Gul.  Gemet. — Hoved.  7  Chron.  Sax. — Sim.  Diinelm.— Ftoi-.  Vigorn. 

8  Order.  Vital.  9  M.  Weslm.— Ord'  i  Vital. 


LET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  211 

ers  alone,  therefore,  gave  great  security  to  the  Norman  govem- 
inent.  But  William  also  took  care,  by  the  new  institutions  that 
he  established,  to  retain  for  ever  the  military  authority  in  those 
hands  which  enabled  him  to  acquire  the  kingdom.  He  in- 
troduced into  England  the  feudal  polity,  which  he  found  estab- 
lished in  France  and  Normandy  ;  and  which,  during  that  age, 
was  the  foundation  both  of  the  stability  and  of  the  disorders  in 
most  of  the  monarchical  governments  of  Europe.  He  divided 
all  the  lands  of  England,  with  few  exceptions,  into  baronies ; 
and  he  conferred  these,  with  the  reservation  of  stated  services 
and  payments,  on  the  most  considerable  of  his  followers.  The 
barons,  who  held  immediately  of  the  crown,  assigned  parts  of 
their  lands  to  other  foreigners,  who  u  ere  denominated  knights 
or  vassals,  and  who  paid  their  lord  the  same  duty  and  submis- 
sion in  peace  and  war,  which  he  owed  to  his  sovereign.  As 
scarcely  any  of  the  native  English  were  admitted  into  the  first 
rank,  the  few  who  retained  any  landed  property  were  glad  to 
be  received  into  the  second,  and,  under  the  protection  of  some 
powerful  Norman,  to  load  themselves  and  their  posterity  with 
a  grievous  servitude  for  estates  which  had  been  transmitted 
free  to  them  from  their  ancestors'". 

William's  next  regulations  regarded  the  church.  He  deposed 
Stigand,  the  primate,  and  several  other  English  bishops,  by  the 
assistance  of  Ermenfroy,  the  pope's  legate;  and  as  it  was  a  fixed 
maxim  in  his  reign,  as  well  as  in  some  of  the  subsequent,  that 
no  native  of  the  island  should  be  advanced  to  any  dignity,  eccle- 
siastical, civil,  or  military,  the  king  promoted  Lanfranc,  a  Mi- 
lanese monk,  to  the  see  of  Canterbury.  That  prelate  professed 
the  most  devoted  attachment  to  Rome,  which  thenceforth  daily 
increased  in  England,  and  became  very  dangerous  to  some  of 
William's  successors;  but  the  arbitrary  power  of  the  Conqueror 
over  the  English,  and  his  extensive  authority  over  the  Normans, 
prevented  him  from  feeling  its  inconvenience.  He  retained  the 
clergy  in  great  subjection,  as  well  as  his  lay  subjects,  and  would 
allow  no  j)erson  of  any  condition  or  character  to  dispute  his  ab- 
solute will  and  pleasure.  None  of  his  ministers  or  barons,  what- 
ever might  be  their  offences,  could  be  subjected  to  spiritual  cen- 
sures, until  his  consent  was  obtained.  He  prohibited  his  people 
from  acknowledging  any  one  as  pope,  whom  he  himself  had  not 
recognised;  and  he'ordered  that  all  ecclesiastical  canons,  voted 

10  M.  Westm.— M.  Par.— Bracton,  lib.  i.  cap.  11.— Fleta,  lib.  i.  cap.  8.  The  proprietoi-« 
of  land,  under  the  Anglo-Saxon  princes,  were  only  subjected  to  three  obi igatinn<i ;  namely, 
to  attend  the  king  with  their  followers  in  military  expeditions,  to  assist  in  building  or  ile- 
fending  the  rovai  castles,  and  to  keep  the  highways  and  bridges  in  a  proper  state  ot  repair. 
These  were  eniphatically  called  the  three  necessities,  as  they  certainly  were  in  a  government 
without  regular  troops,  and  almost  without  revenue.     Spelm.  Re'dq. — Hickesii  Dissert. 


%i&  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

in  any  synod,  should  be  submitted  to  him,  and  ratified  by  his 
authority,  before  they  could  be  valid.  The  same  sanction  was 
required  for  bulls  or  letters  from  Rome,  before  they  were  pro- 
duced. And  when  the  imperious  Gregory  VII.,  whom  we  have 
seen  tyrannising  over  kings  and  emperors,  wrote  to  this  mon- 
arch requiring  him  to  fulfil  his  promise  of  doing  homage  for 
the  kingdom  of  England  to  the  see  of  Rome,  and  to  send  him 
that  tribute  which  his  predecessors  had  been  accustomed  to  pay 
to  the  vicar  of  Christ  (meaning  St.  Peter's  Pence,  a  charitable 
donation  of  the  Saxon  princes,  which  the  court  of  Rome,  as 
usual,  was  inclined  to  construe  into  a  badge  of  subjection  ac- 
knowledged by  the  kingdom),  WiUiam  coolly  replied,  that  the 
money  should  be  remitted  as  formerly,  but  that  he  neither  pro- 
mised to  do  homage  to  Rome,  nor  entertained  any  thoughts  of 
imposing  that  servitude  on  his  kingdom". 

The  following  anecdote  shows,  in  a  still  stronger  light,  the 
contempt  of  this  prince  for  ecclesiastical  dominion.  Odo,  bi- 
shop of  Bayeux,  the  king's  maternal  brother,  whom  he  had  cre- 
ated earl  of  Kent,  and  entrusted  with  a  great  share  of  power, 
had  amassed  immense  riches ;  and,  agreeably  to  the  usual  pro- 
gress of  human  wishes,  he  began  to  regard  his  present  eminence 
as  only  a  step  to  future  grandeur.  He  even  aspired  to  the  papa- 
cy, and  had  resolved  to  transmit  all  his  wealth  to  Italy,  and  go 
thither  with  several  noblemen,  whom  he  had  persuaded  to  fol- 
low his  example,  in  hopes  of  establishments  under  the  future 
pope.  William  was  no  sooner  informed  of  this  scheme,  than  he 
accused  Odo  of  treason,  and  ordered  him  to  be  arrested ;  but 
nobody  would  lay  hands  on  the  bishop.  The  king  was  therefore 
obliged  to  seize  him;  and  when  Odo  insisted,  that,  as  a  prelate, 
he  was  exempt  from  all  temporal  jurisdiction,  William  boldly 
replied,  '*  I  arrest  not  the  bishop,  but  the  earl!''  and  accord- 
ingly sent  him  prisoner  into  Normandy,  where  he  was  long 
detained  in  custody,  notwithstanding  the  remonstrances  and 
menaces  of  the  pope'^. 

The  English  had  the  cruel  mortification  to  find,  that  their 
king's  authority,  however  worthy  of  a  sovereign  in  some  in- 
stances, generally  tenc  ed  to  their  oppression,  or  to  perpetuate 
their  subjection.  He  had  even  entertained  the  difficult  project 
of  totally  abolishing  their  language.  He  ordered  the  English 
youth  to  be  instructed  in  the  French  tongue,  in  all  the  schools 
throughout  the  kingdom.  The  pleadings  in  the  supreme  courts 
of  judicature  were  in  French :  the  deeds  were  often  drawn  in 
the  same  language;  the  laws  were  composed  in  that  idiom.  No 
other  tongue  was  used  at  court :  it  became  the  language  of  all 

1 1  Ang.  Sacra.— iDgulph.— Order.  Vital.  12  Aog.  Sacra.— Order,  Vital. 


EET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  21^ 

fashionable  societies  :  and  many  of  the  natives  themselves  af- 
fected to  excel  in  it'^  To  this  attempt  of  the  Conqueror,  and 
to  the  foreign  dominions  so  long  annexed  to  the  crown  of  Eng- 
land, we  owe  the  great  mixture  of  French  at  present  to  be 
found  in  our  language. 

While  William  was  thus  wantonly  exercising  his  tyranny 
over  England,  his  foreign  aftairs  fell  into  disorder ;  and  the  op- 
pressed English  assisted  him  in  their  retrieval.  Fulk,  count  of 
Anjou,  had  seized  the  province  of  Maine,  which  had  fallen 
under  the  dominion  of  the  duke  of  Normandy,  by  the  will  of 
Herbert,  the  last  count.  But  William,  by  the  assis-  ,  ^.-^ 

tance  of  his  new  subjects,  soon  obliged  the  inha- 
bitants, who  had  revolted,  to  return   to  their  duty,  and  the 
count  of  Anjou  to  renounce  his  pretensions**. 

The  king  now  passed  some  years  in  Normandy,  where  his 
presence  was  become  necessary  on  account  of  the  turbulent  dis- 
position of  his  eldest  son  Robert,  who  openly  aspired  at  indepen- 
dency, and  demanded  immediate  possession  of  Nor-  .  „  _ 
mandy  and  Maine.  William  gave  him  a  positive 
refusal,  repeating  that  homely  saying,  that  he  never  intended  to 
throw  off  his  clothes  till  he  went  to  bed.  He  accordingly  called 
over  an  army  of  Englishmen,  under  his  ancient  captains,  who 
bravely  expelled  Robert  and  his  adherents.  The  prince  took 
shelter  in  the  castle  of  Gerberoy  in  the  Beauvoisis,  which  the 
king  of  France,  who  secretly  favoured  his  pretensions,  had  pro- 
vided for  him.  In  this  fortress  he  \\  as  closely  besieged  by  his 
father,  against  whom  he  made  a  gallant  defence  ;  and  many  ren- 
counters passed,  which  resembled  more  the  single  combats  of 
chivalry  than  the  military  operations  of  armies.  One  was  too 
remarkable,  by  its  circumstances  and  its  event,  to  be  omitted. 
Robert,  encountering  the  king,  who  was  concealed  ,  ^-q 
by  his  helmet,  wounded  and  dismounted  him,  when, 
calling  for  assistance,  his  voice  discovered  him  to  his  son,  who, 
struck  with  a  sense  of  remorse,  duty,  and  the  dread  of  greater 
guilt,  instantly  threw  himself  at  William's  feet,  craved  pardon 
for  his  offences,  and  offered  to  purchase  forgiveness  by  any 
atonement.  A  return  of  kindness,  however,  did  not  immedi- 
ately ensue.  William's  military  pride  was  wounded,  and  his 
resentment  was  too  obstinate  at  once  to  yield ;  but  a  recon- 
ciliation was  effected  by  the  interposition  of  the  queen  and  the 
noblesi^.    

The  peaceable  state  of  William^s  affairs  now  gave  him  leisure 
to  finish  an  undertaking,  which  proves  his  great  and  extensive 

13  Chron.  Rothom. — Ingulph.  Hist. — Wharton's  Hist.  ofKng.  Poetry. 

14  Chron.  Sa.\. — Older.  Vital.  15  Hoved.  Anual. — Order.  Vital. 


214  THE  HISTORY  OV  part  i. 

genius,  and  does  honour  to  his  memory.  It  was  a  general  sur- 
vey of  all  the  lands  in  England  ;  their  extent  in  each  district, 
,p^^,  their  proprietors,  tenures,  value  ;  the  quantity  of 
*  meadow,  pasture,  wood,  and  aral)le  land  which 
they  contained  ;  and,  in  some  counties,  the  number  of  tenants, 
cottagers,  and  slaves  of  all  denominations,  who  lived  upon 
them.  This  valuable  piece  of  antiquity,  called  the  Domesday- 
book,  is  still  preserved  in  the  Exchequer,  and  contributes  to 
the  illustration  of  the  ancient  state  of  England. 

William,  like  all  the  Normans,  was  much  attached  to  the 
manly  amusement  of  hunting  ;  and  his  passion  for  that  sport  he 
cruelly  indulged  at  the  expense  of  his  unhappy  subjects.  Not 
content  with  those  large  forests  which  the  Saxon  kings  possess- 
ed in  aJl  parts  of  England,  he  resolved  to  make  a  new  forest 
near  Winchester,  the  usual  place  of  his  residence.  For  that 
purpose  he  laid  waste  the  country  for  an  extent  of  thirty  miles 
in  Hampshire,  expelling  the  inhabitants  from  their  houses, 
seizing  their  property,  and  demolishing  churches  and  convents, 
without  making  die  sufferers  any  com])ensation  for  the  injury". 

The  death  of  this  prince  was  occasioned  by  a  quarrel  not  al- 
together worthy  of  his  life.  A  witticism  gave  rise  to  war.  Wil- 
liam, who  was  become  corpulent,  had  been  detained  in  bed  by 
sickness,  while  in  Normandy — a  circumstance  which  gave  the 
French  king  occasion  to  say,  with  the  vivacitv  natural  to  his 
country,  that  he  was  surprised  his  brother  of  England  should 
be  so  long  in  being  delivered  of  his  big  belly.  William,  enraged 
at  this  levity,  swore,  "  by  the  brightness  and  resurrection  of 
God!"  his  usual  oath,  that,  at  his  rising,  he  would  present  so 
many  lights  at  the  church  of  Notre  Dame,  as  would  give  little 
pleasure  to  the  king  of  France  ; — alluding  to  the  usual  practice 
at  that  time,  of  carrying  a  torch  to  church  after  child-birth. 
On  his  recovery,  he  led  an  army  into  the  Isle  of  France,  and 
laid  every  thing  waste  with  fire  and  sword.  But  the  progress 
of  his  hostility  was  stopped  by  an  accident,  which  put  an  end  to 
the  English  monarch's  life.  His  horse  suddenlv  starting  aside, 
he  bruised  his  belly  on  the  pommel  of  the  saddle  ;  and  this 
S    t  Q    lOR'^   bruise,  joined  to  his  former  bad  habit  of  body, 

P  '  '  '*  brought  on  a  mortification,  of  which  he  died,  at 
the  age  of  sixty-one,  or  (as  some  say)  sixty-four  years^^  He 
left  Normandy  and  Maine  to  Robert :  he  wrote  to  Lanfranc, 
desiring  him  to  crown  his  second  son  William  king  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  he  bequeathed  to  Henry  the  possessions  of  his  mo- 
ther Matilda. 

16  H.  Huntingfl.  lib.  vi.     Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  iii. 

t  7  ^y2ce.~0^der.  Vital. 


LET.  xxiT.  MODERN  EUROPE.  215 

The  characters  of  princes  are  best  seen  in  their  actions.  I 
shall,  however,  give  you  a  concise  character  of  the  Conqueror  ; 
for  such  he  ultimately  proved,  thouf^h  little  more  than  a  condi- 
tional sovereign  when  he  first  received  the  submissions  of  the 
English  nation**.  The  spirit  of  William  I.,  says  a  philosophic 
historian,  was  bold  and  enterprising,  yet  guided  by  prudence, 
and  his  exorbitant  ambition,  which  lay  little  under  the  restraints 
of  justice,  and  still  less  under  those  of  humanity,  ever  submitted 
to  the  dictates  uf  reason  and  sound  policy.  Though  not  insen- 
sible to  generosity,  he  was  hardened  against  compassion ;  and 
he  seemed  equally  ostentatious  and  ambitious  of  ec/atj  in  his 
clemency  and  in  his  vengeance. 

William  II.  (surnamed  Rufus,  or  the  red,  from  the  colour  of 
his  hair)  was  quickly  crowned  king  of  England,  in  consequence 
of  his  father's  recommendatory  letters  to  the  primate  ;  and  Ro- 
bert, at  the  same  time,  took  peaceable  possession  of  Normandv. 
But  this  partition  of  the  Conqueror's  dominions,  though  appa- 
rently made  without  any  violence  or  opposition,  occasioned  in 
England  many  discontents,  which  seemed  to  promise  a  sudden 
revolution.  The  Norman  barons,  who  possessed  large  estates 
both  in  England  and  their  own  country,  were  uneasy  at  the  se- 
paration of  those  territories,  and  foresaw  that,  as  it  would  be 
impossible  for  them  to  preserve  long  their  allegiance  to  two 
masters,  they  must  necessarily  resign  their  ancient  property  or 
their  new  acquisitions.  Robert's  title  to  Normandy  they  es- 
teemed incontestible  ;  his  claim  to  England  they  thought  plau- 
sible :  they  therefore  wished  that  this  prince,  who  alone  had 
any  pretensions  to  unite  the  duchy  and  kingdom,  might  be  put 
in  possession  of  both  *^. 

A  comparison  between  the  personal  qualities  of  the  two  princes 
also  led  the  malcontents  to  prefer  the  elder.  Robert  was  brave, 
open,  sincere,  generous ;  whereas  William,  though  not  less 
brave  than  his  brother,  was  violent,  haughty,  tyrannical,  and 
seemed  disposed  to  govern  more  by  fear  than  the  love  of  his 
people.  The  bishop  of  Bayeux,  who  had  been  released  from 
prison  on  the  death  of  the  Conqueror,  enforced  all  infift 

these  motives  with  the  dissatisfied  barons,  and  en-  ^'    * 
gaged  many  of  them  in  a  formal  conspiracy  to  dethrone  the 
king. 

18  William  acted  so  uniformly  like  a  conqueror,  that  before  the  end  of  his  reign,  there 
whs  scarcely  one  F'nglisliman  who  was  either  earl,  baron,  bishop,  or  abbot.  (Gul.Malmesb. 
lib.  iii. — Iiisjulph.)  Perhaps  no  revolution  was  ever  attended  with  so  complete  and  sudden 
a  change  of  |»ower  ami  propeiiy,  as  that  which  was  effected  by  the  duke  of  Normandy. 
Nor  was  the  administration  of  any  prince  ever  more  absolute  than  that  of  William  I., 
though  the  government  whii.li  Le  established  was  not  exteriorly  a  despotism,  but  a  feudal 
monarchy. 

19  Order.  VitaJ. 


216  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

Expecting  immediate  support  from  Normandy,  the  conspira- 
tors hastened  to  put  themselves  in  a  military  posture ;  and  Wil- 
liam, sensible  of  his  perilous  situation,  endeavoured  to  provide 
against  the  threatened  danger  by  gaining  the  aft'ections  of  the 
English,  who  zealously  embraced  his  cause,  upon  receiving 
some  general  promises  of  good  treatment,  and  leave  to  hunt  in 
the  royal  forests,  having  now  lost  all  hopes  of  recovering  their 
ancient  liberties.  By  their  assistance  the  king  was  enabled  to 
subdue  the  rebels;  but  those  Norman  barons  who  had  remained 
faithful  to  him  were  the  only  gainers.  He  paid  little  regard  to 
the  promises  made  to  his  English  subjects,  who  still  found  them- 
selves exposed  to  the  same  oppressions  which  they  had  expe- 
rienced during  the  reign  of  the  Conqueror,  and  which  were  aug- 
mented by  the  tyrannical  temper  of  the  present  monarch".  Even 
the  privileges  of  the  church  formed  but  a  feeble  rampart  against 
the  usurpations  of  William :  yet  the  terror  of  his  authority,  con- 
firmed by  the  suppression  of  the  late  insurrections,  kept  every 
one  in  subjection,  notwithstanding  the  murmurs  of  the  clergy, 
and  preserved  general  tranquillity  in  England. 

William  even  thought  himself  sufficiently  powerful  to  disturb 
his  brother  in  the  possession  of  Normandy,  and  bribed  several 
Norman  barons  to  favour  his  unjust  claim.  The  duke  had  also 
reason  to  apprehend  danger  from  the  intrigues  of  his  brother 
Henry,  who  inherited  more  of  his  father's  money  than  his  other 
possessions,  and  had  furnished  Robert,  during  his  preparations 
against  England,  with  the  sum  of  three  thousand  marks ;  in  re- 
turn for  which  slender  supply  he  had  been  put  in  possession  of 
the  Cotentin,  almost  one  third  of  the  duke's  dominions.  But 
these  two  brothers,  notwithstanding  their  mutual  jealousies,  now 
inon  ^^'^^^^^j  '"  order  to  defend  their  territories  against 
A.  D.  .  ^Y^Q  ambition  of  the  king  of  England,  who  appeared 

in  Normandy  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army ;  and  affairs 
seemed  to  be  hastening  to  extremity,  when  an  accommodation 
was  brought  about  by  the  interposition  of  the  nobility. 

Prince  Henry,  however,  disgusted  at  the  terms  of  that  agree- 
ment, in  which  he  thought  himself  treated  with  neglect,  retired 
to  St.  Michael's  Mount,  a  strong  fortress  on  the  coast  of  Nor- 
mandy, and  infested  the  neighbouring  country  with  his  incur- 
sions. Robert  and  William,  his  two  brothers,  besieged  him  in 
this  place,  and  had  nearly  obliged  him  to  surrender  by  reason 
of  the  scarcity  of  water;  when  the  elder,  hearing  of  his'brother's 
distress,  granted  him  permission  to  obtain  a  supply,  and  also 

20  Chron.  Sax. — Gul.  Malmesb.  1  ib  iv. — The  applicationof  William,  however,  and  the 
service  they  had  rendered  him,  made  the  natives  sensible  of  their  importance  by  reason  of 
their  numbei-s;  and  they  gradually  recovered  their  consequence  in  the  course  of  the  «trug- 
gles  between  the  king  and  the  nobles. 


MJT.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  2ir 

sent  him  some  pipes  of  wine  for  his  own  table — a  conduct 
v^hich  could  only  have  been  dictated  by  the  j^jenerous  but  ro- 
mantic spirit  of  chivalry  that  prevailed  in  those  times,  and  with 
which  the  duke  was  strongly  infected.  Being  reproved  by 
William  for  this  imprudent  generosity,  Robert  replied,  '^VVhatl 
"  shall  I  suffer  my  brother  to  die  of  thirst  ? — Where  shall  we 
'^  find  another  brother  when  he  is  gone  ?" 

William,  during  this  siege,  also  performed  an  act  of  o-enero- 
sity  less  suited  to  his  character.  Riding  out  alone  to  survey 
the  fortress,  he  was  attacked  by  two  soldiers,  and  dismounted. 
One  of  the  assailants  drev  his  sword,  in  order  to  despatch  the 
king.  *^Hold,  knave!"  cried  VVilliarji,  "  I  am  the  king  of 
"  England."  The  soldier  suspended  his  blow,  and  raised  the 
king  from  the  ground  ;  who,  charmed  with  the  fellow's  beha- 
viour, rewarded  h<m  handsomely,  and  took  him  into  his  service-' . 

Prince  Henry  was  at  last  obliged  to  capitulate  ;  and,  being  de- 
spoiled of  all  his  dominions,  wandered  about  for  some 
time  with  very  few  attendants  and  often  in  great  poverty.  ^  •  °  •  ^^^  ^  • 

William  was  afterwards  engaged  in  humbling  the  Scots  and 
Welsh,  who  had  infested  England  with  their  incursions.  He 
had  also  occasion  to  quell  a  conspiracy  of  his  own  iaqc; 

barons,  who  were  desirous  of  exalting  to  the  throne  ^'  ^'  ^^^'^' 
Stephen,  count  of  Aumale,  nephew  of  the  Conqueror.  But  the 
noise  of  these  petty  wars  and  commotions  was  quite  sunk  in  the 
tumult  of  the  Crusades,  which  then  engaged  the  attention  of  all 
Europe,  and  have  since  attracted  the  curiosity  of  mankind,  as 
the  most  extraordinary  examples  of  human  folly  that  were  ever 
exhibited  on  the  face  of  the  globe.  The  cause  and  conse- 
quences of  these  pious  enterprises  I  shall  after ivards  have  oc- 
casion to  consider  ;  at  present  I  shall  only  speak  of  them  as 
they  affect  the  history  of  England. 

The  duke  of  Normandy,  impelled  by  the  bravery,  and  mis- 
taken generosity  of  his  spirit,  early  enlisted  himself  in  the  first 
crusade ;  but,  being  always  unprovided  with  money,  he  found  it 
would  be  impossible  for  him,  without  some  supply,  to  appear  in 
a  manner  suitable  to  his  rank  at  the  head  of  his  numerous  vas- 
sals, who,  transported  with  the  general  fury,  were  desirous  of 
following  him  into  Asia.  He  therefore  resolved  to  mortgage  his 
dominions,  which  he  had  not  prudence  to  govern ;  and  he  offer- 
ed them  to  his  brother  William,  who  kept  aloof  from  all  those 
fanatical  and  romantic  warriors,  for  so  small  a  sum  as  ten  thou- 
sand marks'*.  The  bargain  was  concluded,  and 
William  took  possession  of  Normandy  and  Maine;  ^'  ^'  ^^^^ 

2!  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  iv.— M.  Paris.  22  Hoved.  Anna!. 

Vol.  I.  E  e 


21S  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

while  Robert  set  out  for  the  Holy  Land  in  pursuit  of  glory,  and 
in  full  hopes  of  securing  his  eternal  salvation. 

In  the  mean  time  William,  who  regarded  only  the  things  of 
this  world,  was  engaged  in  a  quarrel  with  Anselm,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  a  Piedmontese  monk,  whom  he  wished  to  deprive 
of  his  see  for  refractory  behaviour.  Anselm  appealed  to  Rome 
against  the  king's  injustice  ;  and  affairs  came  to  such  extremi- 
ties, that  the  primate,  finding  it  dangerous  to  remain  in  the  king- 
,„Q^  dom,  desired  permission  to  retire  beyond  sea.  It 
*  was  granted  him  ;  but  all  his  temporalities  were 
confiscated.  He  was  received  with  great  respect  by  Urban  II., 
who  considered  him  as  a  martyr  in  the  cause  of  religion,  and 
even  threatened  the  king  with  the  sentence  of  excommunica- 
tion for  his  proceedings  against  the  primate^^. 

Anselm  afterwards  distinguished  himself  in  the  council  of 
Bari,  where  the  famous  dispute  between  the  Greek  and  Latin 
churches,  relative  to  the  procession  of  the  third  person  of  the 
Trinity,  uas  agitated  ;  namely,  whether  the  Holy  Ghost  pro- 
ceeded from  the  Father  and  the  Son,  or  from  the  Father  only. 
,^gQ  He  also  assisted  in  a  council  at  Rome,  where  spi- 
'  ritual  censures  were  denounced  against  all  ecclesi- 
astics who  did  homage  to  laymen  for  their  benefices,  and  all 
laymen  who  exacted  such  homage.  The  arguments  used  on 
that  occasion,  in  favour  of  the  clergy,  are  worthy  of  the  igno- 
rance of  the  age,  and  strongly  mark  the  gross  superstition  into 
which  the  human  mind  was  sunk. 

The  ceremony  of  feudal  homage  I  have  already  mentioned. 
The  Romish  council  now  declared,  that  such  submission  was  in- 
consistent with  the  dignity  of  the  sacerdotal  character,  as  well 
as  with  the  independence  of  the  church  :  "  For,'^  said  Urban, 
"  it  is  a  most  execrable  thing,  that  holy  hands,  appointed  to  per- 
"  form  w  hat  was  never  granted  to  any  angel,  to  create  God  the 
"  Creator,  and  offer  him  to  God  his  father,  for  the  salvation  of 
"  mankind,  should  be  reduced  to  the  humiliating  baseness  of 
"  slavishly  mingling  with  profane  hands,  which,  besides  being 
'^  soiled  with  rapine  and  bloodshed,  are  day  and  night  employ- 
"  ed  in  impure  offices  and  obscene  contacts-*  !" 

The  fanaticism  of  the  times  afforded  the  kins:  of  England  a 
second  opportunity  of  increasing  his  dominions.  Poictou  and 
Guienne  were  offered  to  be  mortgaged  to  him,  for  the  same  pious 
purpose  that  had  induced  his  brother  Robert  to  put  him  in  pos- 

23  Eadm.  tlist.  Xoverum,  lib.  ii. — Order.  Vita). 

24  Fleury,  Hift.  Eeclcs, — An<j,lia.  Sacra,  vol.  i. — Sim.  Dunelm. — Eadrner,  who  was  pre- 
sent at  the  council,  informs  us,  that,  on  (he  close  of  this  impious  speech  of  his  Iwliness,  all 
the  vciiersbic  fr.tJiex's  cried  "  Jliritn  !  Amen!"' 


tET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  219 

session  of  Normandy  and  Maine.  The  terms  were  adjusted ; 
but  before  they  were  fulfilled  an  accident  put  an  end  to  Wil- 
liam's life,  and  all  his  ambitious  projects.  Walter  .  o-  9  1 100 
Tyrrel,  a  French  knight,  remarkable  for  his  ad-  s^' 
dress  in  archery,  attended  him  in  the  New  Forest,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  hunting:  and,  as  the  king  had  dismounted  after  the 
chase,  his  companion,  eager  to  show  his  dexterity,  discharged 
an  arrow  at  a  stag  which  suddenly  started  before  him.  The 
arrow,  glancing  against  a  tree,  struck  William  to  the  heart,  and 
instantly  killed  him;  while  Tyrrel,  without  informing  any  one  of 
the  accident,  put  spurs  to  his  horse,  hastened  to  the  sea-shore, 
embarked  for  France,  and  joii  led  in  the  crusade;  a  penance  which 
he  imposed  on  himself  for  this  involuntary  crime,  and  which 
was  deemed  sufficient  to  expiate  crimes  of  the  blackest  dye^*, 

William  II.,  though  a  man  of  sound  understanding,  appears 
to  have  been  a  violent  and  tyrannical  prince,  a  perfidious,  en- 
croaching, and  dangerous  neighbour,  and  an  unkind  and  unge- 
nerous relative.  His  vices,  however,  have  probably  been  ex- 
aggerated by  the  monkish  writers,  the  only  historians  of  those 
times,  as  he  was  utterly  void  of  superstition,  and  had  not  even 
a  decent  respect  for  religion.  Of  this  many  examples  might  be 
adduced;  but  one  will  be  sufficient.  When  the  body  of  the 
clergy  presented  a  petition,  that  he  would  give  them  leave  to 
send  a  form  of  prayer  to  be  used  in  all  the  churches  of  England, 
"JThatGod  would  move  the  heart  of  the  king  to  appoint  an  arch- 
bishop !"  (for  he  had  kept  the  revenues  or  temporalities  of  the 
see  of  Canterbury  in  his  0\vn  hands  for  the  space  of  four  years) 
he  carelessly  replied,  "  You  may  pray  as  you  please,  and^will 
act  as  I  please^*."  Had  he  lived  a  few  years  longer,  he  might 
greatly  have  enlarged  his  dominions;  and,  as  he  was  the  most 
powerful  and  politic  prince  in  Europe,  he  might  perhaps  have 
become  its  arbiter.  He  built  the  Tower,  Westminster  hall, 
and  London-bridge,  monuments  of  his  greatness  which  still 
remain.  His  most  liberal  measure  was  the  sending  of  an  army 
into  Scotland,  in  order  to  restoi'e  Edgar,  the  true  heir  of  that 
crown,  the  son  of  Malcolm  Canmore,  by  Margaret,  sister  of 
Edgar  Atheling.     The  enterprise  was  successful. 

As  William  Rufus  was  never  married,  and  consequently 
could  leave  no  lawful  issue,  the  crown  of  England  now  belong- 
ed to  his  brother  Robert,  both  by  the  right  of  birth  and  of  so- 
lemn compact,  ratified  by  the  nobility.  But  as  prince  Henry 
was  hunting  in  the  new  forest  when  Rufus  fell,  he  immediately 
galloped  to  Winchester,  secured  the  royal  treasure,  was  saluted 
king,  and  proceeded  to  the  exercise  of  the  sovereign  authority. 

25  Chron.  Sax.— Sim.  Dunelm.  26  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  ir. 


2£0  THE  HISTORY  OF  jpaet  i. 

Sensible,  however,  that  a  crown  usurped  against  all  the  rules  of 
justice  would  sit  very  unsteady  on  his  head,  he  resolved,  by 
fair  professions  at  least,  to  gain  the  affections  of  his  subjects. 
Besides  taking  the  usual  coronation  oath,  to  maintain  the  con- 
stitution, and  to  execute  justice,  he  passed  a  charter,  which 
was  calculated  to  remedy  many  of  the  grievous  oppressions 
complained  of  during  the  reign  of  his  father  and  his  brother ; 
and  he  promised  a  general  confirmation  and  observance  of  the 
laws  of  Edward  the  Confessor*'. 

To  fix  himself  more  firmly  on  the  throne,  the  king  recalled 
archbishop  Anselm,  and  reinstated  him  in  the  see  of  Canter- 
bury. He  also  married  Matilda,  daughter  of  Malcolm,  and 
niece  to  Edgar  iVtheiing.  And  this  marriage,  more  than  any 
other  measure  of  his  reign,  tended  to  endear  Henry  to  his  Eng- 
lish subjects,  who  had  felt  so  severely  the  tyranny  of  the  Nor- 
mans, that  they  reflected  with  infinite  regret  on  their  former  li- 
berty, and  hoped  for  a  more  equal  and  mild  administration, 
when  the  blood  of  their  native  princes  should  be  united  with 
that  of  their  new  sovereigns.  But  the  policy  and  prudence  of 
Henry  were  in  danger  of  being  frustrated  by  the  sudden  appear- 
ance of  Robert,  who  returned  from  the  Holy  Land  about  a 
month  after  the  death  of  William  H.,  took  possession  of  Nor- 
mandy without  resistance,  and  made  preparations  for  asserting 
his  claim  to  the  English  throne. 

The  great  reputation  which  Robert  had  acquired  in  the  East 
favoured  his  pretensions ;  and  the  Norman  barons,  still  impress- 
ed with  apprehensions  of  the  consequences  of  the  separation  of 
the  di^chy  and  kingdom,  manifested  the  same  discontent  which 
had  appeared  on  the  accession  of  Rufus.  Henry  was  therefore 
in  danger  of  being  dethroned :  and  it  was  only  through  the  ex- 
hortations of  archbishop  Anselm  that  a  considerable  number  of 
.  .^.  his  subjects  were  engaged  to  oppose  Robert,  who 
■  had  landed  at  Portsmouth.  The  two  armies  con- 
tinued some  days  in  sight  of  each  other  without  coming  to  ac- 
tion ;  and,  by  the  persuasion  of  the  same  prelate,  a  treaty  was 
concluded  between  the  brothers. 

It  was  agreed  that  Robert  should  resign  his  pretensions  to 
the  crown  of  England  for  an  annual  pension  of  three  thousand 
marks :  that  if  either  of  the  princes  should  die  without  issue, 
the  other  should  succeed  to  his  dominions :  that  the  adherents 
of  each  should  be  reinstated  in  their  honours  and  possessions : 
and  that  neither  the  king  nor  the  duke  should  thenceforth  coun- 
tenance the  enemies  of  each  othera^.  But  these  conditions, 
though  so  favourable  to  Henry,  were  soon  violated  by  his  ra- 

27  -M.  Paris,— Hoved.  28  Chron.  Sax.— Order.  Vital. 


LET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  221 

pacity  and  ambition.  He  indeed  restored  the  estates  of  Ro- 
bert's adherents,  but  took  care  that  they  should  not  remain 
Jong  in  undisturbed  possession  ;  and  various  pretences  were 
formed  for  despoiling  and  humbling  all  who,  in  his  opinion, 
had  either  inclination  or  abilities  to  disturb  his  government. 

Enraged  at  the  fate  of  his  friends,  Robert  imprudently  ven- 
tured into  England,  but  met  with  such  an  unfavourable  recep- 
tion, that  he  was  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  and  glad  to  pur- 
chase his  escape  with  the  loss  of  his  pension.  One  indiscretion 
followed  another.  The  affairs  of  Normandy  fell  into  confusion ; 
Henry  went  over,  by  invitation,  to  regulate  them  ;  but,  instead 
of  supporting  his  brother's  authority,  he  increased  the  discon- 
tent by  every  art  of  bribery,  intrigue,  and  insinuation,  and  at 
length  made  himself  master  of  the  duchy.  The  unfortunate 
Robert,  who  seemed  born  only  to  be  the  sport  of  fortune,  was 
defeated  at  Tenerchebrai,  and  carried  prisoner  into  , ,  ^- 

England.    He  remained  in  custody  above  twenty- 
seven  years,  and  died  a  captive  in  the  castle  of  Cardiff,  in  Gla- 
morganshire^®. 

The  acquisition  of  Normandy  was  a  great  point  of  Henry's 
ambition,  not  only  as  it  was  the  ancient  inheritance  of  his  family, 
but  as  it  gave  him  considerable  weight  on  the  continent.  The 
injustice  of  the  usurpation,  however,  was  a  source  of  inquie- 
tude ;  and  the  jealousy  of  the  French  monarch  gave  rise  to  those 
wars  which  were  to  prove  so  injurious  to  posterity.  Louis  VI., 
in  concert  with  the  counts  of  Anjou  and  Flanders,  supported  the 
claim  of  William,  son  of  Robert,  to  the  duchy  of  Normandy :  he 
even  craved  the  assistance  of  the  church  for  the  true  heir,  and 
reprobated  the  enormity  of  detaining  in  prison  so  brave  a  prince 
as  Robert,  one  of  the  most  eminent  champions  of  the  cross. 
But  Henry  knew  how  to  defend  the  rights  of  his  crown  with 
vigour,  and  yet  with  dexterity.  He  detached  the  count  of  An- 
jou from  the  alliance,  by  contracting  his  son  William  to  that 
prince's  daughter,  while  he  gained  the  pope  and  his  favourites 
by  hberal  presents  and  promises.     Calixtus  H.,  ino 

who  was  then  in  France,  declared,  after  a  confe- 
rence with  Henry,  that  ol  all  men,  whom  he  had  ever  seen,  the 
king  of  England  was  beyond  comparison  the  most  eloquent 
and  persiiaswe^°.   The  complaints  of  the  Norman  prince  were 
thenceforth  disregarded. 

The  military  operations  of  Louis  proved  as  unsuccessful  as 
his  intrigues.    The  French  and  English  armies  engaged  near 

29  Gul  Malmesb.  lib.  v. — The  stoiy  of  his  being  deprired  of  his  sight  appears  to  be  ill- 
founded.  30  Gill.  Malmesb. 


222  THE  HISTORY  OK  part  i. 

Andeli,  in  Normandy,  where  William,  the  son  of  Robert,  beha- 
ved with  great  bravery.  Henry  himself  was  in  imminent  dan- 
o-er.  He  was  wounded  in  the  head  by  a  gallant  Norman,  na- 
med Crispin,  who  had  followed  the  fortunes  of  William  ;  but, 
rather  roused  than  intimidated  by  the  blow,  the  king  collected 
all  his  might,  and  beat  his  antagonist  to  the  ground.  The  Eng- 
lish, animated  by  the  example  of  their  sovereign,  put  the  French 
to  a  total  rout ;  and  an  accommodation  soon  after  took  place 
between  the  two  monarchs,  in  which  the  interests  of  young 
William  were  entirely  neglected^^ 

Henry's  public  prosperity  was  overbalanced  by  a  domestic 
^^  misfortune.  His  son  William  had  accompanied 
^*  ^*  *  him  into  Normandy,  but  perished  in  his  return. 

He  was  anxious  to  get  first  to  land;  and  the  captain  of  his 
vessel,  being  intoxicated  with  liquor,  heedlessly  ran  her  on  a 
rock  ;  where  she  was  dashed  to  pieces.  Besides  the  prince, 
above  one  hundred  and  forty  young  noblemen  or  knights  were 
lost  on  this  occasion^''.  The  king  was  so  much  affected  at  the 
intelligence,  that  he  is  said  never  to  have  smiled  more. 

Henry  had  now  no  legitimate  issue,  except  Matilda,  the  wi- 
- ,  ^7  ^o^  of  the  emperor  Henry  V.,  whose  hand  he  after- 
'*'  °*  *  wards  bestowed  on  Geoffrey  Plantagenet,  son  of  the 

count  of  Anjou.  He  endeavoured  to  secure  her  succession  to 
all  his  dominions,  and  obliged  the  barons  of  Normandy  and 
. .  „^  England  to  swear  fealty  to  her.  After  six  years  she 
*  was  delivered  of  a  son,  who  received  the  name  of 
Henry  ;  and  the  king,  farther  to  ensure  the  succession,  order- 
ed all  the  nobles  to  renew  the  oath  which  they  had  taken,  and 
also  to  swear  fealty  to  her  infant  sotf  ^. 

The  joy  of  this  event,  and  the  pleasure  of  his  daughter's 
company,  induced  Henry  to  remain  in  Normandy,  where  he 
■pv  ,  died,  in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  and  the  thirty- 
. .  _V  '  sixth  of  his  reign.  He  was  one  of  the  most  able  and 
accomplished  princes  that  ever  filled  the  English 
throne,  possessing  all  the  qualities,  both  mental  and  personal, 
that  could  adorn  his  high  station,  or  fit  him  for  the  government 
of  an  extensive  territory.  His  learning,  which  procured  him 
the  name  of  BeauclerCy  or  ihtjine  scholar,  would  have  distin- 
guished him  in  private  life,  and  his  talents  would  have  given 
him  an  ascendant  in  any  condition. 

The  affairs  of  France,  my  dear  Philip,  and  the  crusades, 
which  took  their  rise  in  that  kingdom,  claim  your  attention,  be- 
fore I  speak  of  the  disputed  succession  of  Matilda,  and  of  her 

31  H.  riuntingd.  lib.  vii. — Dicet.  Hist.  32  Hoved.  Annal. 

33  Walsingh.  Hypodigma  Neustrix. — M.  Paris. 


LET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  033 

son  Henry  Plantagenet»  whose  reign  affords  some  of  the  most 
interesting  spectacles  in  the  history  of  England.  In  the  mean 
time  it  will  be  proper  to  take  a  slight  review  of  the  change  pro- 
duced in  our  ancient  constitution,  and  in  the  condition  of  our 
Saxon  ancestors,  by  the  Norman  conquest  or  revolution. 

POSTSCRIPT. 

Havin<r  informed  you,  in  my  eighth  letter,  of  the  chief  points 
of  the  Anglo-Saxon  government,  and  recounted  in  the  twelfth 
the  improvements  introduced  by  the  great  Alfred,  I  proceed  to 
observe  that  this  happy  constitution  was  almost  entirely  subvert- 
ed by  the  tyranny  of  the  first  William.  The  government  which 
he  substituted  was  a  rigid  feudal  monarchy,  or  military  aristo- 
cracy, in  which  a  regular  chain  of  subordination  and  service 
was  established,  from  the  sovereign  or  commander-in-chief,  to 
the  serf  or  villain;  and  which,  like  all  feudal  governments,  was 
attended  with  a  grievous  depression  of  the  body  of  the  people, 
who  were  daily  exposed  to  the  insults,  violences,  and  exactions 
of  the  nobles,  whose  vassals  they  all  were,  and  from  whose 
oppressive  jurisdiction  it  was  difficult  and  dangerous  fcr  them 
to  appeal. 

This  depression,  as  might  be  expected,  was  more  complete 
and  humiliating  in  England,  under  the  first  Anglo-Norman 
princes,  than  in  any  other  feudal  government.  The  Conqueror, 
by  his  artful  and  tyrannical  policy,  by  attainders  and  confisca- 
tions, had  become,  in  the  course  of  his  reign,  proprietor  of  al- 
most all  the  lands  in  the  kingdom.  These  lands,  however,  he 
could  not  retain,  had  he  been  even  willing,  in  his  own  hands:  he 
was  under  the  necessity  of  bestowing  the  greater  part  of  them 
on  his  Norman  captains,  or  nobles,  the  companions  of  his  con- 
quest, and  the  instruments  of  his  tyranny,  who  had  led  their 
own  vassals  to  battle^*.  But  those  grants  he  clogged  with  hea- 
vy feudal  services,  and  prestations  or  payments,  which  no  one 
dared  to  refuse.  He  was  the  general  of  a  victorious  army,  which 
was  still  obliged  to  continue  in  a  miUtary  posture,  in  order  to 
secure  the  possessions  it  had  seized.  And  the  Anglo-Norman 
barons,  and  tenants  in  capife,  by  knight-service,  who,  with  the 
dignified  clergy,  formed  the  national  assembly,  imposed  obliga- 

34  Nothing  can  more  strongly  indicate  that  necessity  than  the  following  anecdote.  Earl 
Warren,  when  questioned  in  a  subsequent  reign,  concerning  his  right  to  the  land  he  pos» 
sessed,  boldly  drew  his  sword.  "This,"  said  he,  "is  my  title! — William  the  Bastard  dint 
"not  conquer  England  himself:  the  Norman  barons,  and  my  ancestors  among  the  rest,  were 
"joint  adveuturcrs  in  the  enterprise."    Dugdale's  Baronage,  vol.  i. 


224  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

tions  yet  more  severe  on  their  vassals,  the  inferior  landholders 
(consisting  chiefly  of  English  gentlemen),  as  well  as  on  the  bo- 
dy of  the  people,  for  whom  they  seemed  to  have  no  compas- 
sion^*. 

But  the  rigour  of  the  Anglo-Norman  government,  and  the  ty- 
rannical and  licentious  spirit  of  the  nobles,  proved  ultimately 
favourable  to  general  liberty.  The  oppressed  people  looked  up 
to  the  king  for  protection:  and  circumstances  enabled  them  to 
obtain  it.  The  defect  in  the  title  of  William  II.  and  of  Henry 
I.  induced  them  to  listen  to  the  complaints  of  their  English  sub- 
jects, and  to  redress  some  of  their  grievances.  The  people, 
pleased  even  with  the  partial  relief  afforded  to  them,  became 
sensible  of  their  consequence,  and  of  their  obligations  to  the 
crown;  while  the  barons,  finding  themselves  in  quiet  possession 
of  their  English  estates,  and  apprehending  no  future  disturb- 
ance from  the  natives,  bore  with  impatience  the  burthens  impos- 
ed upon  them  by  William  I.,  and  to  which  they  had  readily 
submitted  in  the  hour  of  conquest  and  of  danger.  They  saw 
the  necessitv  of  being  more  indulgent  to  their  vassals,  in  order 
to  obtain  sufficient  force  to  enable  them  to  retrench  the  prero- 
gatives of  the  sovereign,  and  of  connecting  their  cause  with 

35  The  state  of  England,  at  the  death  of  William  the  Conqueror,  is  thus  described  by  one 
of  our  ancient  historians,  who  was  ahiiost  cotemporary  with  that  prince.  "  The  Normans," 
says  he,  "had  now  fully  executed  the  wrath  of  Heaven  upon  the  English.  There  was 
"  hardly  any  one  of  that  nation  who  possessed  any  power;  they  were  all  involved  in 
"  servitude  an<l  sorrow  :  insomuch,  that  to  be  called  an  Englishman  was  considered  as 
"  a  reproach.  In  those  miserable  times  many  oppressive  taxes  and  tyrannical  customs  were 
'•introduced.  The  king  himself,  when  he  had  let  his  lands  at  their  full  value,  if  another 
"  tenant  came  and  offered  more,  and  a  third  offered  still  more,  violated  his  former  engage- 
"  ments,  and  gave  them  to  him  who  offered  most;  and  the  great  men  were  inflamed  with 
"  such  a  rage  for  money,  that  they  cared  not  by  what  means  it  was  acquired.  The  more 
"  they  talked  of  justice,  the  more  injuriously  they  acted.  Those  who  were  called  justicia- 
**  ries  were  the  fountains  of  all  iniquity.  Sheriffs  and  magistrates,  whose  peculiar  duty  it  was 
"to  pronounce  righteous  judgments,  were  the  most  cruel  of  all  tyrants,  and  greatei'  plun- 
"  derers  than  common  thieves  and  robbei'S."  (Heu.  Huntingd.  lib.  vii.)  And  the  author  of 
the  Saxon  Chronicle,  in  speaking  of  the  miseries  of  a  subsequent  reign,  says,  thrtt  the  great 
barons  "  grievously  oppressed  ihe  poor  people  with  building  castles  ;  and,  when  they  were 
"  bui.t,  tUf-y  filled  them  with  wicked  men,  or  rather  devils,  who  seized  both  men  and  wo- 
"  men  supposed  to  be  possessed  of  any  money,  threw  them  into  prison,  and  put  them  to 
"more  cruel  tortures  than  the  martyrs  ever  endured.''  (^Chron.  Sax  p  '238.)  The  truth 
of  this  melancholy  description  is  corraborated  by  the  testimoi>y  of  William  of  Malmcs- 
bory. 

The  great  power  and  success  of  the  Normans  rendered  them  licentious  as  well  as  tyran- 
nical. This  licentiousness  was  so  great,  that  th-,;  princess  .Matilda,  daughter  of  Malcolm 
Canmore,  who  had  received  her  education  in  England,  and  was  afterwards  married  to  Hen- 
ry I.,  thought  it  necessary  to  wear  (he  religious  habit,  in  order  to  preserve  her  person  from 
violation.  Before  a  great  council  of  the  Anglo-Nomnan  clergy,  she  herself  declared,  that 
she  had  been  induced  by  no  other  motive  to  put  '"•n  the  veil.  And  the  council  admitted  her 
plea,  in  the  following  memorable  words:  "  When  the  great  king  William  conquered  this 
"land,  muiiy  of  his  followers,  elate  with  their  extraordinary  success,  and  thinking  that  all 
••things  ought  t'lbe  subservient  to  their  will  and  pl'»asure,  not  only  seized  the  possf.ssions 
•'of  the  vanquished,  but  invaded  the  bo-iour  of  their  matrons  and  virgins.  Hence  many 
"young  ladies,  who  drr^acled  such  violences,  were  induced  to  seek  shelter  in  convents,  and 
•'  even  to  take  the  veil  as  a  farther  security  to  their  virtue,"    Eadm.  Hist,  lib.  iii. 


lET.  XXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  225 

that  of  the  people.  And  the  people,  always  formidable  by 
their  numbers,  courted  by  both  parties,  and  sometimes  siding 
with  one,  sometimes  with  the  other,  in  the  bloody  contests  be- 
tween the  crown  and  the  barons,  recovered  by  various  pro- 
gressive steps,  which  I  shall  have  occasion  to  trace  in  the 
course  of  my  narration,  their  ancient  and  natural  right  to  a 
place  in  the  parliament  or  national  assembly. 

Thus  restored  to  a  share  in  the  legislature,  the  English  com- 
monalty felt  more  fully  their  own  importance  ;  and,  by  a  long 
and  vigorous  struggle,  maintained  with  unexampled  persever- 
ance, they  wrested  from  both  the  king  and  the  nobles  all  the 
other  rights  of  a  free  people,  of  which  their  Anglo-Saxon  an- 
cestors had  been  robbed  by  the  violent  invasion  and  cruel  poli- 
cy of  William  the  Norman.  To  those  rights  they  were  enti- 
tled as  men,  by  the  great  law  of  nature  and  reason,  which  de- 
clares the  welfare  of  the  whole  community  to  be  the  end  of  all 
civil  government ;  and,  as  Englishmen,  by  inheritance.  In 
whatever  light,  therefore,  we  view  the  privileges  of  the  com- 
mons, they  are  resumptions,  not  usurpations. 

In  order  to  establish  this  important  political  truth,  some  of 
our  popular  writers  have  endeavoured  to  prove,  that  the  people 
of  England  were  by  no  means  robbed  of  their  liberty  or  proper- 
ty by  William  I.,  and  that  the  commons  had  a  share  in  the  legis- 
lature under  all  the  Anglo-Norman  princes.  But,  as  this  posi- 
tion cannot  be  maintained  without  violating  historical  testimo- 
ny, the  advocates  for  prerogative  have  had  greatly  the  advan- 
tage in  that  dispute".  I  have  therefore  made  the  usurpations 
of  William,  in  violation  of  his  coronation  oath,  the  basis  of  my 
argument.  Usurpation  can  create  no  right,  nor  the  exercise  of 
illegal  authority  any  prerogative. 

30  Mr.  Hume,  in  particular,  has  triumphed  over  every  adversary.  His  collected  argu- 
ments, supported  by  tacts,  to  prove,  "  that  the  commons  originally  fnrmed  no  part  of  the 
"Anglo-Norman  parliament,"  are  strong  and  satisfactory.  But  the  following  clause  in  the 
Great  Charter  is  of  itself  sufficient  to  determine  the  dispute.  "  We  will  cause  to  be  sum- 
"  monetl,"  says  the  king,  "as  a  Common  Council  of  the  KiKsnOM,  the  ardibishopStbiahops, 
"  earls,  and  great  inrons,  personally,  by  our  letters  ;  and  besides,  we  will  cause  in  be  sum- 
"  inoned,  in  general,  by  our  sheriffs' and'  bailiffs,  all  otiiers  who  hold  of  us  ix  cuiif."  (.Ifaj". 
Chart.  See.  xiv.)  This  testimony,  so  full  and  conclusive,  when  duly  weighed,  must  pre- 
( lude  all  future  controversy  on  the  subject. 


Vol..  I.  F  f 


226  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


LETTER  XXV. 

Sketch  of  the  French  History ,  under  Philip  L  and  Louis  Fl.y 
with  some  Account  ofthejirst  Crusade. 

PHILIP  I.,  as  I  have  already  observed,  had  been  well  edu- 
cated, and  was  not  deficient  in  capacity  ;  but  his  mind  had  ac- 
quired a  wrong  bias,  which  prompted  him  too  frequently  to  pre- 
fer his  interest,  or  his  inclinations,  to  his  honour.  His  reign  is 
not  so  remarkable  for  any  thing  as  his  marrying  Bertrade  de 
Montfort,  duchess  of  Anjou,  while  her  husband  and  his  queen 
were  both  alive.  For  this  irregularity  he  was  excommunicated 
by  Urban  H.  in  the  famous  council  of  Clermont,  where  the  first 
Crusade  was  preached  for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land', — a 
circumstance  which  naturally  leads  me  to  speak  of  that  extra- 
vagant expedition,  its  causes,  and  its  consequences. 

Gregory  VH.,  among  his  other  vast  ideas,  had  formed,  as  we 
have  seen,  the  project  of  uniting  the  western  Christians  against 
the  Mohammedans,  and  of  recovering  Palestine  from  the  hands 
of  those  infidels^ ;  and  nothing  but  his  quarrel  with  the  emperor 
Henry  IV.,  by  which  he  declared  himself  an  enemy  to  the  civil 
power  of  princes,  could  have  obstructed  the  progress  of  this 
undertaking,  conducted  by  so  able  a  politician,  at  a  time  when 
the  minds  of  men  were  fully  prepared  for  such  an  enterprise. 
The  work,  however,  was  reserved  for  a  meaner  instrument : 
for  a  man  whose  condition  could  excite  no  jealousy,  and  whose 
head  w  as  as  weak  as  his  imagination  was  warm.  But  before  I 
mention  this  man,  I  must  say  a  few  words  of  the  state  of  the 
East  at  that  time,  and  of  the  passion  for  pilgrimages  which  then 
prevailed  in  Europe. 

We  naturally  view  with  veneration  and  delight  those  places 
which  have  been  the  residence  of  any  illustrious  personage,  or 
the  scene  of  any  great  transaction.  Hence  arises  the  enthusiasm 
with  which  the  literati  still  visit  the  ruins  of  Athens  and  Rome; 
and  hence  flowed  the  superstitious  devotion  with  which  Chris- 
tians, from  the  earliest  ages  of  the  church,  were  accustomed  to 
visit  that  country  where  their  religion  had  commenced,  and  that 
city  in  vhich  the  Messiah  had  died  for  the  redemption  of  those 
who  believe  in  his  name.  Pilgrimages  to  the  shrines  of  saints 
and  martyrs  were  also  common  ;  but,  as  this  distant  peregrina- 
tion could  not  be  performed  without  ror'^iderable  expei^ise,  fa- 

I   flirduin.  CcnciLvol    \i.  ^'  See  L'.l'er  XXJII. 


LET.  XXV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  227 

tigue  and  danger,  it  appeared  more  meritorious  than  all  others, 
and  was  soon  considered  us  an  expiation  for  ahnost  every  crime. 
And  a  prevaihng  opinion,  which  I  before  stated\  respecting 
the  Millennium,  increased  the  number  and  the  ardour  of  the 
credulous  devotees  tliat  undertook  this  tedious  journey.  A 
general  consternation  seized  the  minds  of  Christians.  Many 
relinquished  tlieir  possessions,  abandoned  their  friends  and  fa- 
milies, and  hurried  with  precipitation  to  the  Holy  Land,  where 
they  imagined  Christ  would  suddenly  appear  to  judge  the 
quick  and  the  dead*. 

But  the  Christians,  though  ultimately  undeceived  in  regard 
to  the  day  of  judgment,  had  the  mortification  in  diese  pious 
journies,  to  see  the  holy  sepulchre,  and  the  other  places  sanc- 
lified  by  the  presence  of  the  Saviour,  in  the  hands  of  iniidels. 
The  followers  and  the  countrymen  of  Mohammed  had  early 
made  themselves  masters  of  Palestine,  which  the  Greek  em- 
pire, far  in  its  decline,  w  as  unable  to  protect  against  so  warlike 
an  enemy.  They  gave  little  disturbance,  however,  to  those 
zealous  pilgrims  who  daily  flocked  to  Jerusaleni :  they  even  al- 
lowed all  strangers,  after  paying  a  moderate  tribute,  to  visit  the 
sepulchre,  perform  religious  duties,  and  return  in  peace.  But, 
when  the  Turks,  a  Tartar  tribe  who  had  embraced  the  Mos- 
lem creed,  had  wrested  Syria  from  the  Saracens,  and  taken 
Jerusalem,  pilgrims  were  exposed  to  outrages  of  e\'ery  kind 
from  these  fierce  barbarians.  And  this  change,  coinciding  w  ith 
the  panic  of  the  consummation  of  all  things,  and  the  supposed 
appearance  of  Christ  on  Mount  Sion,  filled  Europe  with  alarm 
and  indignation.  Every  pilgrim  who  returned  from  Palestine, 
related  the  dangers  he  had  encountered  in  visiting  the  holy  city, 
and  described,  with  exaggeration,  the  cruelty  and  vexations  of 
the  Turks,  who,  to  use  the  language  of  those  zealots,  not  only 
profaned  the  sepulchre  of  the  Lord  by  their  presence,  but  deri- 
ded the  sacred  m\  steries  in  the  very  place  of  their  completion'. 

While  the  minds  of  men  were  thus  roused,  a  fanatical  monk, 
commonly  known  by  the  name  of  Peter  the  Hermit,  a  native 
of  Amiens  in  Picavdy,  revived  the  project  of  Oreg-ory  VIL  of 
leading  all  the  forces  of  Christendom  against  the  infidels,  and 
of  driving  them  out  of  the  Holy  Land.  He  had  made  the  pil- 
grimage to  Jerusalem,  and  \vas  so  deeply  aifected  with  the  dan- 
ger to  which  tliat  act  of  piety  now  exposed  Christians,  that  he 
ran  from  province  to  province  on  his  return,  with  a  crucifix  in 
his  hand,  exciting  princes  and  people  to  this  holy  war;   and, 

3  See  the  last  note  to  the  XXIIIJ  Letter. 

4  Chron.  Will.  Gotlelli  ap.  Bouquet.     Recueil  des  Hist,  tie  France,  tome  x. 

5  Kccard.  Corp.  Sciipl.  Mcdii  JEfi,  vol.  i. 


228  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

wherever  he  came,  he  kindled  the  same  enthusiabtic  ardour 
with  which  he  himself  was  animated. 

Urban  II.,  who  had  at  first  been  doubtful  of  the  success  of 
such  a  project,  at  length  entered  into  Peter's  views,  and  sum- 
,^g_  moned  at  Placentia  a  council,  which  was  holden  in 
*  the  open  fields,  as  no  hall  was  sufficient  to  contain 
the  multitude:  it  consisted  of  four  thousand  ecclesiastics,  and 
thirty  thousand  laymen,  who  all  declared  for  the  war  against 
the  infidels ;  but  none  of  them  heartily  engaged  in  the  enter- 
prise. Urban,  therefore,  found  it  necessary  to  call  another  coun- 
cil the  same  year  at  Clermont,  in  Auvergne,  where  the  greatest 
prelates,  nobles,  and  princes,  attended ;  and  when  the  pope  and 
the  herpnithad  concluded  their  pathetic  exhortations,  the  whole 
assembly,  as  if  impelled  by  an  immediate  inspiration,  exclaim- 
ed with  one  voice  :  *'  It  is  the  will  of  God! — It  is  the  will  of 
God!"  words  which  were  deemed  so  memorable,  and  believed 
to  be  so  much  the  result  of  a  divine  influence,  that  they  were 
employed  as  the  motto  on  the  sacred  standard,  and  as  the  sig- 
nal of  rendezvous  and  batde  in  all  the  future  exploits  of  the 
champions  of  the  Cross,  the  symbol  chosen  by  the  devout  com- 
batants, in  allusion  to  the  death  of  Christ,  as  the  badge  of 
union,  and  affixed  to  their  right  shoulder,  whence  their  expedi- 
tion derived  the  name  of  a  Crusade^. 

Persons  of  all  ranks  flew  to  arms  with  the  utmost  ardour. 
Not  only  the  gallant  nobles  of  that  age,  with  their  martial  fol- 
lowers, whom  the  boldness  of  a  romantic  enterprise  might  have 
been  apt  to  allure,  but  men  in  the  more  humble  and  pacific  sta- 
tions of  life,  ecclesiastics  of  every  order,  and  even  women,  con- 
cealing their  sex  beneath  the  disguise  of  armour,  engaged  with 
emulation  in  an  undertaking  which  was  deemed  so  sacred  and 
meritorious.  The  greatest  criminals  were  forward  in  a  service, 
which  they  regarded  as  a  propitiation  for  all  their  crimes.  If 
tliey  succeeded,  they  hoped  to  make  their  fortune  in  this  world; 
and  if  they  died,  they  fondly  expected  a  crown  of  glory  in  the 
world  to  come.  Devodon,  passion,  prejudice,  and  habit,  all 
contributed  to  the  same  end ;  and  the  combination  of  so  many 
causes,  produced  that  wonderful  emigration  by  which  Europe, 
loosened  from  its  foundations,  and  impelled  by  its  moving  prin- 
ciple, seemed  in  one  united  body  to  precipitate  itself  upon  Asia^ 
The  adventurers  soon  became  so  numerous,  that  their  more 
experienced  leaders,  the  counts  of  Vermandois,  Toulouse,  and 
Blois,  the  duke  of  Normandy,  and  Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  prince 

6  Tlieod.  Riiinart.  in  Vit.  Urbanni  II. — Baron.  Annal.  Eccles.  vol.  xi. 

7  'i'iicsc  aie  the  expressions  of  tlie  Greek  princess  and  historian,  Anna  Comneua. 


LKT.  XXV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  229 

of  Brabant,  apprehended  from  the  unwieldy  magnitude  of  the 
force,  a  defeat  of  the  grand  object  of  the  expedition.  .  ^^^ 

They  therefore  permitted  a  vast  and  undisciplined 
multitude  to  go  before  them,  under  the  command  of  Peter  the 
Hermit,  Walter  the  Moneyless,  and  other  wild  fanatics. 

Peter  and  his  army,  before  which  he  walked  with  sanduls  on 
his  feet,  a  rope  about  his  waist,  and  every  other  mark  of  monk- 
ish austerity,  took  the  road  to  Constantinople,  through  Hungary 
and  Bulgaria.  Godescald,  a  German  priest,  and  his  banditti, 
took  the  same  route;  and  trusting  that  Heaven,  by  supernatural 
means,  would  supply  all  their  necessities,  they  made  no  provi- 
sion for  subsistence  on  their  march.  But  they  soon  found  it  ex- 
pedient to  obtain  by  plunder  what  they  had  vainly  expected  from 
miracles.  Want  is  ingenious  in  suggesting  pretences  for  its 
supply.  Their  fury  fust  discharged  itself  upon  the  Jews.  As 
the  soldiers  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  thought  themselves  authorised 
to  take  revenge  upon  his  murderers:  they  accordingly  fell  upon 
those  unhappy  people,  and  put  to  the  sword  without  mercy  such 
as  would  not  submit  to  baptism,  seizing  their  effects  as  lawful 
prize.  In  Bavaria  alone  twelve  thousand  Jews  were  massacred, 
and  many  thousands  in  the  other  provinces  of  Germany.  But 
Jews  not  being  every-where  found,  these  pious  robbers,  who  had 
tasted  the  sweets  of  plunder,  and  were  under  no  military  regu- 
lations, pillaged  without  distinction,  until  the  inhabitants  of  the 
countries  through  which  they  passed  rose  and  cutoff"  many  thou- 
sands of  their  number.  The  Hermit,  however,  and  the  remnant 
of  his  army,  at  length  reached  Constantinople,  where  he  receiv- 
ed a  fresh  supply  of  German  and  Italian  vagabonds,  who  were 
guilty  of  the  greatest  disorders,  pillaging  even  the  churches*. 

Alexius  Comnenus,  the  Greek  emperor,  who  had  applied  to 
the  princes  of  the  Latin  churcli  for  succour  against  the  Turks, 
entertained  a  hope,  and  but  a  feeble  one,  of  obtaining  such  aid 
as  might  enable  him  to  repulse  the  enemy.  He  was,  therefore, 
astonished  to  see  his  dominions  overwhelmed  by  an  inundation 
of  licentious  barbarians,  strangers  alike  to  order  and  discipline, 
and  to  hear  of  die  multitudes  that  were  following,  under  differ- 
ent leaders.  He  contented  himself,  however,  with  freeing  him- 
self, as  soon  as  possible,  from  such  troublesome  guests,  by  fur- 
nishing them  with  vessels  to  transport  themselves  to  the  other 
side  of  the  Bosphorus;  and  Peter  soon  saw  himself  in  the  plains 
of  Asia,  at  the  head  of  a  Christian  armv,  ready  to  give  battle 
to  tlie  infidels.  Soliman,  soltan  of  Nice,  fell  upon  the  disorderly 
crowd,  and  slaughtered  a  great  number  almost  without  resist- 
ance. Walter  the  Moneyless,  and  many  other  leaders  of  equal 

8  Maiiubourg.  Hist,  des  Ci'oisadcs,tonie  i. 


230  THE  HSITORY  OF  part  i. 

distinction,  were  slain;  but  Peter  the  Hermit  found  his  way  back 
to  Constantinople,  where  he  was  considered  as  a  maniac,  who 
had  enlisted  a  multitude  of  madmen  to  follow  him^. 

In  the  mean  time  the  more  disciplined  armies  arrived  at  the 
,^g-  imperial  city,  and  were  there  joined  by  Boemond, 

*  son  of  Robert  Guiscard,  from  motives  of  policy 
rather  than  piety.  Having  no  other  inheritance  than  the  small 
principality  of  Tarentum,  and  his  own  valour,  he  took  advan- 
tage of  the  epidemic  enthusiasm  of  the  times  to  assemble  under 
his  banner  ten  thousand  horsemen,  well  armed,  and  some  infan- 
try, with  which  he  hoped  to  conquer  a  few  provinces  either  from 
the  Christians  or  Moslems.  His  presence  alarmed  the  emperor 
Alexis,  with  whom  he  had  been  formerly  at  war.  But  the  re- 
fined policy  of  that  prince,  who  caressed  those  rapacious  allies 
whom  he  wished  to  ruin,  diverted  all  his  apprehensions  of  in- 
jury from  Boemond,  or  the  other  leaders  of  the  crusade.  He 
furnished  them  with  provisions,  and  transported  them  safely  into 
Asia  ;  after  having  conciliated  their  affections  by  presents  and 
promises,  and  engaged  them  to  do  him  homage  for  the  lands 
they  should  conquer  from  the  Turks^". 

Asia,  like  Europe,  was  then  divided  into  a  number  of  little 
states,  comprehended  under  the  great  ones.  The  Turkish 
princes  paid  an  empty  homage  to  the  khalif  of  Bagdad,  but  were 
in  reality  his  masters:  and  the  soltans,  who  were  very  numerous, 
weakened  still  farther  the  empire  of  Mohammed  by  continual 
wars  with  each  other,  the  necessary  consequence  of  divided 
sway.  The  soldiers  of  the  Cross,  therefore,  who,  when  muster- 
ed on  the  banks  of  the  Bosphorus,  are  said  to  have  amounted  to 
one  hundred  thousand  horsemen,  and  six  hundred  thousand  foot, 
were  sufficient,  (even  if  we  subtract  a  very  large  number  from 
this  exaggerated  account)  to  have  conquered  all  Asia,  had  they 
been  united  under  one  head,  or  commanded  by  leaders  that  ob- 
served any  concert  in  their  operations.  But  they  were  unhap- 
pily conducted  by  men  of  the  most  independent,  intractable  spi- 
rit, unacquainted  with  discipline,  and  enemies  to  civil  or  military 
subordination.  Their  zeal,  however,  their  bravery,  and  their 
irresistible  force,  still  carried  them  forward,  and  advanced  them 
to  the  great  end  of  their  enterprise,  in  spite  of  the  scarcity  of 
provisions,  the  excesses  of  fatigue,  and  the  influence  of  unknown 
1008  climes.     After  an  obstinate  siege,  they  took  Nice, 

*  the  seat  of  old  Soliman,  whose  army  they  had  twice 
defeated:  they  made  themselves  masters  of  Antioch,  the  seat  of 
another  soltan,  and  greatly  impaired  the  strength  of  the  Turks, 
who  had  so  long  tyrannised  over  the  Arabs". 

9  Anna  Comnensc  Alex.  10  Mainibourg,  ubi  sup.  11  Gul.  Malmesb.  lib.  iv. 


tET.  XXV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  231 

The  khalif  of  Egypt,  whose  alliance  the  Christians  had 
hitherto  courted,  now  recovered  his  authority  in  Jerusalem, 
and  sent  ambassadors  to  the  leaders  of  the  crusade,  informing 
them,  that  they  might  perform  their  religious  vows,  if  they 
would  come  disarmed  to  that  city.  His  overtures,  however, 
were  rejected.  He  was  required  to  yield  up  the  city  to  the 
Christians ;  and,  on  his  refusal,  the  champions  of  the  Cross 
advanced  to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  the  acquisition  of  which 
they  considered  as  the  consummation  of  their  labours. 

These  pious  adventurers  were  now  greatlydiminished  by  the 
detachments  they  had  made,  and  the  disasters  they  had  suffered; 
and  it  is  even  said,  that  they  did  not  exceed  twenty  thousand 
foot  and  fifteen  hundred  horse,  while  the  garrison  of  Jerusalem 
consisted  of  forty  thousand  men.  But,  be  that  as  it  .  ^g- 

may,  after  a  siege  of  five  weeks,  they  took  the  city 
by  assault,  and  put  the  garrison  and  inhabitants  to  the  sword 
without  distinction.  Arms  protected  not  the  brave,  nor  submis- 
sion the  timid  :  no  age  or  sex  received  mercy ;  infants  perished 
by  the  same  sword  that  pierced  their  mothers.  The  streets  of 
Jerusalem  were  covered  with  heaps  of  slain;  and  the  shrieks  of 
agony  or  despair  still  resounded  from  every  house  ;  when  these 
triumphant  warriors,  glutted  with  slaughter,  threw  aside  their 
arms,  yet  streaming  with  blood,  and  advanced  with  naked  feet 
and  bended  knees  to  the  sepulchre  of  the  Prince  of  Peace  !  sang 
anthems  to  that  Redeemer,  who  had  purchased  their  salvation 
by  his  death  ;  and,  while  dead  to  the  calamities  of  their  fellow- 
creatures,  dissolved  in  tears  for  the  sufferings  of  the  Messiah*^! 
— So  inconsistent  is  human  nature  with  itself;  and  so  easily, 
as  the  philosophic  Hume  remarks,  does  the  most  effeminate 
superstition  associate  both  with  the  most  heroic  courage  and 
with  the  fiercest  barbarity. 

Aoout  the  same  time  that  this  great  event  happened  in  Asia, 
where  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  was  chosen  king  of  Jerusalem,  and 
some  other  Christians  leaders  settled  in  their  new  conquests, 
Urban  II.,  the  author  of  the  crusade,  and  the  queen  of  France, 
died  in  Europe.  In  consequence  of  these  deaths,  Pillip  I.,  who, 
still  continued  to  live  with  the  countess  of  Anjou,  was  absolved, 
by  the  new  pope,  from  the  sentence  of  excommunication  de- 
nounced in  the  council  of  Clermont.  But  although  this  absolu- 
tion quieted  in  some  measure  his  domestic  troubles,  his  autho- 
rity, which  the  thunder  of  the  church,  together  with  his  indolent 
and  licentious  course  of  life,  had  ruined,  was  far  from  being 
restored. — The  nobles  more  and  more  affected  independence : 

V2  M.  Paris —OmIlt.  Vltnl  — V«*r(n!,  ISist.  lies  Cliev.  do  Malt,  lonir-  i 


232  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

they  insulted  him  every  hour ;  plundered  his  subjects  ;  and  en- 
tirely cut  off  the  communication  between  Paris  and  Orleans". 
In  order  to  remedy  these  evils,  Philip  associated  his  son 
,,^^  Louis  in  the  government,  or,  at  least,  declared 

A.  D.   1100.  ,  .  .^,    *u  *     f  *t-  U-1-.U       u- 

him,  with  the  consent  ot  the  nobility,  his  succes- 
sor. This  young  prince  was,  in  all  respects,  the  reverse  of  his 
father ;  active,  vigorous,  affable,  generous,  and  free  from  the 
vices  incident  to  youth.  He  saw  that  in  a  state  so  corrupted 
nothing  could  be  done  but  by  force  :  he  therefore  remained 
almost  continually  in  the  field,  with  a  small  body  of  troops 
about  him,  and  these  he  employed  against  all  the  nobles  who 
would  uot  listen  to  the  dictates  of  justice  and  equity,  but  treated 
,  ,^^  the  laws  of  their  country  with  derision.  He  demo- 
*  lished  their  castles  :  he  compelled  them  to  make 
restitution  to  such  as  they  had  pillaged,  and  he  forced  them  to 
abandon  the  lands  they  had  usurped  from  the  clergy  :  yet  all 
these  rigours  he  executed  in  a  manner  so  disinterested,  and 
with  so  indisputable  a  zeal  for  the  public  welfare,  that  he  gained 
the  affections  of  the  virtuous  part  of  the  nobility,  and  the  re- 
verence of  the  people,  while  he  restored  order  to  the  state, 
and  preserved  the  monarchy  from  subversion'*. 

This  prince,  who  is  commonly  called  by  the  old  historians 
Louis  the  Gross,  from  his  great  size  in  the  latter  part  of  his 

Julv  20  110''  ^^^^'*  ^^^^^^^^^  his  father  when  he  was  about 
-     * '  '  thirty  years  of  age.  He  engaged  in  a  long  and 

desultory  war  against  Henry  L  of  England,  a  powerful  vassal, 
whom  it  was  his  interest  to  humble.  The  war  was  carried  on 
with  a  variety  of  fortunes,  but  without  producing  any  remarka- 
ble event,  except  what  I  have  related  in  the  history  of  Eng- 
land, or  any  alteration  in  the  state  of  either  kingdom". 

A  peace  was  at  length  concluded  between  the  two  rival 
,,Qo  princes  ;  after  which  Louis  VL  devoted  himself 
*"  ■  to  the  regulation  of  the  interior  polity  of  his  king- 
dom, and  humbled  or  over-awed  the  great  vassals  of  the  crown, 
so  as  to  procure  universal  tranquillity.  This  he  accomplished, 
by  establishing  the  commons  or  third  estate,  by  enfranchising 
the  bondmen,  and  by  diminishing  the  exhorbitant  authority  of 
the  signorial  jurisdictions  ;  sending  commissaries  into  the  pro- 
vinces to  receive  the  complaints  and  redress  the  wrongs  of 
such  as  had  been  oppressed  by  the  dukes  and  counts,  and 
every  where  encouraging  appeals  to  the  royal  judges.  But,  in 
the  midst  of  his  prosperity,  he  fell  into  a  languishing  disorder, 
occasioned  by  his  excessive  corpulence ;  and  when  his  death 

33  Onler.  Vital.        14  Order.  Vital.— Sug.  Vlt.  Lu<I.  Grossi.      15  See  Letter.  XXIV 


LET.  XXV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  233 

seemed  to  approach,  he  ordered  his  son  to  be  called  to  him, 
and  gave  him  the  following  excellent  advice.  "  By  this  sign," 
said  he  (drawing  the  signet  from  his  finger,  and  putting  it  on 
that  of  the  prince),  "  I  invest  you  with  sovereign  authority  ; 
"  but  remember,  that  it  is  nothing  but  a  public  employment, 
"  to  which  you  are  called  by  Heaven,  and  for  the  exercise  of 
"  which  you  must  render  an  account  in  the  world  to  come'®." 

The  king  unexpectedly  recovered:  but  he  would  never  after- 
wards use  any  of  the  ensigns  of  royalty.  He  afterwards  pro- 
cured a  considerable  accession  of  tenitory  to  the  French  crown. 
William  duke  of  Guienne,  and  earl  of  Poictou,  desirous  of 
making  a  pilgrimage  to  the  shrine  of  St.  James  of  Compostella, 
bequeathed  his  extensive  territories  to  his  daughter  Eleanor, 
on  condition  of  her  marrying  young  Louis,  already  crowned 
king  of  France  ;  and  the  duke  dying  in  that  pilgrimage,  the 
marriage  was  celebrated  with  great  pomp  at  Bordeaux,  where 
Louis  Vn.  was  solemnly  inaugurated  as  lord  of  Guienne  and 
Poictou^^ 

After  a  reign  of  twenty-nine  }ears,  Louis  VL  died  .         . 
at  Paris,  in  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age.     A  better     "•^'    ' 
man,  historians  agree,  never  graced  tiie  throne  of 
France ;  but,  with  the  addition  of  certain  qualities,  his  coun- 
trymen say,  he  might  have  made  a  better  king.     Posterity, 
however,  may  not  perhaps  be  inclined  to  think  the  worse  of 
his  character,  when  they  are  told  that  the  qualities  he  wanted 
were  hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  and  that  his  vices  were  ho- 
nesty and  sincerity,  which  led  him  to  despise  flattery,  and  in- 
dulge himself  in  a  manly  freedom  of  speech. 

We  should  now,  my  dear  Philip,  return  to  the  history  of 
England ;  but  the  second  crusade,  which  was  conducted  by 
the  sovereigns  of  France  and  Germany,  makes  it  necessary  to 
carry  farther  the  affairs  of  the  continent. 

16  Sug.  Vit.X.ud.  Gpossi. — Henaiilt.  Hist.  Chronologique,  tome  i.  17  Id.  ib. 


Vol.  L  Gg 


534  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


LETTER  XXVI. 

Of  tJie  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Death 
of  Henry  V.  to  the  Election  of  Frederic  /.,  siirnamed  Barba-^ 
rossa, 

AT  the  death  of  Henry  V.  it  was  generally  supposed  that 
the  states  would  confer  the  empire  on  one  of  his  nephews,  Con- 
rad, duke  of  Franconia,  or  Frederic,  duke  of  Suabia,  who  were 
princes  of  great  merit :  but  Albert,  archbishop  of  Mentz,  found 
means  to  influence  the  German  chiefs  to  give  their  suffrages  in 

.  ,^-  favour  of  Lothaire,  duke  of  Saxe-Supplembourg, 
'  who  had  supported  him  in  all  his  contests  with  the 
late  emperor.  This  prince  was  accordingly  crowned  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  in  presence  of  the  pope's  nuncio.  His  two  competi- 
tors neglected  nothing  in  their  power  to  obtain  the  throne.  But, 
after  a  spirited  opposition,  they  dropped  their  pretensions,  and 
were  reconciled  to  Lothaire,  who  honoured  them  with  his  re- 
gard and  friendship^ 

The  first  expedition  of  the  new' emperor  was  against  the  Bo- 
hemians, whom  he  obliged  to  sue  for  peace,  and  do  homage  to 
the  empire.     He  next  marched  into  Italy,  where  the  affairs  of 

^ .  „^  the  church  were  in  disorder.  Innocent  II.  had  suc- 

*  ceeded  Honorius  II.  by  virtue  of  a  canonical  elec- 
tion ;  notwithstanding  which,  Peter  Leo,  the  grandson  of  a 
wealthy  Jew,  was  also  proclaimed  pope  by  the  name  of  Anacle- 
tus,  and  kept  possession  of  Rome  by  means  of  his  money,  whilst 
his  rival  was  obliged  to  retire  into  France,  the  common  asylum 

.  „,.  of  distressed  popes.    Lothaire  espoused  the  cause 

*  of  Innocent,  with  whom  he  had  an  interview  at 
Liege  :  accompanied  him  to  Rome  at  the  head  of  an  army,  and 
re-established  him  in  the  papal  chair,  in  spite  of  all  the  efforts 
of  Anacletus^. 

After  being  solemnly  crowned  at  Rome,  the  emperor  return- 
ed to  Germany;  where,  by  the  advice  of  Ernerius,  a  learned  pro- 
fessor of  the  Roman  law,  he  ordered  that  justice  should  be  ad- 
ministered in  the  empire  according  to  the  Digest  of  Justinian,  a 
copy  of  which  was,  about  this  time,  found  in  Italy^.  In  the 
mean  time  Roger,  duke  of  Apulia,  who  had  become  king  of  Si- 

1  Annal.  de  I'Emp.  tome  i. — Heiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xi. 

2  Jean  de  Launes.  Hist,  du  Pontificat  du  Pope  Innocent  II. 

S_On  this  subject,  which  is  involved  in  controversy, see  Hen.  Brenchmann,  Hist.  Pandect, 
and  Murat.  Antiq.  Ital.  vol.  ii. 


LET.  XXVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  235 

cily,  raised  an  army  in  favour  of  Anacletus,  and  made  himself 
master  of  almost  all  the  places  belonging  to  the  holy  see.  Inno- 
cent retired  to  Pisa,  which  was  then  one  of  the  most  considera- 
ble trading  cities  in  Europe,  and  again  implored  the  assist- 
ance of  Lothaire.  The  emperor  did  not  desert  him  in  his 
adversity :  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  and, 
by  the  help  of  the  Pisans,  soon  recovered  all  the  patrimony  of 
St.  Peter.  The  pope  was  re-conducted  in  triumph  to  Rome;  a 
circumstance  which  so  much  affected  Anacletus,  that  he  fell  a 
martyr  to  the  success  of  his  competitor,  literally  dying  of  grief. 

The  emperor  afterwards  attacked  the  king  of  Sicily  with 
success,  and  deprived  him  of  Apulia  and  Calabria,  which  he 
transferred  to  Renaud,  one  of  his  own  relatives'*.  On  his  return 
to  Germany,  he  was  seized  with  a  dangerous  dis-  -p.  1107 
temper,  which  carried  him  off,  near  Trent.  He  ^^' 
was  distinguished  by  a  passionate  love  of  peace,  and  an  exact 
attention  to  the  administration  of  public  justice. 

Conrad,  duke  of  Franconia,  was  now  elected  emperor;  but 
the  throne  was  disputed  by  Henry  the  Haughty,  duke  of  Bava- 
ria, the  name  of  whose  family  was  Welf  or  Guelph:  hence 
those  who  espoused  his  party  were  called  Guelphs.  Henry  died 
during  this  contest,  after  being  divested  of  his  dominions  by 
the  princes  of  the  empire;  but  the  war  was  still  nAn 

carried  on  against  the  emperor  by  Guelph,  the  * 
duke's  brother,  and  Roger  king  of  Sicily.  The  imperial  army 
was  commanded  by  Frederic,  duke  of  Suabia,  who,  being  born 
at  the  village  of  Hieghibelin,  gave  to  his  soldiers  the  name  of 
Ghibelins;  an  epithet  by  which  the  imperial  party  was  distin- 
guished in  Italy,  u  hile  the  pope's  adherents  became  famous 
under  that  of  Guelphs*. 

Duke  Guelph  and  his  principal  followers  were  besieged  in 
the  castle  of  Weinsberg,  and,  having  sustained  great  loss  in  a 
sally,  were  obliged  to  surrender  at  discretion.  The  emperor, 
however,  instead  of  using  his  good  fortune  with  rigour,  granted 
the  duke,  and  his  chief  officers,  permission  to  retire  unmolested. 
But  the  duchess,  suspecting  the  generosity  of  Conrad,  with 
whose  enmity  against  her  husband  she  was  well  acquainted, 
begged  that  she,  and  the  other  women  in  the  castle,  might  be 
allowed  to  come  out  with  as  much  as  each  of  them  could  carry, 
and  be  conducted  to  a  place  of  safety.  Her  request  was  grant- 
ed, and  the  evacuation  was  immediately  performed :  when  the 
emperor  and  his  army,  who  expected  to  see  every  lady  loaded 

4  Aiinal  de  I'Emp.  tome  i. 

?  Murat.  Disaei-iat.  de  Guelph.  ct  Guibel. — Sigon,  lib.  xi.-^Krant.  Sax.  lib.  Tiii- 


236  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

with  jewels,  gold,  and  silver,  beheld,  to  their  astonishment,  the 
-.lAt    duchess  and  her  fair  companions  staggering  be- 

*  neath  the  weight  of  their  husbands.  The  tears 
ran  down  Conrad's  cheeks:  he  applauded  their  conjugal  ten- 
derness, and  an  accommodation  with  Guelph  and  his  adherents 
uas  the  consequence  of  this  act  of  female  heroism^. 

While  these  incidents  occurred  in  Germany,  new  disorders 
bioke  out  in  Italy.  The  people  of  Rome  formed  a  design  of 
re-establishing  the  commonwealth,  retrieving  the  sovereignty  of 
their  city,  and  abolishing  the  temporal  dominion  of  the  popes. 
Lucius  II.  marched  against  the  rebels,  and  was  killed  at  the 
11 A K  fo'^t  of  the  Capitol;  but  Eugenius  III.,  his  suc- 
cessor, found  means  to  reduce  them  to  obedience, 
and  preserve  the  authority  of  the  apostolic  see^ 

This  pontiff  afterwards  countenanced  the  second  crusade 

against  the  Saracens,  preached  by  St.  Bernard,  in  which  the 

emperor  and  the  king  of  France  engaged,  as  you  will  soon  more 

j,-^^  particularly  learn.  Another  crusade  was  preached 

*  against  the  Moors  of  Spain,  in  which  a  great  num- 
ber of  Germans,  from  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Rhine  and 
Weser,  engaged ;  and  the  Saxons,  about  the  same  time,  under- 
took a  crusade  against  the  pagans  of  the  North,  whom  they 
cut  oif  in  thousands,  without  making  one  convert*. 

Nothing  remarkable  happened  in  the  empire,  after  the  return 
of  Conrad  III.  from  the  East,  except  the  death  of  prince  Hen- 
ry, his  eldest  son,  who  had  been  elected  king  of  the  Romans. 
Feb  n  ■'^^^^  event  greatly  affected  the  emperor,  who  died 
1  ico' '  soon  after;  and  his  nephew  Frederic,  duke  of  Suabia, 
surnamed  Barbarossa,  was  raised  to  the  imperial 
throne  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the  princes  and  nobles  both 
of  Italy  and  Germany. 

6  FTeiss,  lib.  ii.  eap.  xii. 

7  Fleury,  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  xiv. — Moshcim,  Flist.  Eccles.  vol.  iii. 

8  i.l.  ibid. 


LET.  XXVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  23T 


LETTER  XXVII. 


His  tori/  of  France  under  Louis  VII.  till  the  Divorce  of  Queen 
Eleanor y  with  so77ie  Account  of  the  second  Crusade. 

LOUIS  VII.  (frequently  called  the  Young),  after  he  had 
enjoyed  some  years  of  peace,  found  himself  engaged  in  one  of 
those  civil  wars  which  the  feudal  government  rendered  unavoid- 
able ;  and  having  in  an  expedition  into  Champagne,  .„ 
made  himself  master  of  the  town  of  Vitri,  he  or-  ^'  ^'  ^^'**^' 
dered  it  to  be  set  on  fire.  In  consequence  of  this  inhuman  or- 
der, thirteen  hundred  persons,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
church,  perished  in  the  flames\  This  unjustifiable  act  made  a 
deep  impression  upon  the  king's  mind,  and  prepared  the  way 
for  a  second  crusade,  which  now  demands  our  attention. 

The  power  of  the  Christians  of  the  East  gradually  declined 
in  those  countries  which  they  had  conquered.  The  little  king- 
dom of  Edessa  had  already  been  taken  by  the  Turks,  and  Jeru- 
salem itself  was  threatened.  Europe  was  solicited  for  a  new 
armament ;  and,  as  the  French  had  begun  the  first  inundation, 
they  were  again  applied  to,  in  hopes  of  a  second. 

Pope  EugeniusIII.,  to  whom  the  deputies  from  the  East  had 
been  sent,  wisely  pitched  upon  Bernard,  abbot  of 
Clairvaux,  as  the  instrument  of  this  pious  warfare.  ^'  ^'  ^^'*^* 
Bernard  was  learned  for  those  times,  naturally  eloquent,  au- 
stere in  his  life,  irreproachable  in  his  morals,  enthusiastically 
zealous,  and  inflexible  in  his  purpose.  He  had  long  enjoyed  the 
reputation  of  a  saint,  was  heard  as  an  oracle,  and  revered  as  a 
prophet.  It  is  not  very  surprising,  therefore,  that  he  found 
means  to  persuade  the  king  of  France,  that  there  was  no  other 
method  of  expiating  his  guilt  but  by  an  expedition  to  the  Holy 
Land. 

At  Vezelai,  in  Burgundy,  a  scaffold  was  erected  in  the  mar- 
ket-place, on  which  St.  Bernard  appeared  bv  the  .  .^. 
side  of  Louis  VIL  The  saint  spoke  first;  the  ^'  ^'  ^^^^' 
king  seconded  him,  after  taking  the  cross  ;  and  the  holy  ex- 
ample was  followed  by  all  present,  among  whom  were  many 
of  the  chief  nobility^. 

Suger,  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  then  prime  minister,  a  man  very 
different  from  Bernard,  endeavoured  in  vain  to  dissuade  the 
king  from  abandoning  his  dominions,  by  telling  him  that  he 

I  Gul.  Tyr.  Gest.  Ltidoyic.  VII.  2  E(>ist,  Ludovic.  ad  Suger. 


238  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

might  make  a  much  more  suitable  atonement  for  his  guilt  by  re- 
maining at  home,  and  governing  his  kingdom  in  a  wise  and  pru- 
dent manner.  The  eloquence  of  St.  Bernard,  and  the  madness 
of  the  times,  prevailed  over  reason  and  sound  polic}'.  Suger, 
however,  retained  his  opinion  ;  and  made  no  scruple  of  foretell- 
ing the  inconveniences  that  would  attend  an  expedition  into  Pa- 
lestine, whilst  Bernard  made  himself  answerable  for  its  success, 
and  extolled  it  with  an  enthusiasm  that  passed  for  inspiration. 

From  France  this  fanatical  orator  went  to  preach  the  crusade 
in  Germany  ;  where,  by  the  force  of  his  irresistible  eloquence, 
he  prevailed  on  the  emperor  Conrad  III. ;  his  nephew  Frederic, 
and  an  infinite  number  of  persons  of  all  ranks,  to  take  the  cross; 
promising  them,  in  the  name  of  God,  victory  over  the  infidels. 
He  ran  from  city  to  city,  every- where  communicating  his  enthu- 
siasm, and,  if  we  believe  the  historians  of  those  times,  working 
miracles.  It  is  not  indeed  pretended  that  he  restored  the  dead 
to  life  ;  but  the  blind  received  sight,  the  lame  walked,  the  sick 
were  healed.  And  to  these  bold  assertions  we  may  add  the  ex- 
traordinary circumstance,  that  while  St.  Bernard's  eloquence 
operated  so  powerfully  on  the  minds  of  the  Germans,  he 
always  preached  to  them  in  French,  a  language  which  they  did 
not  understand  !  or  in  Latin,  equally  unintelligible  to  the  body 
of  the  people^. 

The  hope  of  certain  victory  drew  after  the  emperor  and  the 
king  of  France  the  greater  part  of  the  knights  of  their  domi- 
nions ;  and  it  is  said  that  in  each  army  there  were  reckoned  se- 
venty thousand  men  in  complete  armour,  with  a  prodigious 
number  of  light  horse,  besides  infantry  ;  so  that  we  cannot  well 
reduce  this  second  emigration  to  less  than  three  hundred  thou- 
sand persons. 

The  Germans  took  the  field  first,  the  French  followed  ;  and 
, ,  ^-  the  same  excesses  that  had  been  committed  by  the 
*  warriors  of  the  first  crtisade  were  renewed  by  those 
of  the  second.  Hence  Manuel  Comnenus,  who  now  filled  the 
throne  of  Constantinople,  was  disquieted  with  the  same  appre- 
hensions which  the  former  enterprise  had  raised  in  the  mind  of 
his  grandfather  Alexis.  If  the  Greek  emperor  behaved  ungene- 
rously to  them,  it  must  therefore  be  ascribed  to  the  irregularity 
of  their  own  conduct,  which  made  craft  necessary  where  force 
was  unequal ;  especially  as  Manuel  is  represented,  on  all  other 
occasions,  as  a  prince  of  great  generosity  and  magnanimity. 
But  the  mortality  which  prevailed  in  the  German  army,  near  the 
plains  of  Constantinople,  may  be  fully  accounted  for  from  ia- 

3  Flenault,  Hist.  CUronol.  tome  i. — Annal.  del'Etnp.  tome  i. 


JLET.  xxvii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  239 

temperance  and  the  change  of  chmate,  without  supposing  that 
the  wells  were  poisoned,  or  that  lime  was  mingled  with  the 
flour. 

After  Conrad  had  passed  the  Bosphorus,  he  acted  with  that 
imprudence  which  seems  inseparable  from  such  romantic  expe- 
ditions. As  the  principality  of  Antioch  was  yet  in  being,  he 
might  have  joined  those  Christians  who  remained  in  Syria,  and 
there  have  waited  for  the  king  of  France.  Their  numbers  unit- 
ed would  have  ensured  them  success.  But,  instead  of  such  a 
rational  measure,  the  emperor,  jealous  both  of  the  prince  of 
Antioch  and  the  king  of  France,  marched  immediately  into  the 
middle  of  Asia  Minor  :  where  the  soltan  of  Iconium,  a  more 

experienced  afencral,  drew  his  heavy  German  ca-  ^  -,  ao 

i  ^,  J  -,.-..  A.  D.  1148. 

valry  among  the  rocks,  and  cut  his  army  in  pieces. 

Conrad  fled  to  Antioch  :  went  to  Jerusalem  as  a  pilgrim,  in- 
stead of  appearing  there  as  the  leader  of  an  army  ;  and  return- 
ed to  Europe  with  a  very  small  force*. 

The  king  of  France  was  not  more  successful  in  his  enter- 
prise. He  fell  into  the  same  snare  that  had  deceived  the  em- 
peror ;  and,  being  surprised  among  the  rocks  near  Laodicea, 
was  worsted,  as  Conrad  had  been.  But  Louis  met  with  a  do- 
mestic misfortune  that  gave  him  more  uneasiness  than  the  loss 
of  his  army.  Queen  Eleanor  was  suspected  of  an  amour  with 
the  prince  of  Antioch,  at  whose  court  her  husband  had  taken 
refuge.  She  is  even  said  to  have  forgotton  her  fatigues  in  the 
arms  of  a  young  Turk  ;  and  the  conclusion  of  the  expedition 
was,  that  Louis,  like  Conrad,  returned  to  Europe  with  the 
wreck  of  a  great  army,  after  visiting  the  holy  sepulchre,  and 
being  dishonoured  by  his  pious  consort.    Thou-  1140 

sands  of  ruined  families  in  vain  exclaimed  against 
St.  Bernard  for  his  deluding  prophecies  :  he  excused  himself 
by  the  example  of  Moses ;  who,  like  him,  he  said,  had  pro- 
mised to  conduct  the  Israelites  into  a  happy  country,  and  yet 
saw  the  first  generation  perish  in  the  desert*. 

Louis,  more  delicate  than  politic,  annulled  (soon  after  his  re- 
turn) his  marriage  with  Eleanor,  who  immediately  espoused 
Henry  Plantagenet,  presumptive  heir  to  the  crown  of  England ; 
an  inheritance  which  the  accession  of  power  arising  from  this 
alliance  enabled  him  to  obtain,  while  France  lost  the  fine  pro- 
vinces of  Guienne  and  Poictou,  the  hereditary  possessions  of 
the  queen.  But,  before  I  treat  of  that  subject,  we  must  take  a 
view  of  England  during  the  introductory  reign. 

4  Otho  de  Frising. — Gul.  Tvr. 

5  Gul.  i'jr.  Gest.  Ludovic.  Vll. — HenauU,  Hist.  Clironol.  tome  i. 


240  THE  HISTORY  OF  paet  i. 


LETTER  XXVIII. 


Of  the  Affairs  of  England  during  the  Reign  of  Stephen. 

HENRY  I.,  my  dear  Philip  (as  you  have  had  occasion  to 
see),  left  his  dominions  to  his  daughter  Matilda ;  and  as  the  no- 

.  -  -  -  bility,  both  of  England  and  Normandy,  had  sworn 
*     *  '  fealty  to  her,  she  had  reason  to  expect  the  inheri- 

tance of  both  states.  But  the  repugnance  of  the  feudal  barons 
to  femnle  succession  prevailed  over  their  good  faith,  and  paved 
the  way  for  the  usurpation  of  Stephen,  count  of  Boulogne, 
son  of  the  count  of  Blois,  and  grandson  of  the  Conquerer  by 
his  daughter  Adela. 

Stephen  was  a  prince  of  vigour  and  ability  :  but  the  manner 
in  which  he  obtained  the  crown  of  England,  obliged  him  to  grant 

, ,  „^  exorbitant  privileges  to  the  nobility  and  clergy,  who 
*  might  be  said  to  command  the  kingdom.  The  ba- 
rons erected  numerous  castles;  garrisoned  them  with  their  own 
troops ;  and,  when  offended,  bade  defiance  to  their  sovereign, 
while  wars  among  themselves  were  carried  on  with  the  utmost 
fury  in  every  quarter.  They  even  assumed  the  right  of  coining 
money,  and  of  exercising,  without  appeal,  every  act  of  jurisdic- 
tion ;  and  the  inferior  gentry,  and  the  people,  finding  no  guar- 
dianship from  the  laws  during  this  total  dissolution  of  sovereign 
authority,  were  obliged  topay  court  to  some  neighbouring  chief- 
tain, and  to  purchase  his  protection,  not  only  by  yielding  to  his 
exactions,  but  by  assisting  him  in  his  rapine  upon  others'. 

While  affairs  continued  in  this  distracted  situation,  David 
king  of  Scotland  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  considerable  army, 
in  defence  of  his  niece  Matilda's  title  ;  and,  penetrating  into 
Yorkshire,  ravaged  the  whole  country.  These  barbarous  out- 
rages incensed  the  northern  nobility,  who  might  otherwise  have 
been  inclined  to  join  him,  and  proved  the  ruin  of  Matilda's 
^  (^^  cause.  The  earl  of  Albemarle,  and  other  powerful 
"* .  .^*o  ""'  nobles,  assembling  an  army  at  Northallerton,  where  a 
great  battle  was  fought,  called  the  Battle  of  the  Stan- 
dard, from  a  high  crucifix  erected  by  the  English  on  a  wagon, 
and  carried  along  with  the  army  as  a  military  ensign.  The 
Scots  were  routed  with  great  slaughter,  and  the  king  narrowly 
escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  English  army^. 

1  Gui.  Malmesb.  Hist.  Novel,  lib.  i.        2  R.  Hagulst. — Ailred,  de  Bell.  Standard  i. 


LET.  xxviit.  MODERN  EUROPE.  241 

This  success  overawed  the  malcontents  in  England,  and 
might  have  given  stability  to  Stephen's  throne,  had  he  not  been 
so  elated  by  prosperity  as  to  engage  in  a  contest  with  the  clergy, 
who  were  at  that  time  an  over-match  for  any  monarch.  They 
acted  entirely  as  barons;  built  castles,  employed  military  power 
against  their  sovereign  or  their  neighbours,  and  thereby  increas- 
ed those  disorders  which  it  was  their  duty  to  prevent,  while 
they  claimed  an  exemption  from  all  civil  jurisdiction,  and  at- 
tracted popularity  by  the  sacredness  of  their  character.  The 
1 1  oQ  bishop  of  Salisbury,  whose  castle  had  been  seized 
by  order  of  the  king,  appealed  to  the  pope;  and  had 
not  Stephen  and  his  partisans  employed  menaces,  and  even 
shown  a  disposition  of  executing  vengeance  by  the  hands  of 
the  soldiery,  affairs  would  soon  have  come  to  extremity  be- 
tween the  crown  and  the  mitre. 

Matilda,  ewcouraged  by  these  discontents,  and  invited  by  the 
rebellious  clergy,  landed  in  England,  accompanied  by  ^^      „^ 
Robert  earl  of  Glocester,  natural  son  of  the  late  king,      ^ 
and  a  retinue  of  a  hundred  and  forty  knights.     She  fixed  hei" 
residence  at  Arundel  castle,  whose  gates  were  opened  to  her 
by  Adelaide  of  Louvain,  the  relict  of  king  Henry.     Her  party 
daily  increased ;  she  was  soon  joined  by  several  barons  :  war 
raged  in  all  parts  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  it  was  carried  on  with 
so  much  fury,  that  the  land  was  left  uncultivated,  ^   ^   ^^^^ 
and  the  instruments  of  husbandry  were  destroyed 
or  abandoned.  A  grievous  famine,  the  natural  consequence  of 
such  disorders,  equally  affected  both  parties,  and  reduced  the 
spoilers,  as  well  as  the  defenceless  people,  to  extreme  want^  { 

Such  was  the  wretched  state  of  the  nation,  when  an  unex- 
pected event  seemed  to  promise  some  mitigation  of  the  public 
calamities.  The  royal  army  was  defeated  near  ^^j^  ^  1141 
the  castle  of  Lincoln  ;  and  Stephen  himself  sur-  '  ' 
rounded  by  the  enemy,  and  borne  down  by  numbers,  was  made 
prisoner,  after  displaying  extraordinary  valour.  He  was  con- 
ducted to  Glocester,  thrown  into  prison,  and  ignominiously  fet- 
tered. But  he  was  soon  released  in  exchange  for  earl  Robert, 
Matilda's  brother,  who  was  no  less  the  soul  of  one  party  than 
Stephen  was  of  the  other;  and  the  civil  war  was  prosecuted  with 
greater  fury  than  ever*. 

The  weakness  of  both  parties,  however,  at  last  produced  a 
tacit  cessation  of  arms  :  and  the  empress  Matilda  retired  into 
Normandy.     But  an  event  soon  after  happened,  ^    ^    ,  ,^g 
which  threatened  a  revival  of  hostilities  in  Eng- 

3  Chron.  Sax.— Gest.  Reg,  Stephani.  4  Gul.  Malmesb.  Hist.  Nov.  \\h.  ii. 

Vol.  I.  H  h 


242  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

land.    Prince  Henry,  the  son  of  Matilda  and  Geoffrey  Planta- 
genet,  had  entered  his  seventeenth  year,  and  was  de- 
^*  ^'  '  sirous  of  receiving  the  honour  of  knighthood  from 

his  grand- uncle,  the  king  of  Scotland.  For  this  purpose  he 
passed  through  England  with  a  great  retinue,  and  was  visited 
by  the  most  considerable  of  his  partisans,  whose  hopes  he  roused 
by  his  dexterity  and  vigour  in  all  manly  exercises,  and  his  pru- 
dence in  every  occurrence.  He  remained  some  time  in  Scotland, 
where  he  increased  in  reputation;  and  on  his  return  to  Norman- 
dy he  was  invested  in  that  duchy,  with  the  consent  of  his  mo- 
. ,  - .   ther.  On  his  father's  death,  he  took  possession  of 

*  Anjou,  Touraine,  and  Maine,  and  soon  after  es- 
poused the  heiress  of  Guienne  and  Poictou,  whom  Louis  VH. 
had  divorced,  as  I  have  already  observed,  on  account  of  her 
gallantries.  This  marriage  rendered  the  young  duke  a  formi- 
dable rival  both  to  Louis  and  Stephen  ;  and  the  prospect  of  his 
rising  fortune  had  such  an  effect  in  England,  that  the  archbi- 
shop of  Canterbur}^  refused  to  anoint  Eustace,  Stephen's  son, 
as  his  successor,  and  retired  beyond  sea,  to  avoid  the  fury  of 
the  enraged  monarch*. 

As  soon  as  Henry  was  informed  of  these  dispositions  in  the 
..pn   people,  he  invaded  England.     Stephen  advanced 

*  with  a  superior  force  to  meet  him  :  and  a  decisive 
action  was  daily  expected,  when  the  nobles  of  both  parties, 
terrified  with  the  prospect  of  farther  bloodshed  and  confusion, 
interposed  with  their  good  offices,  and  set  on  foot  a  negotiation 
between  the  contending  princes.  The  death  of  Eustace,  which 
happened  during  the  course  of  the  treaty,  facilitated  its  con- 
clusion; and  a  convention  was  at  lentgh  adjusted,  by  which  it 
was  agreed,  that  Stephen  should  possess  the  crown  during  his 
life  ;  that  justice  should  be  administered  in  his  name,  even  in 
the  provinces  which  had  submitted  to  his  rival;  and  that  Henry, 
on  Stephen's  death,  should  succeed  to  the  kingdom  of  Eng- 
land, and  William,  Stephen's  son,  to  Boulogne  and  his  patri- 
monial estate®. 

All  the  barons  swore  to  the  observance  of  this  treaty,  and  did 
homage  to  Henry  as  heir  of  the  crown.    He  soon  after  retired 
from  the  kingdom;  and  Stephen's  death,  which  quickly  follow- 
Q      or  1 1  C4  ^^f  prevented  those  jealousies  and  feuds  which 
'  *  were  likely  to  have  ensued  in  so  delicate  a  situa- 

tion. The  character  of  Stephen  is  differently  represented  by 
historians ;  but  all  allow  that  he  possessed  industry,  activity, 
and  courage,  to  a  great  degree;  and,  if  he  had  succeeded  by  a 
just  title,  he  seems  to  have  been  well  qualified  to  promote  the 

5  Gul.  Malmesb.  Hist.  Nov.  lib.  ii.  6  Annul.  Waverl. — Brorapto;;. 


LET.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  343 

happiness  and  prosperity  of  his  subjects,  notwithstanding  the 
miseries  that  England  suffered  in  his  reign'. 

7  These  miseries  are  thus  described  by  a  contemporary  iiistoriiin :  "  All  England  wore  a 
face  of  desolation  and  wretchedness.  Multitudes  abandoned  their  beloved  country,  and  went 
into  voluntai-y  exile  :  others,  forsaking  their  own  houses,  built  wretched  huts  in  the  church- 
yai'ds,  hoping  for  protection  from  the  sacredness  of  the  place.  AVhole  families,  after  sus- 
slaining  life  as  long  as  they  could,  by  eating  herbs,  roots,  and  the  flesh  of  dogs  and  horses, 
at  last  died  of  hunger; — and  you  might  see  many  pleasant  villages  without  a  sin;j!o  inhabi- 
tant of  either  se.x."     Gest.  Reg.  Stepft. 


LETTER  XXIX. 


History  of  England  during  the  Reign  of  Henry  II.;  with  an 
Account  of  the  Affairs  of  France. 

I  HAVE  aheady  observed,  my  dear  son,  that,  before  the 
conquest  of  England  by  the  duke  of  Normandy,  this  island  was 
as  distinct  from  the  rest  of  the  world  in  politics  as  in  situation. 
The  English  had  then  neither  enemies  nor  allies  on  the  conti- 
nent. But  the  foreign  dominions  of  William  and  his  successors 
connected  them  with  the  kings  and  great  vassals  of  France  ; 
and  while  the  opposite  pretensions  of  the  popes  and  the  empe- 
rors in  Italy  produced  a  continual  intercourse  between  Germa- 
ny and  that  country,  the  two  great  monarch s  of  France  and  Eng- 
land formed,  in  another  part  of  Europe,  a  separate  system,  and 
carried  on  their  wars  and  negotiations,  without  meeting  either 
with  opposition  or  support  from  their  neighbours ;  the  exten- 
sive confederacies  by  which  the  European  potentates  were  af- 
terward united,  and  made  the  guardians  of  each  other,  being 
then  totally  unknown.  We  may  therefore  suppose  that  Louis 
VII.  observed  with  terror  the  rising  greatness  of  the  house  of 
Anjou  or  Plantagenet,  whose  continental  dominions  nearly 
added  one  third  of  the  whole  French  monarchy  to  the  pos- 
sessions of  the  new  king  of  England.  The  jealousy  occasioned 
by  this  alarming  circumstance,  however,  as  we  shall  have  oc- 
casion to  see,  not  only  saved  France  from  falling  a  prey  to 
England,  but  exalted  that  kingdom  to  the  height  of  grandeur 
which  it  long  enjoyed.  The  king  of  England  soon  became  a 
kind  of  foreigner  in  his  continental  dominions  :  and  the  other 
powerful  vassals  of  the  French  crown  were  less  offended  at  the 
oppression  of  a  co-vassal,  than  pleased  at  the  expulsion  of  the 
Anglo-Normans. 


244  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

But,  as  these  important  consequences  could  not  be  foreseen  by 
human  wisdom,  the  king  of  France  had  maintained  a  strict 
union  with  Stephen,  in  order  to  prevent  the  succession  of  Henry. 
The  sudden  death  of  the  usurper,  however,  disappointed  the 
hopes  of  Louis.  Henry  was  received  in  England  with  the  ac- 
clamations of  all  classes  of  people  ;  and  he  began  his  reign  with 
re-establishing  justice  and  good  order,  to  which  the  kingdom 
had  been  long  a  stranger.  He  dismissed  the  foreign  mercena- 
ries retained  by  Stephen  ;  and  that  he  might  restore  authority 
to  the  laws,  he  caused  the  new  castles,  which  had  proved  so 
many  sanctuaries  to  rebels  and  freebooters,  to  be  demolished^ 
To  conciliate  still  farther  the  affections  of  his  subjects,  he  vo- 
luntarily confirmed  that  charter  of  liberties  which  had  been 
granted  by  his  grandfather,  Henry  I.2 

Tranquillity  was  no  sooner  restored  to  England,  than  Henry 

had  occasion  to  visit  his  foreign  dominions.  Having  settled  the 

, ,  c-  affairs  of  those  provinces,  he  returned  to  repress 

*  the  incursions  of  the  Welsh,  who  gave  him  much 
trouble,  but  at  length  submitted.  A  quarrel  afterwards  broke 
out  between  Louis  and  Henry,  relative  to  the  county  of  Tou- 

- .  ^Q  louse,  and  a  war  commenced  between  the  two 

*  monarchs.  But  these  hostilities  produced  no  me- 
morable event,  were  stopped  by  a  cessation  of  arms,  and  soon 
terminated  in  a  peace,  through  the  mediation  of  the  pope. 

This  war,  so  insignificant  in  itself,  is  remarkable  for  the  man- 
ner in  which  it  was  conducted.  An  army  formed  of  feudal  vas- 
sals, as  I  have  had  occasion  to  observe,  commonly  proved  very 
intractable  and  undisciplined,  both  on  account  of  the  indepen- 
dent spirit  of  the  men  who  composed  it,  and  because  the  com- 
missions were  not  bestowed  by  the  choice  of  the  sovereign,  in 
reward  of  the  military  talents  and  services  of  the  officers. 
Each  baron  conducted  his  own  vassals,  and  his  rank  in  the 
army  was  greater  or  less,  in  proportion  to  the  value  of  his  pro- 
perty. Even  the  chief  command,  under  that  of  the  prince,  was 
often  attached  to  birth ;  and  as  the  military  vassals  were  obliged 
to  serve  only  forty  days  at  their  own  charge,  the  state  reaped 
very  little  benefit  from  their  attendance.  Henry,  sensible  of 
these  inconveniences,  levied  upon  his  vassals  in  Normandy, 
and  other  provinces  remote  from  the  seat  of  war,  a  sum  of 
money  in  lieu  of  their  service  :  and  this  commutation,  by  reason 
of  the  greater  distance,  was  still  more  advantageous  to  his  Eng- 
lish vassals.  He  therefore  imposed  a  sciitage  of  three  pounds 
upon  each  knight's  fee  ;  a  condition  to  which,  though  it  was 

1  Gervas.  Cliron.— Gul.  Neubrig.  lib.  ii.  2  See  Blatkstone's  Law  Tracts,  voT.ii. 


LET.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  245 

unusual,  the  military  tenants  readily  submitted.  With  this 
money  he  levied  an  army  which  was  more  at  his  disposal,  and 
whose  service  was  more  durable  and  constant :  and,  in  order 
to  facilitate  those  levies,  he  enlarged  the  privileges  of  the  peo- 
ple, and  rendered  them  less  dependent  on  the  barons. 

Having  thus  regulated  his  civil  and  military  affairs,  and  ac- 
commodated his  differences  with  Louis,  Henry  be-  \}f\q 
gan  to  cast  his  eye  upon  the  church,  where  abuses 
of  every  kind  prevailed.  The  clergy,  among  their  other  in- 
ventions to  obtain  money,  had  inculcated  the  necessity  of  pen- 
ance as  an  atonement  for  sin.  They  had  also  introduced  the 
practice  of  paying  large  sums  of  money  as  a  composition  for 
such  penances.  Thus  the  sins  of  the  people  became  sources 
of  revenue  to  the  priests  ;  and  the  king  computed,  that,  by  this 
invention  alone,  they  levied  more  money  from  his  subjects 
than  flowed  into  the  royal  treasury  by  all  the  methods  of  pub- 
lic supply'.  Feeling  for  his  oppressed  people,  he  required  that 
a  layman,  nominated  by  him,  should  for  the  future  be  present 
in  all  ecclesiastical  courts,  and  that  the  consent  of  this  officer 
should  be  necessary  to  every  composition  made  by  sinners  for 
their  spiritual  offences. 

But  the  grand  difficulty  was,  how  to  carry  this  order  into 
execution,  as  the  ecclesiastics,  in  that  age,  had  renounced  all 
immediate  subordination  to  the  civil  power.  They  openly 
claimed  exemption,  in  cases  of  criminal  accusation,  from  a  trial 
before  courts  of  justice.  Spiritual  penalties  alone  could  be 
inflicted  on  their  offences;  and,  as  the  clerical  habit  was  thus 
become  a  protection  for  all  enormities,  they  could  not  fail  to 
increase.  Accordingly  crimes  of  the  deepest  dye  were  fre- 
quently committed  with  impunity  by  ecclesiastics ;  and  it  was 
found  upon  inquiry,  that  no  less  than  a  hundred  murders  had 
been  perpetrated  since  the  king's  accession,  by  men  in  holy 
orders,  who  had  never  been  called  to  account  for  these  ofi'ences 
against  the  laws  of  nature  and  society^. 

In  order  to  bring  such  criminals  to  justice,  as  the  first  step 
towards  his  projected  reformation  of  the  church,  and  in  the 
hope  of  restoring  union  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  pow- 
er, so  necessary  in  every  government  for  the  maintenance  of 
peace  and  harmony,  Henry  exalted  Thomas  Becket,  his  chan- 
cellor, and  the  first  man  of  English  descent  who  had  occupied 
an  eminent  station  since  the  Norman  conquest,  to  the  see  of 
Canterbury,  on  the  death  of  archbishop  Theobald;  rightly  judg- 
ing, that  if  the  present  opportunity  should  be  neglected,  and 
the  usurpations  of  the  clergy  allowed  to  proceed,  the  crown 

2  Fitz-Steph.  Vit.  Sancti.  Thomse.  4  Gul.  Neubr.  lib.  ii. 


246  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

would  be  in  danger,  from  the  predominating  superstition  of  the 
people,  of  falling  under  subjection  to  the  mitre. 

Becket,  while  chancellor,  was  pompous  in  his  retinue,  sump- 
tuous in  his  furniture,  and  luxurious  in  his  table,  beyond  what 
England  had  seen  in  a  subject.  His  house  was  a  place  of  edu- 
cation for  the  sons  of  the  chief  nobility,  and  the  king  himself 
frequently  condescended  to  partake  of  his  chancellor's  enter- 
tainments. His  amusements  were  as  gay  as  his  manner  of  life 
was  splendid  and  elegant.  He  employed  himself  at  leisure  hours 
in  hunting,  hawking,  gaming,  and  horsemanship.  His  com- 
plaisance and  good-humour  had  rendered  him  agreeable,  and 
his  industry  and  abilities  useful  to  his  master.  He  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  king's  intention  of  retrenching,  or  rather 
confining  within  ancient  bounds,  all  ecclesiastical  privileges ; 
and,  as  he  had  hitherto  seemed  disposed  to  comply  with  every 
advance  to  that  purpose,  Henry  considered  him  as  the  most 
proper  person  he  could  place  at  the  head  of  the  English  church. 
But  no  prince  of  so  much  penetration  ever  so  little  understood 
the  character  of  his  minister. 

Becket  was  no  sooner  installed  in  the  see  of  Canterbury, 
which  rendered  him  the  second  person  in  the  kingdom,  than  he 
secretly  aspired  at  being  the  first  in  real  power,  and  totally  al- 
tered his  manner  of  life.  He  affected  the  greatest  austerity,  and 
the  most  rigid  mortification  :  he  wore  sackcloth  next  his  skin, 
which  he  changed  so  seldom  that  it  was  filled  with  dirt  and  ver- 
min. His  usual  diet  was  bread,  his  drink  water  :  he  tore  his 
back  with  the  frequent  discipline  which  he  inflicted  upon  it;  and 
he  daily  washed  on  his  knees,  in  imitation  of  Jesus  Christ,  the 
feet  of  thirteen  beggars,  whom  he  afterwards  dismissed  with 
presents*.  Every  one  who  made  profession  of  sanctity  was  ad- 
mitted to  his  conversation,  and  returned  full  of  panegyrics  on 
the  humility  as  well  as  piety  and  mortification  of  the  primate, 
whose  aspect  now  v/ore  the  appearance  of  intense  thought  and 
profound  devotion.  And  all  men  of  penetration  saw  that  he 
was  meditating  some  great  design,  and  that  the  ambition  and 
ostentation  of  his  character  had  taken  a  new  and  more  danger- 
ous direction. 

This  champion  of  the  church  (for  such  he  now  declared  him- 
self)  did  not  even  wait  till  the  king  had  matured  his  projects 
for  the  diminution  of  ecclesiastical  power  :  he  himself  began 
hostilities,  and  endeavoured  to  overawe  his  sovereign  by  the 
intrepidity  and  boldness  of  his  measures.  But  although  Hen- 
ry found  that  he  had  mistaken  the  character  of  the  person 
whom  he  had  promoted  to  the  primacy,  he  determined  not  to 

5  Fitz-Steph.  Vit.  S.  Thora. 


LET.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  247 

desist  from  his  former  intention  of  retrenching  clerical  usurpa- 
tions :  and  an  event  soon  occurred  which  gave  him  a  plausible 
pretence  for  putting  his  design  in  execution,  and  brought  mat- 
ters to  a  crisis  with  the  archbishop. 

A  clergyman  in  Worcestershire,  having  debauched  a  gentle- 
man's daughter,  had  proceeded  to  murder  the  father.  The  ge- 
neral indignation  against  so  enormous  a  crime  made 
the  king  insist  that  the  ecclesiastical  assassin  should  "  *    ' 
be  delivered  up  to  the  civil  magistrate,  and  receive  condign 
punishment ;  but  Becket  maintained  that  no  greater  punish- 
ment ought  to  be  inflicted  upon  him  than  degradation.     Henry 
took  advantage  of  the  incident  to  attack  all  the  usurpations  of 
the  clergy,  and  to  determine  at  once  those  controversies  which 
daily  multiplied  between  the  civil  and  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tions. He  summoned  an  assembly  of  all  the  prelates  of  England, 
and  put  to  them  this  concise  question : — "Are  you,  or  are  you 
not,  willing  to  submit  to  the  ancient  laws  and  customs  of  the 
kingdom  ?"     As  the  bishops  answered  in  unequivocal  and  un- 
satisfactory terms,  he  convoked  at  Clarendon  a  ge-  .      . 
neral  council  for  the  decision  of  that  important    '     * 
question.     The  barons  were  gained  to  the  king's  party,  either 
by  the  reasons  he  urged  or  by  his  superior  authority,  while  the 
bishops  were  over-awed  by  the  general  combination  against 
them.  And  the  following  laws,  among  others,  commonly  called 
the  Constitutions  of  Clarendon,  were  voted  without  opposition: 
"  That  no  chief  tenant  of  the  crown  should  be  excommunicat- 
"  ed,  or  have  his  lands  put  under  an  interdict,  without  the 
"  king's  consent;  that  no  appeals  in  spiritual  causes  should  be 
"  carried  before  the  holy  see,  nor  any  clergyman  be  suffered  to 
"  leave  the  kingdom,  unless  with  the  king's  permission ;  that 
"  laymen  should  not  be  accused  in  spiritual  courts,  except  by 
*'  legal  and  reputable  promoters  and  witnesses ;  and  lastiy," 
w^hich  was  the  great  object  aimed  at,  "  that  churchmen,  accused 
"  of  any  crime,  should  be  tried  in  the  civil  courts^" 

These  articles  were  well  calculated  to  prevent  the  principal 
abuses  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  put  a  final  stop  to  the  usur- 
pations of  the  church ;  and,  having  been  passed  in  a  national 
and  civil  assembly,  they  fully  established  the  superiority  of  the 
legislator  over  all  papal  decrees  and  spiritual  canons.  But  as 
Henry  knew  the  bishops  would  take  the  first  opportunity  to 
deny  the  authority  which  had  enacted  these  constitutions,  he 
resolved  that  they  should  affix  their  seals  to  them,  and  give  a 
promise  to  observe  them.  With  this  view  they  were  reduced 
to  writing;  and  none  of  the  prelates  dared  to  oppose  the  king's 

6  Gervas.  Chron. — Malth.  Par. 


243  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

will  except  Becket,  who  peremptorily  refused  to  set  his  seal  to 
the  constitutions,  though  he  promised  legally,  with  goodfaith^ 
and  wiihonxjraiid  or  reserve^  to  regard  them,  and  even  took  an 
oath  to  that  purpose'^. 

Henry,  thinking  that  he  had  now  finally  prevailed  in  this 
great  contest,  sent  the  constitutions  of  Clarendon  to  Alexander 
III.  to  be  ratified.  But  the  pope,  unfriendly  to  the  king's  wish- 
es, annulled  those  anti-clerical  ordinances.  When  the  archbi- 
shop found  that  he  might  depend  on  the  papal  support  in  an  op- 
position to  regal  authority,  he  expressed  the  deepest  sorrow  for 
his  concessions.  He  redoubled  his  austerities,  as  a  punishment 
for  his  criminal  compliance ;  and  he  refused  to  exercise  any  part 
of  his  ecclesiastical  function,  until  he  should  receive  absolution 
from  the  pope ;  a  favour  which  was  readily  granted  to  him. 

Incensed  at  the  behaviour  of  Becket,  the  king  summoned  him 
to  give  an  account  of  his  administration  of  the  office  of  chancel- 
lor, and  to  pay  the  balance  due  from  the  revenues  of  all  the  pre- 
lacies, abbeys,  and  baronies,  which  had  been  subject  to  his  ma- 
nagement during  that  time.  This  prosecution,  which  seems  to 
have  been  more  dictated  by  passion  than  by  justice,  or  even  by 
sound  policy,  threw  Becket  and  all  the  clergy  of  England  into 
the  utmost  confusion.  Some  bishops  advised  him  to  resign  his 
see,  on  receiving  an  acquittal ;  others  w^ere  of  opinion  that  he 
ought  to  submit  himself  entirely  to  the  king's  mercy — for  they 
were  fully  sensible  that  accounts  of  so  much  intricacy  could  not 
be  readily  produced,  so  as  to  s^tisfy  a  tribunal  resolved  to  ruin 
and  oppress  him.  But  the  primate  had  too  much  courage  to 
yield  :  he  determined  to  brave  all  his  enemies,  to  trust  to  the  sa- 
credness  of  his  character  for  protection,  and  to  defy  the  utmost 
efforts  of  royal  indignation,  by  involving  his  cause  with  that  of 
God  and  the  church.  He  therefore  strictly  prohibited  his  suffra- 
gans from  assisting  at  any  such  trial,  or  giving  their  sanction  to 
any  sentence  against  him  :  he  put  himself  and  his  see  under 
the  immediate  protection  of  the  vicegerent  of  Christ,  and  appeal- 
ed to  his  holiness  against  any  penalty  which  his  iniquitous 
judges  might  think  proper  to  inflict  upon  him.  "  The  indig- 
''  nation  of  a  great  monarch,"  added  he,  "  with  his  sword,  can 
"  only  kill  the  body  ;  while  that  of  the  church,  intrusted  to  the 
"  primate,  can  kill  the  soul,  and  throw  the  disobedient  into  in- 
*'  finite  and  eternal  perdition"." 

Appeals  to  Rome,  even  in  spiritual  causes,  had  been  pro- 
hibited by  the  constitutions  of  Clarendon,  and  consequently 
were  become  criminal  by  law  ;  but  an  appeal  in  a  civil  cause, 

7  Hovcfl.  Annal.— Gervas.  Chron.  8  M,  Paris.— Hoved.—Epist.  S.  ThoTOo 


IBT.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  249 

such  as  the  king's  demand  upon  Becket,  was  altogether  new 
and  unprecedented,  and  tended  to  the  subversion  of  the  EngHsh 
government.  Henry,  therefore,  being  now  furnished  with  a 
better  pretence  for  his  violence,  would  probably  have  pushed 
this  affair  to  the  utmost  against  the  primate,  had  he  not  retired 
beyond  sea,  and  found  patrons  and  protectors  in  the  pope  and 
the  king  of  France. 

The  violent  prosecution  carried  on  against  Becket  at  home 
had  a  natural  tendency  to  turn  the  public  favour  on  his  side, 
and  to  make  men  forget  his  former  ingratitude  towards  the  king, 
and  his  departure  from  all  oaths  and  engagements,  as  well  as 
the  enormity  of  those  ecclesiastical  privileges  of  which  he  af- 
fected to  be  the  champion  :  and  political  considerations  con- 
spired with  sympathy  to  procure  him  countenance  and  support 
abroad.  The  king  of  France  and  the  earl  of  Flanders,  jealous 
of  the  rising  greatness  of  Henry,  were  glad  of  an  opportunity  of 
embroiling  his  government.  They  pretended  to  pity  extremely 
the  condition  of  the  persecuted  archbishop:  and  the  pope, 
whose  interests  were  more  immediately  concerned  in  abetting 
his  cause,  honoured  Becket  with  the  highest  marks  of  distinc- 
tion. A  residence  was  assigned  to  him  in  the  abbey  of  Pon- 
tigny,  where  he  lived  for  some  years  in  great  magnificence, 
pardy  by  a  pension  out  of  the  revenues  of  the  abbey,  and  partly 
by  the  generosity  of  the  French  monarch'. 

The  exiled  primate  filled  Europe  with  exclamations  against 
the  violence  he  had  suft'ered.  He  compared  himself  to  Christ, 
who  had  been  condemned  by  a  lay  tribunal,  and  who  was  cru- 
cified anew  in  the  present  oppressions  under  which  his  church 
laboured.  But  mere  complaint  did  not  sufficiently  accord  with 
the  vehemence  of  Becket's  temper.  Having  resigned  his  see 
into  the  hands  of  the  pope,  as  a  mark  of  submission,  and  re- 
ceived it  again  from  the  head  of  the  church,  with  high  encomi- 
ums on  his  piety  and  fortitude,  he  fulminated  a  sentence  of  ex- 
communication against  the  king's  chief  ministers,  by  name,  as 
well  as  against  every  one  who  had  favoured  or  obeyed  the  con- 
stitutions of  Clarendon  :  he  abrogated  those  profane  laws,  ab- 
solving all  persons  from  the  oaths  which  they  had  taken  to  ob- 
serve them;  and  he  suspended  the  spiritual  thunder  over  Hen- 
ry, only  that  he  might  avoid  the  blow  by  a  timely  repentance'". 

Henry,  on  the  other  hand,  employed  the  temporal  weapons 
still  in  his  power.  He  suspended  the  payment  of  St.  1 1  a  " 

Peter's  Pence,  and  made  some  advances  towards  an     '     *        ^' 
alliance  with  the  emperor.     But  he  at  length  became  weary  of 

9  Epist.  S,  Thorn.  10  M-  Parjs.—Hoved.— Fitz-Steph, 

Vol.  I.  I  i 


250  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

contention,  and  earnestly  wished  for  an  accommodation,  which, 
however,  continued  to  be  obstructed  by  mutual  jealousy.  When 
, ,  ^o  all  differences  seemed  to  be  adjusted,  the  king  offer- 
*  ed  to  sign  the  treaty,  \vith  a  salvo  to  his  roi/aldig- 
nify — a  reservation  which  so  disgusted  the  primate,  that  the  ne- 
gociation  became  fruitless.  On  another  occasion,  Becket,  imi- 
tating Henry's  example,  offered  to  make  his  submissions  with 
a  salvo  of  the  honour  oj' God  ?ind  the  liberties  of  the  Church — a 
jjroposal  which,  for  a  like  reason,  was  offensive  to  the  king,  and 
rendered  the  treaty  abortive.  A  third  conference  was  broken 
off  in  the  same  manner.  And  even  in  a  fourth,  when  all  things 
,  T.  1 1  /:n  were  settled,  and  the  primate  expected  to  be  intro- 
duced  to  the  king,  Henry  refused  to  grant  him  the 
kiss  of  peace,  under  pretence  that  he  had  made  a  vow  to  the 
contrary.  The  want  of  this  formality,  insignificant  as  it  may 
seem,  prevented  the  conclusion  of  the  treaty,  it  being  regarded 
in  those  times  as  the  only  sure  mark  of  forgiveness. 

In  one  of  these  conferences,  at  which  the  French  king  was 
present,  Henry  said  to  that  monarch,  "  There  have  been  many 
'*  kings  of  England,  some  of  greater,  some  of  less  authority 
'*  than  myself:  there  have  also  been  many  archbishops  of  Can- 
"  terbury,  holy  and  good  men,  and  entitled  to  every  kind  of 
**  respect : — let  Becket  only  act  towards  me  with  the  same  sub- 
**  mission  which  the  greatest  of  his  predecessors  paid  to  the  least 
"  of  mine,  and  there  shall  be  no  controversy  between  us"." 

Louis  was  so  much  struck  with  this  state  of  the  case,  and 
with  an  offer  which  Henry  made  to  submit  his  cause  to  the 
French  clergy,  that  he  could  not  forbear  condemning  Becket 
and  withdrawing  his  friendship  for  a  time.  But  their  common 
animosity  against  Henry  soon  produced  a  revival  of  their  former 
intimacy^  and  the  primate  renewed  his  threats  and  excommu- 
nications. All  difficulties  between  the  parties,  however,  were 
IT'O  ^t  I^st  surmounted,  and  Becket  was  permitted  to 
'  return  on  conditions  both  honourable  and  advanta- 
geous— a  certain  proof  not  only  that  Henry  was  alarmed  at  the 
interdict  to  which  his  dominions  would  have  been  subjected, 
if  he  had  continued  in  disobedience  to  the  church,  but  also  that 
the  thunder  of  the  church  must  then  have  been  truly  formida- 
ble, since  it  could  humble  a  prince  of  so  haughty  a  spirit. 

This  accommodation  with  Becket,  however,  did  not  procure 
Henry  even  that  temporary  tranquillity  which  he  had  hoped  to 
reap  from  it.  Instead  of  learning  moderation  in  the  school  of 
adversity,  the  primate  was  only  animated  with  a  spirit  of  re- 
venge.    Elated  by  the  victory  which  he  had  obtained  over  hib 

n   Vit.  S.  TJiom.  lib.  ti. 


LKT.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  2.=il 

sovereign,  he  set  no  bounds  to  his  arrogance.  On  his  arrival 
in  England,  where  he  went  from  town  to  town  in  a  sort  of  tri- 
umphal cavalcade,  he  notified  to  the  archbishop  of  York  the 
sentence  of  suspension,  and  to  the  bishops  of  London  and  Sa- 
lisbury that  of  excommunication,  which,  at  his  solicitations, 
the  pope  had  pronounced  against  tliem,  because  they  had  as- 
sisted at  the  coronation  of  prince  Henry,  whom  the  king  had 
associated  in  the  royalty,  during  the  absence  of  the  primate, 
and  when  an  interdict  was  ready  to  be  laid  upon  his  dominions 
— a  precaution  thought  necessary  to  insure  the  succession  of 
that  prince.  By  this  violent  measure,  Becket  in  effect  declared 
war  against  the  king  himself;  yet,  in  so  doing,  he  appears  to 
have  been  guided  by  policy  as  well  as  passion.  Apprehensive 
that  a  prince  of  such  profound  sagacity  might  in  the  end  pre- 
vail, he  resolved  to  take  all  the  advantage  which  his  present 
victory  gave  him,  and  to  disconcert  the  cautious  measures  of 
the  king  by  the  vehemence  and  vigour  of  his  own  conduct. 
Assured  of  support  from  Rome,  he  had  litUe  fear  of  dangers 
which  his  courage  taught  him  to  despise,  and  which,  though  fol- 
lowed by  the  most  fatal  consequences,  would  still  gratify  his  thirst 
of  glory,  and  reward  his  ambition  with  the  crown  of  martyrdom. 
The  suspended  and  excommunicated  prelates  visited  the  king 
at  Bayeux  in  Normandy,  and  complained  to  him  of  the  violent 
proceedings  of  Becket ;  and  Henry,  sensible  that  his  whole 
plan  of  operations  was  overturned,  and  the  contest  revived, 
which  he  had  endeavoured  by  so  many  negotiations  to  appease, 
was  thrown  into  the  most  violent  agitation.  '*  Will  my  ser- 
vants,'' exclaimed  he,  '*  still  leave  me  exposed  to  the  insolence 
"  of  this  imperious  and  ungrateful  priest  ?" — These  words 
seemed  to  call  for  vengeance ;  and  four  gentlemen  of  the  king's 
household,  Reginald  Fitz-Urse,  William  de  Tracy,  Hugh  de 
Morville,  and  Richard  Brito,  communicating  their  thoughts  to 
each  other,  and  swearing  to  revenge  their  sovereign's  quarrel, 
secretly  withdrew  from  court,  and  hastened  to  England.  Henry, 
informed  of  some  menacing  expressions  which  they  had  thrown 
out,  despatched  a  messenger  after  them,  charging  them  to  at- 
tempt nothing  against  the  person  of  the  primate.  But  these  or- 
ders came  too  late  to  prevent  their  fatal  purpose.  Though  they 
took  different  routes  to  avoid  suspicion,  they  arrived  nearly 
about  the  same  time  at  Canterbury,  where  they  found  the  pri- 
mate in  perfect  security ;  and  on  his  refusing,  with  his  usual 
insolence  and  obstinacy,  to  take  off  theexcommuni-  j^  ^g 
cation  and  suspension  of  the  bishops,  they  murdered  '  ^ 
him  in  the  cathedral,  during  the  evening  service^^. 

12  Vit.  S,  Thorn,  lib.  iii.— M.  Paris.— Gervas,  Ci»ron. 


252  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  j. 

Such  was  the  tragical  death  of  Thomas  Becket-^a  prelate  of 
the  most  lofty,  intrepid,  and  inflexible  spirit,  who  was  able  to 
cover  from  the  world,  and  probably  from  himself,  the  efforts  of 
pride  and  ambition,  under  the  disguise  of  sanctity,  and  of  zeal 
for  the  interests  of  Christ  and  his  church.  His  death  confirmed 
to  the  clergy  those  privileges  which  his  opposition  could  not  ob- 
tain. Though  Henry  had  proposed  to  have  him  arrested,  when 
informed  of  his  renewed  insolence,  he  no  sooner  heard  of  the 
murder,  than  he  was  filled  with  the  utmost  consternation.  In- 
terdicts and  excommunications,  weapons  in  themselves  so  terri- 
ble, would  now,  he  foresaw,  be  armed  with  double  force :  in  vain 
would  he  plead  his  innocence,  and  even  his  total  ignorance  of 
the  fact ;  he  was  sufficiently  guilty,  if  the  church  thought  him 
so.  These  considerations  gave  him  the  deepest  and  most  un- 
affected concern.  He  shut  himself  up  from  the  hght  of  the  sun 
for  three  days,  denying  himself  all  manner  of  sustenance  ;  and 
us  soon  as  he  recovered,  in  any  degree,  his  tone  of  mind,  he 
, ,_,  sent  a  solemn  embassy  to  Rome,  maintaining  his 
■     '  *  innocence,  and  offering  to  submit  the  whole  affair 

to  the  decision  of  the  holy  see'\ 

The  pope,  flattered  by  this  unexpected  condescension,  for- 
bore to  proceed  to  extremities  against  Henry,  particularly  as 
he  was  sensible  that  he  could  reap  greater  advantages  from 
moderation  than  from  violence.  The  clergy,  in  the  mean  time, 
were  not  idle  in  magnifying  the  sanctity  of  the  murdered  pri- 
mate. Other  saints  had  borne  testimony,  by  their  sufferings, 
to  the  general  doctrines  of  Christianity  ;  but  Becket  had  sacri- 
ficed his  life  for  the  power  and  privileges  of  the  church.  This 
peculiar  merit  challenged  (not  without  a  ready  concurrence)  a 
tribute  of  gratitude  to  his  memory  from  the  whole  clerical 
body.  Endless  were  the  panegyrics  on  his  virtues ;  and  the  mi- 
racles pretended  to  be  wrought  by  his  reliques  were  more  nu- 
merous, more  absurd,  and  more  impudently  attested,  than  those 
which  ever  filled  the  legend  of  any  saint  or  martyr.  His  shrine 
not  only  restored  dead  men  to  life  ;  it  also  restored  cows,  dogs, 
and  horses.  Presents  were  sent,  and  pilgrimages  performed, 
from  all  parts  of  Christendom,  in  order  to  obtain  his  interces- 
sion with  Heaven  :  and  it  was  computed  that,  in  one  year, 
above  a  hundred  thousand  pilgrims  arrived  ai  Canterbury,  and 
paid  their  devotions  at  his  tomb^". 

As  Henry  found,  however,  that  he  was  in  no  immediate  dan- 
ger from  the  thunder  of  the  Vatican,  he  undertook  the  conquest 
of  Ireland — an  enterprise  which  he  had  long  meditated,  and  for 
which  he  had  obtained  a  bull  from  pope  Adrian  IV.,  but  which 

13  M.  Paris.— Hoved.  14  Gul.  Neubrig. — Broropt— Hoved. 


LBT.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  255 

had  been  deferred  on  account  of  his  quarrels  with  the  primate. 
Of  that  island  something  must  here  be  said. 

Ireland  was  probably  first  peopled  from  Britain,  as  Britain 
was  from  Gaul;  and  its  first  inhabitants  were  of  Celtic  origin. 
From  the  earliest  accounts  of  history  or  tradition,  the  Irish  had 
been  buried  in  ignorance  and  barbarism  ;  and  as  their  country 
was  never  conquered  or  even  invaded  by  the  Romans,  who 
communicated  to  the  western  world  civilisation  and  slavery, 
they  had  remained  almost  in  their  primitive  condition.  The 
chieftains  of  the  small  principalities,  into  which  the  island  was 
divided,  exercised  perpetual  hostilities  against  each  other;  and 
the  uncertain  succession  of  the  Irish  princes  was  a  continual 
source  of  domestic  convulsion,  the  usual  title  of  each  petty  so- 
vereign to  his  principality  being  the  murder  of  his  predecessor. 
Courage  and  force,  though  exercised  in  the  commission  of  in- 
justice, were  more  honoured  than  pacific  virtues;  and  the  most 
simple  arts  of  life  were  scarcely  known  to  the  rude  natives  of 
the  island. 

From  this  short  account  of  the  state  of  the  country,  you  will 
not  be  surprised,  my  dear  Philip,  when  I  inform  you,  that  earl 
Strongbow  and  other  enterprising  knights  had  great  success 
with  a  very  inconsiderable  force,  and  that  Henry,  m  a  progress 
which  he  made  through  the  island,  had  little  other  occupation 
than  to  receive  the  homage  of  his  new  subjects.  He  left  most 
of  the  Irish  chieftains  or  princes  in  possession  of  their  ancient 
territories  :  he  bestowed  lands  on  some  of  his  Eng-  n  72 

lish  adventurers  ;  and,  after  a  stay  of  a  few  months, 
returned  to  Britain'*. 

The  pope's  two  legates,  Albert  and  Theodine,  to  whom  was 
committed  the  trial  of  Henry's  conduct  in  regard  to  the  death  of 
Becket,  had  arrived  in  Normandy  before  his  return,  and  had 
sent  frequent  letters  to  England,  full  of  menacing  expressions. 
The  king  hastened  over  to  meet  them;  and  was  so  fortunate  as 
to  conclude  an  accommodation  with  them  on  terms  more  easy 
than  could  have  been  expected.  He  cleared  himself  by  oath  of 
all  concern  in  the  murder  of  Becket.  But  as  the  passion  which 
he  had  expressed  on  account  of  that  prelate's  conduct  had  pro- 
bably been  the  cause  of  his  violent  death,  he  promised  to  serve 
three  years  against  the  infidels,  either  in  Spain  or  Palestine,  if 
the  pope  should  require  him ;  and  he  agreed  to  permit  appeals 
to  the  holy  see  in  ecclesiastical  causes,  on  surety  being  given 
that  nothing  should  be  attempted  against  the  rights  of  his 
crown^*. 

15  M.  Paris. — Giraldi  Cambi-ensis,  HiberniaExpugoat.  Hb.  L 

16  M.  Paris.— Hoved. 


254  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Henry  seemed  now  to  have  reached  the  pinnacle  of  human 
i^andeur  and  fehcity.  His  dangerous  controversy  with  the 
church  was  at  an  end,  and  he  appeared  to  be  equally  happy  in 
his  domestic  situation  and  his  political  government.  But  this 
tranquillity  was  of  short  duration.  Prince  Henry,  at  the  insti- 
1 1 7q  gation  of  Louis  VH.,  his  father-in-law,  insisted  that 
'  '  his  father  should  resign  to  him  either  the  kingdom 
of  England  or  the  duchy  of  Normandy  :  and  the  king's  sons 
Geoffrey  and  Richard  also  leagued  with  the  court  of  France,  by 
the  persausions  of  their  mother,  queen  Eleanor,  whose  jealousy 
when  in  years,  was  as  violent  as  her  amorous  passions  in  youth. 

Thus  Europe  saw,  with  astonishment,  the  best  and  most  in- 
dulgent of  parents  obliged  to  maintain  war  against  his  wife  and 
his  sons;  and  what  was  still  more  extraordinary,  several  princes 
not  ashamed  to  support  this  unnatural  rebellion! — Not  only  the 
French  monarch,  but  William,  king  of  Scotland,  the  earl  of 
Flanders,  and  some  other  princes,  besides  many  barons,  both 
English  and  Norman,  espoused  the  quarrel  of  young  Henry  and 
his  brothers'^ 

In  order  to  break  this  alarming  confederacy,  the  king  of  Eng- 
land humbled  himself  so  far  as  to  supplicate  the  court  of  Rome. 
Though  aware  of  the  danger  of  the  interference  of  ecclesiastical 
authority  in  temporal  disputes,  he  applied  to  the  pope  to  excom- 
municate his  enemies,  and  thus  to  reduce  to  obedience  hisundu- 
tiful  children,  whom  he  was  unwilling  to  punish  by  the  sword.. 
The  bulls  required  were  issued  by  the  pontiff;  but,  as  they  had 
not  the  desired  effect,  Henry  was  obliged  to  have  recourse  to 
arms ;  and  he  carried  on  war  with  success  against  the  French, 
the  Scots,  and  his  rebellious  barons  in  England  and  Normandy. 

Meanwhile,  sensible  of  his  danger,  and  of  the  effects  of  super- 
_ .    stition  on  the  minds  of  the  people  he  went  barefoot- 
^'  ^*  *  ed  to  Becket's  tomb;  prostrated  himself  before  the 

shrine  of  the  saint ;  remained  in  fasting  and  prayer  during  a 
whole  day;  watched  all  night  the  holy  reliques;  and,  assembling 
a  chapter  of  the  monks,  put  scourges  into  their  hands,  and  pre- 
sented his  bare  shoulders  to  the  lashes  which  these  incensed  ec- 
clesiastics not  sparingly  inflicted  upon  him ! — The  next  morning 
,  1     ,  o    he  received  absolution;  and  his  generals  obtained,  on 

^  ^'  *  the  same  day,  a  great  victory  over  the  Scots,  which 
was  regarded  as  a  ]Droof  of  his  final  reconciliation  with  the  saint- 
ed primate  and  with  Heaven^'. 

The  victory  over  the  Scots  was  gained  near  Alnwick,  where 
their  king  was  made  prisoner ;  and,  the  spirit  of  the  English 

17  Gul.  Neubri^.— Hoved. 

IS  Dciieuici.  Al)b.  lie  Rebus  Gesfis  Hen.  11. — Horcd. 


LET.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  2B5 

rebels  being  broken  by  this  blow,  the  whole  kingdom  was  re- 
stored to  tranquillity.  It  was  deemed  impious  longer  to  resist  a 
prince  who  seemed  to  lie  under  the  immediate  protection  of  Hea- 
ven. The  clergy  exalted  anew  the  merits  and  the  powerful  in- 
tercession of  Becket;  and  Henry,  instead  of  opposing  their  su- 
perstition, politically  propagated  an  opinion  so  favourable  to  his 
interests.  Victorious  in  all  quarters,  crowned  with 
^lory,  and  absolute  master  of  his  English  domin-  *  ^* 
ions,  he  hastened  to  Normandy,  where  a  peace  was  concluded 
with  Louis,  and  an  accommodation  adjusted  with  his  sons. 

Having  thus,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  extricated  himself 
from  a  situation  in  which  his  throne  was  exposed  to  the  utmost 
danger,  Henry  occupied  himself  for  several  years  in  administer- 
ing justice,  enacting  laws,  and  guarding  against  those  incon- 
veniences which  either  the  past  convulsions  of  the  state,  or  the 
political  institutions  of  the  age,  rendered  unavoidable.  The 
success  which  had  attended  him  in  his  wars  discouraged  his 
neighbours  from  making  any  attempts  against  him,  so  that  he 
was  enabled  to  complete  his  internal  regulations  without  dis- 
turbance from  any  quarter.  Some  of  these  regulations  deserve 
particular  notice. 

As  the  clergy,  by  the  constitutions  of  Clarendon,  which  Henry 
endeavoured  still  to  maintain,  were  subjected  to  a  trial  by  the 
pivil  magistrate,  it  seemed  but  just  to  afford  them  the  protection 
of  that  power  to  which  they  owed  obedience:  he  therefore  enact- 
ed a  law,  that  the  murderers  of  a  clergyman  should  be  tried  be- 
fore the  justiciary,  in  the  presence  of  the  bishop,  or  his  official ; 
and,  besides  the  usual  punishment  for  murder,  should  be  sub- 
jected to  a  forfeiture  of  their  estates,  and  a  confiscation  of  their 
goods  and  chattels^^.  He  also  passed  an  equitable  law,  that  the 
goods  of  a  vassal  should  not  be  seized  for  the  debt  of  his  lord, 
unless  the  vassal  was  surety  for  the  debt  j  and  that,  in  cases  of 
insolvency,  the  rents  of  vassals  should  be  paid  to  the  creditors 
of  the  lord,  and  not  to  the  lord  himselfz". 

The  division  of  England  into  four  circuits,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  itinerant  judges  to  each,  after  the  example  of  the  com- 
missaries of  Louis  VI.  and  the  ??iissi  of  Charlemagne,  formed 
another  important  ordinance  of  the  English  monarch — a  mea- 
sure which  had  a  direct  tendency  to  curb  the  oppressions  of  the 
barons,  and  to  protect  the  inferior  gentry  or  small  landholders, 
and  the  common  people,  in  their  property^\ 

Not  neglecting  the  defence  of  the  realm,  Henry  published  a 
famous  decree,  called  an  .^'^-y^-y^o/'./^r/ny.  He  requi-  ..„. 

red  that  every  person  possessed  of  a  single  knight's 

19  Gervas.  Cbron.— R.  Dicc^  20  Benedict,  AW..    .         21  Ilovpd.  Annal. 


^56  THE  HfSTORY  OF  part  i. 

iiee  should  have  a  coat  of  mail,  a  helmet,  a  shield,  and  a  lance : 
and  that  the  same  accoutrements  should  be  provided  by  every 
one,  for  whatever  number  of  knight's  fees  he  might  hold. 
Every  free  layman,  who  had  rents  or  goods  to  the  value  of  six- 
teen marks,  was  to  be  armed  in  like  manner  :  every  one  that 
had  ten  marks  was  obliged  to  have  an  iron  gorget,  a  cap  of  iron, 
and  a  lance  ;  and  all  burgesses  were  to  have  a  cap  of  iron,  a 
lance,  and  a  coat  thickly  quilted  with  wool,  tow,  or  cotton, 
called  a  fVambais^^. 

While  Henry  was  thus  employed  in  providing  for  the  happi- 
ness and  security  of  his  subjects,  the  king  of  France  had  fallen 
into  a  most  abject  superstition ;  and  was  induced,  by  a  devotion 
more  sincere  than  that  of  his  powerful  rival,  to  make  a  pilgrim- 
age in  1179  to  the  tomb  of  Becket,  in  order  to  obtain  his  inter- 
cession for  the  recovery  of  Philip,  his  son  and  heir.  Louis  (as 
the  sagacious  Hume  remarks,  with  no  less  ingenuity  than  plea- 
santry) probably  thought  himself  entided  to  the  favour  of  that 
saint,  on  account  of  their  ancient  intimacy  ;  and  hoped  that 
Becket,  whom  he  had  protected  while  on  earth,  would  not,  now 
that  he  was  so  highly  advanced  in  heaven,  forget  his  old  friend 
and  benefactor.  The  young  prince  was  restored  to  health  ;  and 
as  was  supposed,  through  the  intercession  of  Becket.  But  the 
king  himself,  soon  after  his  return,  was  struck  with  an  apo- 
plexy, which  deprived  him  of  his  judgment ;  and  Philip  H.,  af- 
terwards surnamed  Augustus,  took  upon  him  the  administration, 
though  he  was  only  in  his  fifteenth  year.  His  father's  death, 
Sent  18  11 80  ^^^'^^^  happened  in  the  following  year,  opened  his 
'    *  '      '  *  way  to  the  throne ;  and  he  proved  the  ablest  and 

greatest  monarch  that  had  governed  France  since  the  reign  of 
Charlemagne.  The  superior  age  and  experience  of  Henry,  how- 
ever, while  they  moderated  his  ambition,  gave  him  such  an  as- 
cendant over  this  prince,  that  no  dangerous  rivalry,  for  some 
time,  arose  between  them.  The  English  monarch,  instead  of 
taking  advantage  of  Philip's  youth,  employed  his  good  offices 
in  composing  the  quarrels  which  arose  in  the  royal  family  of 
France  :  and  he  was  successful  in  mediating  an  accommoda- 
tion between  the  king,  his  mother,  and  uncles.  But  thescser- 
vices  were  ill  requited  by  Philip,  who,  when  he  came  toman's 
t state,  encouraged  Henry's  sons  in  their  ungrateful  and  undu- 
tiful  behaviour  towards  their  father. 

The  quarrels  between  the  king  of  England  and  his  family, 
however,  were  in  some  measure  quieted  by  the  death  of  his  two 
sons,  young  Henry  and  his  brother  Geoffrey  ;  and  the  rivalry 
betw  een  the  elder  Henry  and  Philip  seemed,  for  a  time,  to  give 

22  Annal.  Wareri.— BenetJ,  Abb. 


lET.  XXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  257 

place  to  the  general  passion  for  the  rehef  of  the  Holy  Land. 
Both  assumed  the  cross,  and  imposed  a  tax,  amount-  1 1 «« 

ing  to  the  tenth  of  all  moveables,  on  such  of  their 
Subjects  as  remained  at  home". 

Before  this  great  enterprise,  however,  could  be  carried  into 
execution,  some  obstacles  were  to  be  surmounted.  Philip,  still 
jealous  of  Henry's  greatness,  entered  into  a  private  confedera- 
cy with  prince  Richard,  now  heir  apparent  to  the  English  crown; 
and,  by  working  en  his  ambitious  and  impatient  temper,  per- 
suaded him  to  seek  present  power  and  independence  at  the  ex- 
pense of  filial  duty,  and  of  the  grandeur  of  that  monarchy  which 
he  was  one  day  to  inherit.  The  king  of  England  was  there- 
fore obliged,  at  an  advanced  age,  to  defend  his  dominions  by 
arms,  and  to  enter  on  a  war  with  France,  and  with  his  eldest 
surviving  son — a  prince  of  great  valour  and  popula-  ,    „„ 

rity,  who  had  seduced  the  chief  barons  of  Poictou,  ^'  ^' 
Guienne,  Anjou,  and  Normandy.  Henry,  as  might  be  expect- 
ed, was  unsuccessful — a  misfortune  which  so  much  subdued 
his  spirit,  that  he  concluded  a  treaty  on  very  disadvantageous 
terms.  He  agreed  that  Richard  should  receive  the  homage 
and  fealty  of  all  his  subjects,  and  that  all  his  associates  should 
be  pardoned  :  and  he  engaged  to  pay  the  king  of  France  a 
compensation  for  the  charges  of  the  war^"*. 

But  the  mortification  which  Henry,  who  had  been  accustomed 
to  give  law  to  his  enemies,  received  from  these  humiliating  con- 
ditions, was  light  in  comparison  of  what  he  experienced  from 
another  cause.  VV^hen  he  demanded  a  list  of  the  persons  to  whom 
he  was  to  grant  an  indemnity  for  confederating  with  Richard,  he 
was  astonished  to  find  at  the  head  of  them  the  name  of  his  son 
John,  who  had  always  shared  his  confidence,  and  whose  influ- 
ence over  the  king  had  often  excited  the  jealousy  of  Richard. 
Overloaded  with  cares  and  sonows,  and  robbed  of  his  last  do- 
mestic comforts,  this  unhappy  father  broke  out  into  expressions 
of  the  utmost  despair  :  he  cursed  the  day  of  his  birth ;  and  be- 
stowed on  his  undutiful  and  ungrateful  children  a  malediction 
which  he  could  never  be  brought  to  retract".  The  more  his 
heart  was  disposed  to  friendship  and  affection,  the  more  he  re- 
sented the  barbarous  return  which  his  four  sons  had  successive- 
ly made  to  his  parental  care ;  and  this  fatal  discovery,  by  depriv- 
ing him  of  all  that  made  life  desirable,  quite  broke  his  spirit,  and 
threw  him  into  a  fever,  of  which  he  soon  after  expired,  in  the 
fifty-seventh  year  of  his  age,  at  the  castle  of  Chinon,  in  Anjou. 

The  character  of  Henry,  both  in  public  and  private  life,  was 

2S  Benedict.  Abb.— Hoved.         24  M.  Paris— Benert.  Abb.  35  Hoved.— AnnaL 

Vol.  I.  Kk 


258  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

almost  without  a  blemish  ;  and  his  natural  endowments  were 
equal  to  his  moral  qualities.  He  seems  to  have  possessed  every 
mental  and  personal  accomplishment  that  could  render  him 
either  estimable  or  amiable.  He  was  of  a  middle  stature, 
strong  and  well  proportioned  ;  his  countenance  was  lively  and 
engaging;  his  conversation  affable  and  entertaining ;  his  elocu- 
tion easy,  persuasive,  and  ever  at  command.  He  loved  peace, 
but  was  courageous  and  skilful  in  war ;  was  provident  without 
excessive  caution,  severe  in  the  execution  of  justice  without  in- 
humanity, and  temperate  without  austerity.  He  is  said  to  have 
been  of  a  very  amorous  complexion,  and  historians  mention 
two  of  his  natural  sons  by  Rosamond,  the  fair  daughter  of  lord 
Clifford — namely,  William  Long-sword,  and  Geoffrey,  arch- 
bishop of  York.  The  other  circumstances  of  the  story  com- 
monly told  of  that  lady  seem  to  be  fabulous,  though  adopted 
by  many  historical  writers. 

Like  most  of  his  predecessors  of  the  Norman  line,  Henry 
spent  more  of  his  time  on  the  continent  than  in  England.  He 
was  surrounded  by  the  English  nobility  and  gentry  when  abroad; 
and  the  French  nobles  and  gentry  attended  him  when  he  re- 
turned to  this  island.  All  foreign  improvements,  therefore,  in 
literature  and  politeness,  in  laws  and  arts,  seem  to  have  been 
then  transplanted  into  England  :  and  the  spirit  of  liberty,  which 
continued  to  animate  the  breasts  of  the  native  English,  com- 
municated itself  to  the  Anglo-Norman  barons,  and  rendered 
them  not  only  more  desirous  of  independence  for  themselves, 
but  also  more  willing  to  indulge  it  to  the  people,  whom  they 
had  at  first  affected  to  despise. 

The  effects  of  this  secret  revolution  in  the  sentiments  of  men 
we  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  trace.  At  present  I  must 
return  to  the  affairs  of  Germany  ;  remarking  by  the  way,  that 
Henry  H.  left  only  two  legitimate  sons,  Richard,  who  succeed- 
ed him,  and  John,  who  was  denominated  Lack-Land,  because 
he  inherited  no  territory,  though^his  father,  at  one  time,  had  in- 
tended to  leave  him  a  laree  share  of  his.  extensive  dominions. 


lET.  XXX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  259 


LETTER  XXX. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  under  Frederic 
/.,  xvith  some  Account  of  the  third  Crusade. 


I  HAVE  already  stated,  my  dear  Philip,  that  Frederic 
Barbarossa,  a  brave  and  able  prince,  was  unanimously  chosen 
emperor  on  the  death  of  Conrad  III.  His  elevation  , .  -n 

seemed  to  give  general  satisfaction  to  Europe;  but 
he  was  soon  involved  in  troubles  which  required  all  his  courage 
and  capacity  to  surmount,  and  which  it  would  be  tedious  cir- 
cumstantially to  relate.  I  shall  therefore  only  observe,  that,  after 
having  settled  the  affairs  of  Germany,  by  restoring  Bavaria  to 
Henry  the  Lion,  duke  of  Saxony,  he  marched  into  , ,  -- 

Italy,  in  order  to  compose  the  disturbances  of  that 
country,  and  to  be  crowned  by  the  pope,  in  imitation  of  his  pre- 
decessors. 

Adrian  IV.,  who  then  filled  St.  Peter's  chair,  was  an  Eng- 
lishman, and  a  great  example  of  what  may  be  done  by  personal 
merit  and  good  fortune.  The  son  of  a  mendicant,  and  long  a 
mendicant  himself,  strolling  from  country  to  country,  he  was  re- 
ceived as  a  servant  to  the  canons  of  St.  Rufus  in  Provence.  He 
was  afterwards  admitted  a  monk,  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  ab- 
bot and  general  of  the  order,  and  at  length  to  the  pontificate. — 
He  was  inclined  to  crown  a  vassal,  but  afraid  of  giving  himself 
a  master:  he  therefore  insisted  upon  the  Roman  ceremonial, 
which  required,  that  the  emperor  should  prostrate  himself  before 
the  pope,  kiss  his  feet,  hold  his  stirrup,  and  lead  the  holy  father's 
white  palfrey  by  the  bridle  the  distance  of  nine  Roman  paces. 

Frederic  looked  upon  the  whole  ceremony  as  an  insult,  and 
refused  to  submit  to  it;  but  the  officers  of  the  Roman  chancery, 
who  kept  a  register  of  every  thing  of  this  kind,  assured  him 
that  his  predecessors  had  always  complied  with  these  forms. — 
The  ceremony  of  kissing  the  pope's  feet,  which  he  knew  to  be 
the  established  custom,  did  not  so  keenly  wound  the  emperor's 
pride  as  that  of  holding  the  bridle  and  the  stirrup,  which  he 
considered  as  an  innovation :  and  indeed  it  does  not  appear  that 
any  emperor,  except  Lothaire  II.,  had  complied  with  this  part 
of  the  formality.  Frederic,  however,  at  length  submitted  to 
these  affronts,  as  empty  marks  of  Christian  humility,  though 
the  court  of  Rome  viewed  them  as  proofs  of  real  subjection\ 

1  Bunau,  Hist.  Fred,  I.— Murat.  Aotiq.  Iia!. 


S60  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

But  the  emperor's  difficulties  were  not  yet  over.  The  citi- 
zens of  Rome  sent  him  a  deputation,  demanding  the  restoration 
of  their  ancient  form  of  government,  and  ofiering  to  stipulate 
with  him  for  the  imperial  dignity.  <'  Charlemagne  and  Otho 
"  conquered  you  by  their  valour,"  replied  Frederic,  "  and  I 
"  am  your  master  by  right  of  succession :  it  is  my  business  to 
"  prescribe  laws,  and  yours  to  receive  them."  With  these  words 
he  dismissed  the  deputies,  and  was  inaugurated  without  the 
walls  of  the  city  by  the  pope,  who  put  the  sceptre  in  his  hand; 
and  the  crown  upon  his  head. 

The  nature  of  the  imperial  dignity  was  then  so  little  under- 
-.r^t-f-  stood,  and  the  pretensions  were  so  contradictory, 
*  that,  on  the  one  hand,  the  Roman  citizens  mutinied, 
and  a  great  deal  of  blood  was  shed,  because  the  pope  had  crown- 
ed the  emperor  without  the  consent  of  the  senate  and  the  people: 
and,  on  the  other  hand,  Adrian  repeatedly  declared,  that  he  had 
conferred  the  benefice  of  the  Roman  empire  on  Frederic  I.,  "  be- 
*'  nejicium  imperii  RomanP  (the  word  benejicimn  literally  signi- 
fying a  fief,  though  his  holiness  explained  it  otherwise).  Adrian 
also  exhibited  publicly  in  Rome  a  picture  of  the  emperor  Lo- 
thaire  on  his  knees  before  pope  Innocent  II.,  holding  both  his 
hands  joined  between  those  of  the  pontiff,  which  was  the  dis- 
tinguishitig  mark  of  vassalage ;  and  on  the  picture  was  this  in- 
scription : 

Rex  venit  ante f ores,  jurans  prius  urbis  honnres . 
Post  homo  Jit  papte,  sutnit  quo  dante  coronam{2'). 

♦'  Before  the  gates  the  king  appears  ; 
"  Rome's  honours  to  maintain  he  swears  ; 
"  Then  to  the  pope  sinks  lowly  down, 
'•  Who  grants  him  the  imperial  crown." 

Frederic  was  at  Besan<jon,  when  he  received  information  of 
Adrian's  insolence;  and  when  he  expressed  his  displeasure  at 
it,  a  cardinal  then  present  said,  "  If  he  does  not  hold  the  em- 
pire of  the  pope,  of  whom  does  he  hold  it?"  Enraged  at  this 
impertinent  speech,  Otho,  count  Palatine,  would  have  pierced 
the  author  of  it  with  the  sword  which  he  wore  as  marshal  of 
the  empire,  had  not  Frederic  prevented  him.  The  cardinal 
immediately  fled,  and  the  pope  entered  into  a  treaty.  The 
Germans  then  made  use  of  no  argument  but  force,  and  the  court 
of  Rome  sheltered  itself  under  the  ambiguity  of  its  expressions. 
Adrian  declared,  that  benefice^  according  to  his  idea,  signified  a 

2  Annal  de  I'Brop.  tome  i. — ^Bunau,  Hist  Fred.  , 


liET.  XXX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  261 

favour y  not  2ijief;  and  he  promised  to  put  out  of  the  way  the 
painting  of  the  consecration  of  Lothaire. 

A  few  observations  will  not  here  be  improper.  Adrian  IV., 
l)esieged  by  William  king  of  Sicily  in  Benevento,  gave  up  to  him 
several  ecclesiastical  pretensions.  He  consented  that  Sicily 
should  never  have  any  legate,  nor  be  subject  to  any  appeal  to 
the  see  of  Rome,  except  with  the  king's  permission.  Since  that 
time,  the  kings  of  Sicily,  though  the  only  princes  who  are  vas- 
sals of  the  pope,  are  in  a  manner  popes  in  their  own  island. 
The  Roman  pontiffs,  thus  at  once  adored  and  abused,  somewhat 
resembled,  to  borrow  a  remark  from  Voltaire,  the  idols  which 
the  Indians  scourge  to  obtain  favours  from  them. 

Adrian,  however,  fully  revenged  himself  upon  other  princes 
who  required  his  occasional  aid.  He  wrote  in  the  following 
manner  to  Henry  II.  of  England.  "  There  is  no  doubt,  and 
*^  you  acknowledge  it,  that  Ireland,  and  all  the  islands  which 
"  have  received  the  faith,  appertain  to  the  Roman  church ;  but, 
"  if  you  wish  to  take  possession  of  that  island,  in  order  to  banish 
*•  vice  from  it,  to  enforce  the  observance  of  the  Christian  doc- 
"  trines,  and  with  an  intent  of  paying  the  yearly  tribute  of  St. 
"  Peter's  penny  for  every  house,  we  with  pleasure  grant  you 
**  our  permission  to  conquer  it^"  Thus  an  English  beggar, 
who  had  become  bishop  of  Rome,  bestowed  Ireland,  by  his 
sole  authority,  upon  an  English  king,  who  was  desirous  of  gain- 
ing possession  of  that  country,  and  who  had  power  to  accom- 
plish the  ambitious  scheme. 

The  intrepid  activity  of  Frederic  Barbarossa  had  not  only  to 
subdue  the  pope,  who  disputed  the  empire ;  Rome,  which  refus- 
ed to  acknowledge  a  master ;  and  many  other  cities  of  Italy,  that 
had  asserted  their  independence  :  he  had,  at  the  same  time,  the 
Bohemians,  who  had  mutinied  against  him,  to  humble";  and  al- 
so the  Poles,  with  whom  he  was  at  war.  Yet  all  . .  ^^ 
this  he  effected.  He  was  successful  in  Poland:  he  '  *  * 
quelled  the  tumults  in  Bohemia  :  he  secured  the  fidelity  of  the 
German  princes,  by  rendering  himself  formidable  to  foreign 
nations  ;  and  then  hastened  to  Italy,  where  hopes  of  indepen- 
dence had  arisen,  in  consequence  of  his  troubles  and  perplexi- 
ties. In  that  country,  he  found  great  confusion,  arising  not  so 

3  M.  Paris.— Girald.  Canibr. 

4  It  is  not  improper,  in  ttiis  place,  to  state  briefly  the  origin  and  progress  of  the  kingdom 
erected  in  Bohemia  by  the  Sarmalians  or  Sclavonians.  For  many  centuries  the  country- 
was  governed  by  dukes,  -whom  Charlemagne  rendered  tributary  to  the  empire.  At  length, 
in  1086,  duke  Ladislaus  was  permitted,  by  tlie  imperial  diet,  to  assume  the  regal  title.  The 
country  was  long  harassed  by  intestine  divisions,  of  which  the  emperors  took  advantage  for 
the  establishment  of  their  feudal  superiority  over  the  kings.  Of  nine  princes  who  governed 
from  the  year  above-mentioned  to  the  time  of  Frederic  Barbaro»sii,  two  died  by  the  hsiid 
of  violtince,  and  two  were  deposed. 


262  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

much  from  the  efforts  of  the  several  cities  to  recover  their  free- 
dom, as  from  that  party  rage  which  constantly  prevailed  at  the 
election  of  a  pope. 

On  the  death  of  Adrian,  two  opposite  factions  tumultuously 
elected  two  persons,  known  by  the  names  of  Victor  IV.,  and 
Alexander  III.  The  emperor's  allies  necessarily  acknowledged 
. .  -Q  the  pope  chosen  by  him  ;  and  those  princes,  who 
^'     '  *  \vere  jealous  of  the  emperor,  acknowledged  the 

other.  What  was  the  shame  and  scandal  of  Rome,  therefore, 
became  the  signal  of  division  over  all  Europe.  Victor,  Frede- 
ric's pope,  had  Germany,  Bohemia,  and  one  half  of  Italy  on  his 
side.  The  other  kingdoms  and  states  submitted  to  Alexanvler 
III.  in  honour  of  whom  the  Milanese,  who  were  avowed  ene- 
mies to  the  emperor,  built  the  city  of  Alexandria.  In  vain  did 
Frederic's  party  endeavour  to  have  it  called  Caesaria ;  the 
pope's  name  prevailed  :  and  it  was  afterwards  called  out  of 
derision,  Alexandria  delle  Paglia,  or  Alexandria  built  of  straw, 
on  account  of  the  meanness  of  its  buildings'. 

Happy  had  it  been  for  Europe  if  that  age  had  produced  no 
disputes  attended  with  more  fatal  consequences ;  but  unfortu- 
nately this  was  not  the  case.  Milan,  for  maintaining  its  inde- 
. .  -^  pendence,  was,  by  the  emperor's  orders,  razed  to 

*    *  *  the  foundations,  and  salt  was  strewed  upon  its 

ruins ;  Brescia  and  Placentia  was  dismantled  by  the  conqueror ; 
and  the  other  cities  which  had  aimed  at  independence  were  de- 
prived of  their  privileges. 

Pope  Alexander,  who  had  excited  these  revolts,  and  had  been 

obliged  to  take  refuge  in  France,  returned  to  Rome  after  the 

death  of  his  rival ;  and  the  civil  war  was  renewed.  The  empe- 

1 1  f\A.  ^^'^  caused  another  pope  to  be  elected,  under  the  ap- 

'  pellation  of  Paschal  III.,  on  whose  decease,  a  new 

pontiff  was  nominated  by  Frederic,  under  the  title  of  Calixtus 

III.    Meanwhile  Alexander  was  not  intimidated.  He  solemnly 

•  ^^  excommunicated  the  emperor;  andtheflamesof  ci- 

*  vil  discord  continued  to  spread.  The  chief  cities  of 
Italy,  supported  by  the  Greek  emperor,  and  the  king  of  Sicily, 
entered  into  an  association  for  the  defence  of  their  liberties ;  and 
the  pope,  at  length,  proved  stronger  by  negotiating  than  the  em- 
peror by  fighting.  The  imperialists,  worn  out  by  fatigue  and 

, ,  -  -   disease,  were  routed  by  the  confederates ;  and  Fre- 

*  deric  himself  narrowly  escaped  being  made  priso- 
ner. About  the  same  time  his  eldest  son  was  defeated  at  sea  by 
the  Venetians,  and  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Alexander, 

5  Murat-  Antic.  l*a'. 


XET.  XXX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  263 

in  honour  of  this  victory,  sailed  into  the  Adriatic  Sea,  or  Gulph 
of  Venice,  accompanied  by  the  whole  senate  ;  and,  after  having 
pronounced  many  benedictions  on  that  element,  threw  into  it  a 
ring  as  a  mark  of  his  gratitude  and  affection.  Hence  originat- 
ed that  ceremony  which  is  annually  performed  by  the  Vene- 
tians, under  the  notion  of  espousing  the  Adriatic. 

These  misfortunes  disposed  the  emperor  to  an  accommodation 
with  the  pope  ;  but  his  pride  would  not  permit  him  to  make 
any  humiliating  advances.  He  therefore  exerted  himself  with 
so  much  vigour  in  repairing  his  losses,  that  he  was  soon  enabled 
to  risque  another  battle,  in  which  his  enemies  were  worsted;  and 
being  no  less  a  politician  than  a  general,  he  seized  this  fortunate 
moment  to  signify  his  desire  of  peace  to  Alexander,  who  receiv- 
ed the  proposal  with  great  joy.  Venice  had  the  honour  of  be- 
ing the  place  of  reconciliation.  The  emperor,  the  pope,  and  a 
number  of  princes  and  cardinals,  repaired  to  that  city,  then  mis- 
tress of  the  sea,  and  one  of  the  wondersof  the  world.  ,  ,-- 
There  Frederic  put  an  end  to  his  bloody  dispute 
with  the  see  of  Rome,  by  acknowledging  the  pope,  kissing  his 
feet,  and  holding  his  stirrup  while  he  mounted  his  mule*. 

This  reconciliation  was  attended  with  the  submission  of  all 
the  towns  in  Italy,  which  had  entered  into  an  association  for 
their  mutual  defence.  They  obtained  a  general  pardon,  and 
were  left  at  liberty  to  use  their  own  laws  and  forms  of  govern- 
ment, but  were  obliged  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the 
emperor,  as  their  superior  lord. 

Calixtus,  the  anti-pope,  finding  himself  abandoned  by  the 
emperor,  in  consequence  of  that  treaty,  made  his  submissions  to 
Alexander,  who,  to  prevent  future  schisms,  called  a  , ,  -g 

general  council,  in  which  it  was  decreed,  that  no    '     * 
pope  should  be  deemed  duly  elected  without  having  the  votes 
of  two  thirds  of  the  college  of  cardinals  in  his  favour^ 

The  affairs  of  Italy  being  thus  settled,  the  emperor  returned 
to  Germany,  where  Henry  the  Lion,  duke  of  Saxony,  had  raised 
fresh  troubles.  He  was  a  proud,  haughty,  and  turbulent  prince, 
like  most  of  his  predecessors,  and  not  only  oppressed  his  own 
subjects,  but  committed  violences  against  all  his  neighbours. 
His  natural  pride  was  not  diminished  by  his  alliance  with  the 
king  of  England,  whose  daughter  he  had  married.  Glad  of  an 
opportunity  of  being  revenged  upon  Henry,  who  had  abandoned 
him  in  his  Italian  expedition,  Frederic  convoked  a  diet  at  Gos- 
lar,  where  the  duke  was  put  to  the  ban  of  the  em-  , ,  g^ 

pire ;  and,  after  a  variety  of  struggles,  the  sen- 
tence was  put  in  execution.     He  was  divested  of  all  his  domi- 

6  Bunau.  Hist.  Fred.  "'  Mosheim,  Hht,  Eccles.  vol.  iii. 


264  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i- 

nions,  which  were  bestowed  upon  different  vassals  of  the  em- 
pire. 

Sensible  of  his  folly  when  too  late,  the  degraded  duke  threw 
himself  at  the  emperor's  feet,  and  begged  with  great  humility 
,  ,p-k  that  some  of  his  territories  might  be  restored.  Fre- 
*  deric,  touched  with  his  unfortunate  condition,  refer- 
red him  to  a  diet  of  the  empire  at  Erfort.  There  Henry  endea-- 
voured  to  acquit  himself  of  the  crimes  laid  to  his  charge.  But 
as  it  was  impracticable  immediately  to  withdraw  his  fiefs  from 
the  present  possessors,  the  emperor  advised  him  to  reside  in 
England,  until  the  princes  who  had  shared  his  dominions  could 
be  persuaded  to  relinquish  them ;  and  he  promised  that,  in  the 
mean  time,  no  attempts  should  be  made  upon  the  territories  of 
Brunswic  or  Lunenburgh,  which  he  would  protect  in  behalf  of 
Henry's  children.  In  compliance  with  this  advice,  the  duke  re- 
tired to  England,  where  he  was  hospitably  entertained  by  his  fa- 
ther-in-law, Henry  H. ,  and  there  his  wife  bore  him  a  fourth 
son,  the  ancestor  of  the  present  house  of  Brunswic,  and  conse- 
quently of  the  family  now  reigning  in  Great  Britain®. 

While  tranquillity  was,  in  this  manner,  happily  restored  to 
Italy  and  Germany,  the  Oriental  Christians  were  in  the  utmost 
distress.  The  celebrated  Saladin,  or  Salaheddin,  born  in  the 
small  country  of  the  Curdes  (a  nation  always  warlike,  and  al- 
ways free),  having  fixed  himself,  by  his  bravery  and  conduct, 
on  the  throne  of  Egypt,  began  to  extend  his  conquests  over  the 
East ;  and  finding  the  settlements  of  the  Christians  in  Palestine 
a  great  obstacle  to  the  progress  of  his  arms,  he  bent  the  whole 
force  of  his  policy  and  valour  to  subdue  that  small  and  barren 
but  important  territory.  Taking  advantage  of  the  dissensions 
which  prevailed  among  the  champions  of  the  Cross,  and  having 
secretly  gained  the  count  of  Tripoli,  who  commanded  their  ar- 
mies, he  invaded  Palestine  with  a  mighty  force  ;  and,  aided  by 
the  treachery  of  that  count,  gained  at  Tiberias  a  complete  vic- 
,  -o-  tory  over  them,  which  utterly  broke  the  power  of 
the  already  languishingkingdom  of  Jerusalem.  The 
holy  city  itself  fell  into  his  hands,  after  a  feeble  resistance  :  the 
kingdom  of  Antioch  also  was  almost  entirely  subdued  by  his 
arms  ;  and,  except  some  maritime  towns,  nothing  of  import- 
ance remained  of  those  boasted  conquests,  which,  near  a  cen- 
tury before,  had  cost  the  efforts  of  all  Europe  to  acquire'. 

Alarmed  at  this  intelligence,  pope  Clement  III.  ordered  a 
crusade  to  be  preached  through  all  the  countries  in  Christen- 
dom. Europe  was  filled  with  grief  and  astonishment  at  the  pro- 
gress of  the  infidels  in  Asia.    To  give  a  check  to  it  seemed  the 

1  Aimal  dc  riimp.  tome  i.  9  Maimbourb.  Hist,  ties  Croiaatles- 


LET.  XXX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  265 

common  cause  of  Christians.  Frederic  Barbarossa,  who  was  at 
that  time  employed  in  making  regulations  for  the  preservation 
of  the  peace  and  good  order  of  Germany,  assembled  ,,op 

a  diet  at  Mentz,  in  order  to  deliberate  with  the 
states  of  the  empire  on  this  subject.  He  took  the  cross ;  and 
his  example  was  followed  by  his  son  Frederic,  and  the  most  dis- 
tinguished of  the  German  nobles,  ecclesiastics  as  well  as  lay- 
men. The  rendezvous  was  appointed  at  Ratisbon;  and,  to  pre- 
vent the  inconvenience  of  too  great  a  multitude,  the  emperor  de- 
creed, that  no  person  should  take  the  cross  who  could  not  af- 
ford to  expend  three  marks  of  silver.  But  notwithstanding  that 
regulation,  wisely  calculated  to  prevent  those  necessities  which 
had  ruined  the  former  armies,  so  great  was  the  zeal  of  the  Ger- 
mans, that  adventurers  assembled  to  the  number  of  one  hundred 
and  fifty  thousand  fighting  men,  well  armed,  and  provided  with 
necessaries  for  the  expedition^". 

Before  his  departure,  Frederic  made  a  progress  through  the 
principal  cities  of  Germany,  accompanied  by  his  son  Henry,  to 
whom  he  intended  to  commit  the  government  of  the  empire ; 
and  that  he  might  omit  nothing  necessary  lo  the  preservation  of 
peace  and  harmony  during  his  absence,  he  endeavoured  so  to 
regulate  the  succession  to  his  dominions  that  none  of  his  chil- 
dren should  have  cause  to  complain,  or  any  prelext  to  disturb 
the  public  tranquillity.  He  then  marched  at  the  head  ,,oq 

of  thirty  thousand  men,  by  the  way  of  Vienna,  to    *     * 
Presburg,  where  he  was  joined  by  the  rest  of  his  army.     He 
thence  proceeded  through  Hungary,  into  the  territories  of  the 
Greek  emperor,  Isaac  Angelus,  who,  notwithstanding  his  pro- 
fessions of  friendship,  had  been  detached  from  the  interest  of 
Frederic  by  Saladin's  promises  and  insinuations,  and  took  all 
opportunities  of  harassing  the  Germans  in  their  march.     In- 
censed at  this  perfidy,  Frederic  laid  the  country  under  contribu- 
tion ;  defeated  a  body  of  Greeks  that  attacked  him  by  surprise; 
and  compelled  Isaac  to  sue  for  peace.  He  wintered  at  Adriano- 
ple  ;  crossed  the  Hellespont  in  the  spring;  defeated       ^   ^  j^^q 
the  infidels  in  several  battles  ;  pillaged  the  city  of    *     ' 
Iconium,  and  crossed  Mount  Taurus.  All  Asia  was  filled  with 

\the  terror  of  his  arms.  He  seemed  to  be  among  the  soldiers  of 
the  cross  what  Saladin  was  among  the  Turks — an  able  politi- 
^  cian,  and  a  good  general,  tried  by  fortune.  The  Oriental  Chris- 
tians therefore  flattered  themselves  with  certain  relief  from  his 
assistance.  But  their  hopes  were  suddenly  blasted.  This  great 
prince,  who  was  an  expert  swimmer,  ventured  to  bathe  in  the 

10  Maimbourg.  Hist,  dcs  Croisades.— Bunau. 

Vol.  I.  LI 


266  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

cold  river  Cydnus,  in  order  to  refresh  himself  after  fatigue  in  a 
+  ^  sultry  climate,  perhaps  in  emulation  of  the  Macedonian 

June  lU.  conqueror;  and  he  instantly  contracted  a  disorder, 
which  at  once  put  an  end  to  his  life  and  his  bold  enterpriser^ 

Thus  unfortunately  perished  Frederic  I.,  in  the  sixty-ninth 
year  of  his  age,  and  the  thirty-ninth  of  his  reign — a  prince  of  a 
firm  spirit  and  strong  talents,  who  had  the  good  of  his  country 
always  at  heart,  and  who  supported  the  dignity  of  the  empire 
with  great  courage  and  reputation.  He  was  succeeded  on  the 
imperial  throne  by  his  son  Henry  VI.  surnamed  the  Severe. — 
But,  before  I  enter  on  the  reign  of  this  prince,  I  must  carry 
forward  the  history  of  the  third  crusade,  continued  by  the  kings 
of  France  and  England. 

11  Mainibourg. — Bui>au. 


LETTER  XXXI. 


Of  the  Affairs  of  France  and  England^  from  the  Death  of  Hen- 
ry 11.  to  the  Grant  of  the  Great  Charter  by  King  Johuy  with 
a  farther  Account  of  the  third  Crusade. 

THE  death  of  Henry  II.  was  an  event  esteemed  equally 
fortunate  by  his  son  Richard,  and  by  Philip  Augustus,  king  of 
France.     Philip  had  lost  a  dangerous  and  implacable  enemy, 
. ,  OQ  and  Richard  acquired  that  crown  which  he  had  long 
^'  ^'  '  wished  to  possess.  Both  seemed  to  consider  the  re- 

covery of  the  Holy  Land  as  the  sole  purpose  of  their  govern- 
ment ;  yet  neither  was  so  much  impelled  to  that  pious  under- 
taking by  superstition,  as  by  the  love  of  military  glory.  The 
king  of  England,  in  particular,  carried  so  little  appearance  of 
sanctity  in  his  conduct,  that,  when  advised  by  a  zealous  preacher 
of  the  crusade  (who  from  that  merit  had  acquired  the  privilege 
of  speaking  the  boldest  truths)  to  disengage  himself  from  his 
pride,  avarice,  and  voluptuousness,  which  the  priest  affectedly 
called  the  king's  favourite  daughters,  Richard  promptly  replied, 
*'  You  counsel  well ! — and  I  hereby  dispose  of  the  first  to  the 
*'  Templars,  of  the  second  to  the  Benedictines,  and  of  the  third 
*'  to  my  bishops\" 

1  M.  Westminst, 


LET.  XXXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  267 

The  reiterated  calamities  attending  the  former  crusades  taught 
the  kings  of  Fance  and  England  the  necessity  of  trying  another 
route  to  the  holy  land.  They  determined  to  conduct  their  ar- 
mies thither  by  sea ;  to  carry  provisions  with  them ;  and,  by 
means  of  their  naval  power,  to  maintain  an  open  communication 
with  their  own  states,  and  with  all  the  western  parts  of  Europe. 
The  first  place  of  rendezvous  was  the  plain  of  Ve-  g^ 

zelay,  where  Philip  and  Richard  found  their  armies 
amount  to  one  hundred  thousand  men.  They  renewed  their  pro- 
mises of  mutual  friendship ;  pledged  their  faith  not  to  invade 
each  other's  dominions  during  the  crusade,  and,  exchanging  the 
oaths  of  all  their  barons  and  prelates  to  the  same  effect,  they  se- 
parated. Philip  took  the  road  to  Genoa ;  Richard  directed  his 
course  to  Marseilles ;  both  with  a  view  of  meeting  their  fleets, 
which  were  severally  appointed  to  assemble  in  those  harbours^. 
They  put  to  sea  together;  and  both  nearly  about  the  same  time, 
were  obliged  by  stress  of  weather  to  take  shelter  in  Messina, 
where  they  were  detained  during  the  whole  winter.  This  event 
laid  the  foundation  of  animosities  between  them,  which  were 
never  afterwards  entirely  removed,  and  proved  ultimately  fatal 
to  their  enterprise. 

But  before  I  proceed  to  that  subject,  a  few  words  relative  to 
the  characters  and  circumstances  of  the  two  princes  will  be  ne- 
cessary. Philip  and  Richard,  though  professed  friends,  were, 
by  the  situation  and  extent  of  their  dominions,  rivals  in  power; 
by  their  age  and  inclinations,  competitors  for  glory  :  and  these 
causes  of  emulation,  which  might  have  stimulated  them  to  mar- 
tial efforts,  had  they  been  acting  in  the  field  against  the  common 
enemy,  soon  excited  quarrels,  during  their  present  leisure,  be- 
tween monarchs  of  such  fiery  tempers.  Equally  haughty,  am- 
bitious, intrepid,  and  inflexible,  they  were  irritated  at  the  least 
appearance  of  injury,  and  did  not  endeavour,  by  mutual  con- 
descensions, to  efface  those  occasions  of  complaint  which  arose 
between  them.  Other  sources  of  discord  were  added  to  the 
natural  rivalry  of  their  characters. 

William  11.,  king  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  had  married  Joan, 
sister  to  Richard;  and  that  prince,  dying  without  issue,  had  be- 
queathed bis  dominions  to  his  paternal  sister  Constantia,  the 
only  legitimate  surviving  offspring  of  Roger  the  first  king  of 
Sicily,  of  the  race  of  Guiscard,  the  Norman  hero.  The  empe- 
ror Henry  VI.  had  married  this  princess,  in  expectation  of  that 
rich  inheritance  ;  but  Tan(;jredher  natural  brother,  by  his  inter- 
est among  the  Sicilian  nobles,  had  gained  possession  of  the 
throne.  The  approach  of  the  crusards  gave  him  apprehensions 

2  G.  Vinrs.  Iter.  Hitrasel.  lib.  ii. 


£68  THE  HISTORY  OF  paet  t, 

for  his  unstable  government;  and  he  was  uncertain  whether  he 
hod  most  reason  to  dread  the  presence  of  the  French  or  EngHsh 
monarch.  Philip  was  engaged  in  strict  alHance  with  the  empe- 
ror, Tancred's  competitor;  Richard  was  disgusted  at  his  rigour 
towards  the  queen-do\^  ager,  whom  he  confined  in  Palermo,  be- 
cause she  had  opposed  his  succession  to  the  crown.  Sensible, 
therefore,  of  the  delicacy  of  his  situation,  Tancred  resolved  to 
pay  his  court  to  both  these  princes  ;  and  he  was  not  unsuccess- 
ful in  his  endeavours.  He  persuaded  Philip,  that  it  would  be 
highly  improper  to  interrupt  the  expedition  against  the  infidels 
by  any  attack  upon  a  Christian  prince  :  he  restored  queen  Joan 
to  her  liberty,  and  even  found  means  to  form  an  alliance  with 
her  brother.  But,  before  this  friendship  was  cemented,  Richard, 
jealous  both  of  Tancred  and  the  inhabitants  of  Messina,  had 
taken  up  his  quarters  in  the  suburbs,  and  possessed  himself  of 
a  small  fort  which  commanded  the  harbour.  The  citizens  took 
umbrage.  Mutual  insults  and  injuries  passed  between  them  and 
the  English  soldiers.  Philip,  who  had  quartered  his  troops  in 
the  town,  endeavoured  to  accommodate  the  quarrel,  and  held  a 
conference  with  Richard  for  that  purpose. 

While  the  two  kings,  who  met  in  the  open  fields,  were  en- 
gaged in  discourse  on  this  subject,  a  body  of  the  Sicilians  seem- 
ed to  be  drawing  towards  them.  Richard,  always  ardent  and 
impatient,  pushed  forward,  in  order  to  learn  the  cause  of  that 
extraordinary  movement;  and  the  English  adventurers,  insolent 
from  dieir  power,  and  inflamed  by  former  animosities,  want- 
ing only  a  pretence  to  attack  the  Messinese,  chased  them  from 
the  field,  drove  them  into  the  town,  and  entered  with  them  at 
the  gates.  The  king  employed  his  authority  to  restrain  them 
from  pillaging  or  massacring  the  defenceless  inhabitants  ;  but 
he  gave  orders  that  the  standard  of  England,  in  token  of  his 
victory,  should  be  erected  on  the  walls.  Philip,  who  considered 
the  city  of  Messina  as  his  quarters,  exclaimed  against  the  arro- 
gance of  the  Englif  monarch,  and  ordered  some  of  his  men  to 
pull  down  the  stanaard.  But  Richard  informed  him  by  a  mes- 
senger, that  although  he  would  willingly  himself  remove  that 
ground  of  offence,  he  would  not  permit  it  to  be  done  by  others; 
and  if  the  French  king  attempted  such  an  insult  on  his  dignity, 
he  should  not  succeed  but  by  the  utmost  effusion  of  blood.  Phi- 
lip, satisfied  by  this  species  of  haughty  condescension,  recalled 
his  orders,  and  the  difference  was  seemingly  accommodated ; 
but  the  seeds  of  rancour  and  jealousy  still  remained  in  the 
breasts  of  the  two  monarchs?. 

3  Bened.  Abl>.— M.  Paris.— G.  Vinis. 


lET.  XXXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  269 

After  leaving  Sicily,  the  English  fleet  was  assailed  by  a  furi- 
ous tempest.  It  was  driven  on  the  coast  of  Cyprus,  , ,  q, 
and  some  of  the  vessels  were  wrecked.  Isaac  '  *  ' 
Comnenus,  despot  of  Cyprus,  who  had  assumed  the  magnifi- 
cent title  of  emperor,  pillaged  the  ships  that  were  stranded, 
and  threw  the  seamen  and  passengers  into  prison.  But  Ri- 
chard, who  arrived  soon  after,  took  ample  vengeance  on  him 
for  the  injury.  He  disembarked  the  troops ;  defeated  the  tyrant, 
who  opposed  his,landing;  entered  Limisso  by  storm  ;  obtained 
a  second  victory ;  obliged  Isaac  to  surrender  at  discretion ; 
established  governors  over  the  island ;  and  afterwards  conferred 
it  as  a  sovereignty  upon  Guy  de  Lusignan,  the  expelled  king 
of  Jerusalem.  Thrown  into  prison,  and  loaded  with  irons,  the 
Greek  prince  complained  of  the  litde  respect  with  which  he 
was  treated.  Richard  ordered  silver  fetters  to  be  made  for  him; 
and  this  phantom  of  an  emperor,  pleased  with  the  distinction, 
expressed  a  sense  of  the  generosity  of  his  conqueror*! 

Before  the  two  kings  arrived  in  Asia,  Ptolemais,  or  Acra, 
had  long  been  besieged  by  a  numerous  Christian  army,  and  de- 
fended by  the  utmost  efforts  of  Saladin.  Of  the  German  cru- 
sards,  so  many  had  retired  from  the  imperial  ensigns,  and  such 
a  number  had  fallen  by  pestilence  and  famine,  that  only  a  very 
small  force  had  joined  the  besiegers  of  Acra,  whose  zeal  began 
sensibly  to  decline.  But  the  appearance  of  Philip  and  Richard 
inspired  them  with  new  life;  and  the  emulation  between  the  rival 
kings  and  rival  nations  produced  extraordinary  acts  of  valour. 
Richard  especially,  animated  by  a  courage  more  precipitate  than 
that  of  Philip,  and  more  agreeable  to  the  romantic  spirit  of  the 
age,  drew  the  attention  of  all  the  religious  and  military  world, 
and  acquired  a  great  and  splendid  reputation.  Ptolemais  was 
taken.  The  garrison,  reduced  to  extremity,  surrendered  the 
place  ;  and  the  governor  engaged  that  Saladin,  besides  paying  a 
large  sum  as  a  ransom,  should  release  two  thousand  five  hun- 
dred Christian  prisoners,  and  restore  the  wood  of  the  true  cross*. 

Thus  was  the  famous  siege,  which  had  so  long  engaged  the 
attention  of  all  Europe  and  Asia,  brought  to  the  desired  close, 
after  the  loss  of  three  hundred  thousand  men,  exclusive  of  per- 
sons of  superior  rank  ;  six  archbishops,  twelve  bishops,  forty 
earls,  and  five  hundred  barons.  But  the  French  monarch,  in- 
stead of  pursuing  the  hopes  of  farther  conquest,  and  redeeming 
the  holy  city  from  slavery,  being  disgusted  with  the  ascendant 
assumed  and  acquired  by  the  kingof  England,  and  having  views 

4  Bened.  Abb.— M.  Paris. 

5  Benedict.  Abb. — .Saladin  refused  to  ratify  the  treaty;  and  the  Saracen  prisoners  to  the 
number  of  2700,  were  inhumanly  butchered.     Viimavf,  lib.  iv. 


270  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

of  many  advantages  which  he  might  reap  by  his  presence  in  Eu- 
rope, declared  his  resolution  of  returning  to  France  ;  and  he 
pleaded  his  ill  state  of  health  as  an  excuse  for  his  desertion  of 
the  common  cause.  He  left  however  to  Richard  ten  thousand  of 
his  men,  under  the  command  of  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  and  he 
renewed  his  oath  not  to  commit  hostilities  against  that  prince's 
territories  during  his  absence.  But  no  sooner  did  he  reach  Italy 
than  he  applied  to  pope  Celestine  III.  for  a  dispensation  from 
his  vow  ;  and,  though  that  request  was  not  granted,  he  still  pro- 
ceeded, but  after  a  more  concealed  manner,  in  his  unjust  pro- 
jects. He  seduced  prince  John,  king  Richard's  brother,  from 
his  allegiance,  and  did  every  thing  possible  to  blacken  the  cha- 
racter of  that  monarch  himself,  representing  him  as  privy  to  the 
murder  of  the  marquis  de  Montferrat,  who  had  been  taken  off 
by  an  Asiatic  chief,  called  The  old  Man  of  the  Mountain^  the 
prince  of  the  Assassins — a  word  which  has  found  its  way  into 
most  European  languages,  from  the  practice  of  these  bold  and 
determined  ruffians,  against  whom  no  precaution  was  sufficient 
to  guard  any  man,  however  powerful®. 

But  Richard's  heroic  actions  in  Palestine  formed  the  best  apo- 
logy for  his  conduct.  The  Christian  adventurers,  under  his 
1  ]  Q9  command,  resolved  to  attempt  the  siege  of  Ascalon, 
'  in  order  to  prepare  the  way  for  that  of  Jerusalem  ; 
and  they  marched  along  the  sea-coast  with  that  intention.  Sa- 
ladin  took  measures  to  obstruct  their  passage  ;  and  on  this  oc- 
casion was  fought  one  of  the  greatest  battles  of  that  age,  and 
the  most  celebrated  for  the  military  genius  of  the  commanders, 
for  the  number  and  valour  of  the  troops,  and  for  the  variety  of 
events  which  attended  it.  The  right  and  left  wings  of  the 
Christian  army  were  broken  in  the  beginning  of  the  day,  and 
in  danger  of  being  totally  defeated,  when  Richard,  who  com- 
manded the  centre,  and  led  on  the  main  body,  restored  the  bat- 
tle. He  attacked  the  enemy  with  admirable  intrepidity  and  pre- 
sence of  mind  ;  performed  the  part  of  a  consummate  general 
and  gallant  soldier  ;  and  not  only  gave  the  two  wings  leisure  to 
recover  from  their  confusion,  but  obtained  a  complete  victory 
over  the  Saracens,  forty  thousand  of  whom  are  said  to  have 
been  slain  in  the  field^.  Ascalon  soon  after^fell  into  the  bands 
of  the  Christians  :  other  sieges  were  carried  on  with  success  ; 
and  Richard  was  even  able  to  advance  within  sight  of  Jerusa- 
lem, the  great  object  of  his  hopes  and  fears,  when  he  had  the 
mortification  to  find,  that  he  must  abandon  all  thoughts  of  im- 
mediate success,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  career  of  victory. 

6  WaJt.  Hetningt". — Broropt. — Vinis.  7  G.  Vinis.  lib,  iv. 


LET.  XXXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  271 

Animated  with  an  enthusiastic  ardour  for  these  holy  wars, 
the  champions  of  the  cross,  at  first,  laid  aside  all  regard  to  safe- 
ty or  interest  in  the  prosecution  of  their  pious  purpose;  and, 
trusting  to  the  immediate  assistance  of  heaven,  set  nothing  be- 
fore their  eyes  but  fame  and  victory  in  this  world,  and  a  crown 
of  glory  in  the  next.  But  long  absence  from  home,  fatigue, 
disease,  famine,  and  the  varieties  of  fortune  which  naturally  at- 
tend war,  had  gradually  abated  that  fury  which  nothing  was 
able  instantly  to  allay  or  withstand.  Every  leader,  except  the 
king  of  England,  expressed  a  desire  of  speedily  returning  to 
Europe;  so  that  there  appeared  an  absolute  necessity  of  aban- 
doning, for  the  present,  all  hopes  of  farther  conquest,  and  of 
securing  the  acquisitions  of  the  adventurers  by  an  accommo- 
dation with  Saladin.  Richard  therefore  concluded  a  truce  with 
that  monarch  ;  stipulating  that  Ptolemais,  Joppa,  and  other  sea- 
port towns  of  Palestine,  should  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  chris- 
tians, and  that  every  one  of  that  religion  should  have  liberty  to 
perform  his  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  unmolested^  This  truce 
%vas  concluded  for  three  years,  three  months,  three  weeks,  three 
days,  and  three  hours,  a  magical  number,  suggested  by  a  su- 
perstition well  suited  to  the  object  of  the  war. 

Saladin  died  at  Damascus,  soon  after  he  had  , .  q_ 

concluded  a  truce  with  the  crusards.  He  was  a  '^'  ' 
prince  of  great  generosity  and  valour;  and  it  is  truly  memora- 
ble, that,  during  his  fatal  illness,  he  ordered  his  winding  sheet 
to  be  carried  as  a  standard  through  every  street  of  the  city, 
while  a  crier  went  before  the  person  who  bore  that  ensign  of 
mortality,  and  proclaimed  with  a  loud  voice,  "  This  is  all  that 
remains  to  the  mighty  Saladin,  the  conqueror  of  the  East!'' 
His  last  will  is  also  remarkable.  He  ordered  alms  to  be  dis- 
tributed among  the  poor,  without  distinction  of  Jew,  Christian, 
or  Mohammedan,  intending  by  this  bequest  to  intimate,  that 
all  men  are  brethren,  and  that,  when  we  would  assist  them,  we 
ought  not  to  inquire  what  they  believe,  but  what  they  feel — an 
admirable  lesson  to  Christians,  though  from  an  infidel.  But  the 
advantage  of  science,  of  moderation  and  humanity,  seemed  at 
that  time  to  be  on  the  side  of  the  Saracens. 

After  the  truce  Richard  had  no  farther  business  in  Palestine ; 
and  the  intelligence  which  he  received  of  the  intrigues  of  his 
brother  John  and  the  kii  g  of  France  made  him  sensible  that 
his  presence  was  necessary  in  Europe.  Not  thinking  it  safe  to 
pass  through  Philip's  dominions,  he  sailed  to  the  Adriatic ;  and, 
being  shipwrecked  near  Aquileia,  he  assumed  the  habit  of  a 

8  W.  Hemingf.  lib.  ii. — G.  Vinis.  lib.  vi. 


272  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

pilgrim,  with  an  intention  of  taking  his  journey  secretly  through 
Germany.  But  his  liberality  and  expenses  betrayed  him.  He 
was  arrested  and  thrown  into  prison  by  Leopold,  duke  of  Aus- 
tria, whom  he  had  offended  at  the  siege  of  Ptolemais,  and  who 
sold  him  to  the  emperor  Henry  VI.,  who  had  taken  offence  at 
Richard's  alliance  with  Tancred,  king  of  Sicily,  and  was  glad 
to  have  him  in  his  power^.  Thus  the  gallant  king  of  England, 
who  had  filled  the  world  with  his  renown,  found  himself,  during 
the  most  critical  state  of  his  affairs,  confined  to  a  dungeon,  in 
the  heart  of  Germany,  loaded  with  irons,  and  entirely  at  the 
mercy  of  his  enemy,  the  basest  and  most  sordid  of  mankindi". 

While  the  high  spirit  of  Richard  suffered  every  insult  and 
indignity  in  Germany,  the  king  of  France  employed  force,  in- 
trigue, and  negotiation,  against  the  dominions  and  the  person 
of  his  unfortunate  rival.  He  made  large  offers  to  the  empe- 
ror, if  he  would  deliver  into  his  hands  the  royal  prisoner  :  he 
formed  an  alliance  by  marriage  with  Denmark,  desiring  that  the 
ancient  Danish  claim  to  the  crown  of  England  might  be  trans- 
ferred to  him;  he  concluded  a  treaty  with  prince  John,  who  is 
said  to  have  done  homage  to  him  for  the  English  crown ;  and 
he  invaded  Normandy,  while  the  traitor  John  attempted  to  make 
himself  master  of  England". 

Richard,  being  produced  before  a  diet  of  the  empire,  made 
such  an  impression  on  the  German  princes,  by  his  spirit  and 
eloquence,  that  they  exclaimed  loudly  against  the  conduct  of 
the  emperor.  The  pope  also  threatened  him  with  excommuni- 
cation ;  and  although  Henry  had  listened  to  the  proposals  of  the 
king  of  France  and  prince  John,  he  found  that  it  would  be  im- 
practicable for  him  to  execute  his  and  their  base  purposes,  or  to 
detain  the  king  of  England  longer  in  captivity.  He  therefore 
concluded  a  treaty  with  Richard  for  his  ransom,  and  agreed  to 


9  Gill.  Neiibe.— M.  Paris. 

10  Cliron.  T.  Wykes. — The  vindictive  enemies  of  Richard,  if  we  believe  the  literaty 
liistorv  of  times,  carefully  concealed  not  only  the  place  of  his  confinement,  but  even  the 
circumstanceof  his  captivity  ;  and  both  might  have  remained  unknown  but  for  the  grateful 
attachment  of  a  Provencal  bard,  oi-  minstrel,  named  Rlondel,  who  had  shared  that  prince's 
frit'iulshii),  and  experienced  his  bounty.  Having  travelled  over  the  European  continent  to 
leani  the  history  ot  his  beloved  patron,  who  was  a  poet,  as  well  as  a  hero,  Blondel  accident- 
all  v  gained  intelligence  of  a  certain  castle  in  Germany,  where  a  prisoner  of  distinction  was 
c'oiifi7ied,  and  guarded  with  great  vigilance.  Persuaded  by  a  secret  impulse,  that  this  pri- 
soner was  the  king  of  England,  the  minsircl  repaired  to  the  place.  But  the  gates  of  the 
cjistle  were  shut  against  him,  and  he  could  obtain  no  information  relative  to  the  name  or 
qiialitv  of  the  unhappy  person  whom  it  secured.  In  this  extremity,  he  thought  of  an  expe- 
dient for  making  the  desired  discovery.  He  ehaunted,  with  a  loud  voice,  some  verses  of  a 
song,  which  bar?  been  composed  partly  by  himself,  partly  by  Richard  ;  and,  to  his  unspeak- 
able jov,  on  making  a  pause,  he  heard  it  re-echoed  and  continued  by  the  royal  captive.  To 
this  discovery  the  English  monarch  is  said  to  have  eventually  owed  his  release.  Histoire  des 
Troubadours. 

11  M.  Paris.— W.  Hemingf. — Hoved. 


LET.  xxx-i.  MODERN  EUROPE.  ii7.? 

restore  him  to  his  freedom  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
marks  of  silver^^,  about  three  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  our 
present  money  :  an  enormous  sum  in  those  days. 

As  soon  as  Philip  heard  of  Richard's  release,  he  wrote  to  his 
confederate  John  in  these  emphatical  words;  '*Take  .  .^  . 

care  of  yourself!  the  devil  is  let  loose."  How  differ- 
ent on  this  occasion  were  the  sentiments  of  the  English! — Their 
joy  was  extreme  on  the  appearance  of  their  king,  who  had  ac- 
quired so  much  glory,  had  spread  the  reputation  of  their  name 
to  the  farthest  East.  After  renewing  the  ceremony  of  his  coro- 
nation, amid  the  acclamations  of  all  ranks  of  people,  and  reduc- 
ing the  fortresses  which  still  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  bro- 
ther's adherents,  Richard  passed  over  with  an  army  into  Nor- 
mandy, eager  to  make  war  upon  Philip,  and  to  revenge  himself 
for  the  injuries  he  had  sustained  from  that  monarch^^ 

When  we  consider  two  such  powerful  and  warlike  monarchs, 
inflamed  with  personal  animosity,  enraged  by  mutual  injuries, 
excited  by  rivalry,  impelled  by  opposite  interests,  and  instigated 
by  the  pride  and  violence  of  their  own  tempers,  our  curiosity  is 
naturally  raised,  and  we  expect  an  obstinate  and  furious  war, 
distinguished  by  the  greatest  events,  and  concluded  by  some  re- 
markable catastrophe.  We  find  ourselves,  however,  entirely  dis- 
appointed ;  the  reduction  of  a  castle,  the  surprisal  of  a  strag- 
gling party,  a  rencounter  of  horse,  resembling  more  a  rout  than 
a  battle,  comprehend  the  whole  of  the  exploits  on  both  sides;  a 
certain  proof,  as  a  great  historian  observes,  of  the  weakness 
of  princes  in  that  age,  and  of  the  litde  authority  which  they 
possessed  over  their  refractory  vassals'"*. 

During  this  war,  which  continued,  with  short  intervals,  till 
Richard's  death,  prince  John  deserted  Philip,  threw  himself  at 
his  brother's  feet,  craved  pardon  for  his  offences,  and  was  re- 
ceived into  favour,  at  the  intercession  of  his  mother.  "  I  for- 
"■  give  him  with  all  my  heart,"  said  the  king  :  "  and  hope  I 
*^  shall  as  easily  forget  his  oftences,  as  he  will  my  pardon'*." 

Peace  was  ready  to  be  concluded  between  England  and 
France,  when  Richard  was  unfortunately  slain  before  an  in- 
considerable casde  which  he  had  invested.  The  story  is  thus 
related  : 

Vidomar,  viscount  of  Limoges,  had  found  a  treasure,  of  which 
he  sent  part  to  the  king,  as  a  present.  But  Richard  claimed 
the  \\  hole :  and,  at  the  head  of  some  Brabangons,  besieged  the 
casde  of  Chains,  to  enforce  the  viscount's  compliance  with  his 

12  Rym.  Foedera,  vol.  i.  ISHoved.  Annal. 

1 4  Hume's  Hist,  of  England,  vol.  ii.  IS  M.  Paris. 

Vol.  I.  Mm 


274  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

demand.  The  garrison  offered  to  surrender  ;  but  the  king  re- 
plied, that  since  he  had  taken  the  trouble  of  besieging  the 
place  in  person,  he  would  take  it  by  force,  and  hang  every  one 
of  them.  While  he  was  surveying  the  castle,  one  Bertrand  de 
Gourdon,  an  archer,  took  aim  at  him,  and  pierced  his  shoulder 
with  an  arrow.  The  king,  however,  gave  orders  for  an  as- 
sault ;  took  the  place,  and  ordered  all  the  garrison  to  be  hang- 
ed, except  Gourdon,  whom  he  reserved  for  a  more  cruel  exe- 
cution'^. 

Richard's  wound  was  not  in  itself  dangerous,  but  the  unskil- 
^  ..  .  fulness  of  the  surgeon  rendered  it  mortal.  When  he 
11 QQ  '  found  his  end  approaching,  he  sent  for  Gourdon,  and 
demanded  the  reason  why  he  sought  his  life.  "  My  fa- 
"  ther  and  my  two  brothers,"  replied  the  undaunted  soldier, 
*'  fell  by  your  sword,  and  you  intended  to  have  put  me  to  death. 
"  I  am  now  in  your  power,  and  you  may  do  your  worst ;  but  I 
"  shall  endure  the  most  severe  torments  with  pleasure,  provided 
*'  I  can  think  that  Heaven  has  afforded  me  such  great  revenge, 
"  as,  with  my  own  hand,  to  be  the  cause  of  your  death."  Struck 
with  the  boldness  of  this  reply,  and  humbled  by  his  approaching 
dissolution,  Richard  ordered  the  prisoner  to  be  set  at  liberty, 
and  a  sum  of  money  to  be  given  to  him.  But  the  Brabangon 
leader  Marcadee,  a  stranger  to  such  generosity,  seized  the  un- 
happy man,  flayed  him  alive,  and  then  hanged  him'^. 

The  military  talents  of  Richard  formed  the  most  shining  part 
of  his  character.  No  man,  even  in  that  romantic  age,  carried 
personal  courage  or  intrepidity  to  a  greater  height ;  and  this 
quality  obtained  him  the  appellation  of  Coeiir  de  Lion,  or  the 
lAon-hearted  hero.  As  he  left  no  issue,  he  was  succeeded  by  his 
brother  John. 

The  succession  was  disputed  by  Arthur,  duke  of  Bretagne, 
son  of  John's  elder  brother  Geoffrey  :  and  the  barons  of  Anjou, 
Maine  and  Touraine,  declared  in  favour  of  this  young  prince's 
title.  The  king  of  France  also  assisted  him,  and  every  thing 
\1Ci%  promised  success,  when  Arthur  was  unfortunately 
"  taken  prisoner  by  his  uncle  John,  and  inhumanly 
murdered. 

The  fate  of  this  unhappy  prince  is  differently  related ;  but 
the  following  account  seems  the  most  probable.     After  having 

16  Hoved. — Brotnpton. 

17  Hoved. — TIr  ESrabangons  were  ruffian  mercenaries,  formed  oat  of  the  numerorts 
l)an(ls  o!  robbers,  who,  during  the  middle  ages,  infested  every  country  of  Europe,  and  set 
the  civil  nmgistrate  at  defiance.  Excluded  from  the  protection  of  general  society,  these 
banditti  formed  a  kind  of  government  among  themselves.  Troops  of  them  were  sometimes 
admitted  into  the  service  of  princes  or  barons,  and  they  often  acted  in  an  independent  man- 
n€r,  under  leaders  of  their  own.    Gul.  Neubrig. 


LET.  XXXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  275 

employed  unsuccessfully  different  assassins,  John  went  in  a 
boat  by  night,  to  the  castle  of  Rouen,  where  x\rthur  was  confin- 
ed, and  ordered  him  to  be  brought  forth.  Aware  of  his  danger, 
and  subdued  by  the  continuance  of  his  misfortunes,  and  by  the 
approach  of  death,  the  brave  youth,  who  had  before  gallantly 
maintained  the  justice  of  his  cause,  threw  himself  on  his  knees 
before  his  uncle,  and  begged  for  mercy.  But  the  barbarous  ty- 
rant, making  no  reply,  stabbed  his  nephew  to  the  heart,  and, 
fastening  a  stone  to  the  dead  body,  threw  it  into  the  Seine^^ 

John's  misfortunes  commenced  with  his  crime.  He  was  from 
that  moment  detested  by  his  subjects,  both  in  England  and  on 
the  continent.  The  Bretons,  disappointed  in  their  fondest 
hopes,  waged  implacable  war  against  him,  in  order  lo  revenge 
the  murder  of  their  duke  :  and  they  carried  their  complaints 
before  the  French  monarch,  as  superior  lord,  demanding  jus- 
tice for  the  inhuman  violence  of  John.  Philip  receivevl  their 
application  with  pleasure  ;  he  summoned  John  to  be  tried  be- 
fore him  and  his  peers  :  and,  on  his  non-appearance,  he  was  de- 
clared guilty  of  felony  and  parricide,  and  all  his  foreign  domi- 
nions were  declared  to  be  forfeited  to  the  crown  of  France*'. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  the  execution  of  this  sentence,  to 
complete  the  glory  of  Philip,  whose  active  and  ambitious  spirit 
had  long  with  impatience  borne  the  neighbourhood  of  so  pow- 
erful a  vassal  as  the  king  of  England.  He  therefore  embraced, 
with  eagerness  and  joy,  the  present  opportunity  of  annexing  to 
the  French  crown  the  English  dominions  on  the  continent ;  a 
project  which  the  sound  policy  of  Henry  H.  and  the  military  ge- 
nius of  Richard  I.  had  rendered  impracticable  to  the  most  vi- 
gorous efforts,  and  most  dangerous  intrigues,  of  this  ,  ^^^ . 
able  and  artful  prince.  But  the  general  defection 
of  John's  vassals  rendered  every  enterprise  easy  against  him  } 
and  Philip  not  only  re-united  Normandy  to  the  crown  of  France, 
but  successively  reduced  Anjou,  Maine,  Touraine,  and  part  of 
Poictou,  under  his  dominion^".  Thus,  by  the  baseness  of  one 
prince,  and  the  intrepidity  of  another,  the  French  monarchy 
received,  in  a  few  years,  such  an  accession  of  power  and  gran- 
deur as,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  affairs,  it  might  have  re- 
quired several  ages  to  attain. 

John's  arrival  in  England  completed  his  disgrace.     He  saw 
himself  despised  by  the  barons,  on  account  of  his  pusillanimity 
and  baseness ;  and  a  quarrel  with  the  clergy  drew  upon  him  the 
contempt  of  that  order,  and  the  indignation  of  Rome.     The  pa- 
is T.  Wykes.— W.  Hemingf.— M.  Paris.— H.  Knighton. 
19  Annal.  Margao.— M,  Westra.  20  Nic.  Triveti  Annal. 


-276  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

pal  chair  was  then  filled  by  Innocent  III.,  who  having  been  ex- 
alted to  it  at  a  more  early  period  of  life  than  usual,  and  being- 
endowed  with  a  lofty  and  enterprising  genius,  gave  full  scope  to 
his  ambition  ;  and  attempted,  perhaps  more  openly  than  any  of 
his  predecessors,  to  convert  that  spiritual  superiority  which  was 
allowed  to  him  by  the  European  princes,  into  a  real  dominion 
over  them ;  strongly  inculcating  that  extravagant  maxim,  "  that 
"  no  princes  or  bishops,  civil  governers,  or  ecclesiastical  rulers, 
"  have  any  lawful  power,  in  church  or  state,  but  what  they  de- 
"  rive  from  the  pope."     To  this  pontiff  an  appeal  was  made  re- 

1  oAfi  lative  to  the  election  of  an  archbishop  of  Canterbu- 
^'  ^'  '  ry.     Two  primates  had  been  elected  ;  one  by  the 

monks  or  canons  of  Christ-Church,  Canterbury,  and  one  by  the 
suffragan  bishops,  who  had  the  king's  approbation.  The  pope 
declared  both  elections  void  ;  and  commanded  the  monks  to 
choose  cardinal  Langton,  an  Englishman  by  birth,  but  educated 
in  France,  and  connected  by  his  interests  and  attachments  with 

,  gf.j  the  see  of  Rome.  The  monks  complied ;  and  John, 
^'  ^'  ^  '  inflamed  with  rage  at  such  an  usurpation  of  his  pre- 
rogative, expelled  them  from  the  convent ;  swearing  by  God's 
teeth,  his  usual  oath,  that  if  the  pope  should  give  him  any  far- 
ther disturbance,  he  would  banish  all  the  bishops  and  clergy  of 
England".  Innocent,  however,  knew  his  weakness,  and  laid 
the  kingdom  under  an  interdict,  the  grand  instrument  of  ven- 
geance and  policy  employed  against  sovereigns  by  the^court  of 
Rome. 

The  execution  of  this  sentence  was  artfully  calculated  to 
strike  the  senses  in  the  highest  degree,  and  to  operate  with  irre- 
sistible force  on  the  superstitious  minds  of  the  people.  The  na- 
tion was  suddenly  deprived  of  all  exterior  exercise  of  its  reli- 
gion ;  the  altars  were  despoiled  of  their  ornaments ;  the  crosses, 
the  reliques,  the  images,  the  statues  of  the  saints,  were  laid  on 
the  ground ;  and,  as  if  the  air  itself  had  been  profaned,  and 
might  pollute  them  by  its  contact,  the  priests  carefully  covered 
them  up,  even  from  their  own  approach  and  veneration.  The 
use  of  bells  entirely  ceased  in  the  churches ;  bells  themselves 
were  removed  from  the  steeples,  and  laid  on  the  ground  with 
the  other  sacred  utensils.  Mass  was  celebrated  with  shut  doors, 
and  none  but  the  priests  were  admitted  to  that  holy  institution. 
The  laity  partook  of  no  religious  rite,  except  baptism  of  new- 
born infants,  and  the  communion  to  the  dying.  The  dead  were 
not  interred  in  consecrated  ground ;  they  were  thrown  into 
ditches,  or  buried  in  the  common  fields ;  and  their  obsequies 
were  not  attended  with  prayers,  or  any  hallowed  ceremony.  The 

21  M,  Paris. 


LET.  XXXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  277 

people  were  prohibited  the  use  of  meat,  as  in  Lent,  and  debarred 
frcm  all  pleasures  and  amusements.  Every  thing  wore  the  ap- 
pearance of  the  deepest  distress,  and  of  the  most  immediate 
apprehensions  of  divine  vengeance  and  indignation^^. 

While  England  groaned  under  this  dreadful  sentence,  a  very 
extraordinary  scene  disclosed  itself  on  the  continent.  The  pope 
published  a  crusade  against  the  Albigenses,  a  species  of  secta- 
ries in  the  South  of  France,  whom  he  denominated  heretics,  be- 
cause they  neglected  the  rites  of  the  church,  and  opposed  the 
power  and  influence  of  the  clergy.  Moved  by  that  mad  super- 
stition, which  had  hurried  such  armies  into  Asia,  "[ooq 
and  by  the  reigning  passion  for  wars  and  adven- 
tures, people  flocked  from  all  parts  of  Europe  to  the  standard 
of  Simon  de  Montfort,  the  general  of  this  crusade.  The  count 
of  Toulouse,  who  protected  the  Albigenses,  was  stripped  of 
his  dominions ;  and  these  unhappy  people,  though  the  most 
inoffensive  of  mankind,  were  exterminated  with  all  the  circum- 
stances of  the  most  unfeeling  barbarity  ^^. 

Innocent,  having  thus  made  trial  of  his  power,  prosecuted  his 
ecclesiastical  vengeance  against  the  king  of  England,  by  giving 
authority  to  the  bishops  of  London,  Ely,  and  Worcester,  to  de- 
nounce against  him  the  sentence  of  excommunication.  His  sub- 
jects were  absolved  from  their  oath  of  allegiance,  and  a  sentence 
of  deposition  soon  followed.    As  the  last  sentence  1919 

required  an  armed  force  to  execute  it,  the  pontiff" 
pitched  on  the  French  king  as  the  person  into  whose  hands  he 
could  most  properly  entrust  so  terrible  a  weapon  :  and  he  offer- 
ed to  that  monarch,  besides  the  remission  of  all  his  sins,  and 
endless  spiritual  benefits,  the  kingdom  of  England  as  the  re- 
ward of  his  labour^*. 

Seduced  by  the  prospect  of  present  interest,  Philip  accepted 
the  pope's  liberal  offer,  although  he  thereby  ratified  an  autho- 
rity which  might  one  day  hurl  him  from  his  throne,  and  which 
it  was  the  common  concern  of  all  princes  to  oppose.  Partly  by 
the  zeal  of  the  age,  partly  by  the  personal  regard  universally 
paid  to  him,  he  prepared  a  force  which  seemed  equal  to  the 
greatness  of  his  enterprise.  John,  on  the  other  hand,  issued  out 
writs,  requiring  the  immediate  attendance  of  his  military  vas- 
sals at  Dover,  and  even  the  service  of  all  able-bodied  men,  to 
defend  the  kingdom  in  this  dangerous  extremity.     An  infinite 

22  John,  besides  banishing  the  bishops,  and  confiscating  the  estates  of  all  the  ecclftsiastics 
■who  obeyed  the  interdict,  took  a  very  singular  and  severe  revenge  upon  the  clergy.  In  or- 
der to  distress  them  in  the  tenderest  point,  and  at  the  same  time  expose  them  to  reproach 
and  ridicule,  he  threw  into  prison  all  their  concubines.  (M.  Paris. — Ann,  Waved.)  These 
concubines  were  a  sort  of  inferior  wives,  politically  indulged  to  the  clergy  by  the  civil  ma- 
gistrate, after  the  canons  of  the  church  had  enjoined  celibacy  to  the  members  of  that  sacred 
body.  Padre  Paolo,  Hist,  Cone.  Trid.  lib.  i. 
a3  Hist.  Albig.  9A  M.  Paris.— -M.  Westminst. 


278  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

number  appeared,  out  of  which  he  selected  an  army  of  sixty 
thousand  men.  He  had  also  a  formidable  fleet  at  Portsmouth, 
and  he  might  have  relied  on  the  fidelity  of  both ;  not  indeed 
from  their  attachment  to  him,  but  from  that  spirit  of  emulation 
which  has  so  long  subsisted  between  the  natives  of  England 
and  France. 

A  decisive  action  was  expected  between  the  two  kings,  when 
A  D  1213  ^^^  P^P^  artfully  tricked  them  both,  and  took  to 
*  himself  that  tempting  prize  which  he  had  pretend- 
ed to  hold  out  to  Philip.  This  extraordinary  transaction  was 
negotiated  by  Pandolfo,  the  pope's  legate.  In  his  way  through 
France  he  observed  Philip's  great  preparations,  and  highly 
commended  his  zeal  and  diligence.  He  then  passed  to  Dover, 
under  pretence  of  treating  with  the  barons  in  favour  of  the 
French  king,  and  had  a  conference  with  John  on  his  arrival. 
He  magnified  to  that  prince  the  number  of  the  enemy,  and  the 
disaffection  of  his  own  subjects ;  intimating,  that  there  was  yet 
one  way,  and  but  one,  to  secure  himself  from  the  impending 
danger ;  namely,  to  put  himself  under  the  protection  of  the 
pope,  who,  like  a  kind  and  merciful  father,  was  still  willing 
to  receive  him  to  his  bosom. 

John,  labouring  under  the  apprehensions  of  present  terror, 
listened  to  the  insidious  proposal,  and  abjectly  agreed  to  hold 
his  dominions  as  a  feudatory  of  the  church  of  Rome.  In  conse- 
quence of  this  agreement,  he  did  homage  to  the  pope  in  the 
person  of  his  legate  Pandolfo,  with  all  the  humiliating  rites 
which  the  feudal  law  required  of  vassals.  He  came  disarmed 
into  the  presence  of  the  legate,  who  was  seated  on  a  throne  : 
he  threw  himself  on  his  knees  before  it :  he  lifted  up  his  join- 
ed hands,  and  put  them  between  those  of  Pandolfo,  and  swore 
fealty  to  the  pope  in  the  following  words  :  •'  I  John,  by  the 
"  grace  of  God,  king  of  England,  and  lord  of  Ireland,  for  the 
"  expiation  of  my  sins,  and  out  of  my  own  free  will,  with  the 
*'  advice  and  consent  of  my  barons,  give  to  the  church  of  Rome, 
"  and  to  pope  Innocent  III,  and  his  successors,  the  kingdoms  of 
"  England  and  Ireland,  with  all  the  rights  belonging  to  them ; 
"  and  I  will  hold  them  of  the  pope,  as  his  vassal.  I  will  be 
"  faithful  to  God,  to  the  church  of  Rome,  to  the  pope  my  lord, 
"  and  to  his  successors  lawfully  elected ;  and  I  bind  myself  to 
"  pay  him  a  tribute  of  one  thousand  marks  of  silver  yearly  ; 
"  namely,  seven  hundredfor  the  kingdom  of  England,  and  three 
"  hundred  for  Ireland^*. 

Part  of  the  money  was  immediately  paid  to  the  legate,  as  an 
earnest  of  the  subjection  of  the  kingdom;  after  which  the  crown 

25  Rym.  Foedera,  vol.  i. — M.  Paris. 


lET.  XXXI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  279 

and  sceptre  were  delivered  to  him.  The  insolent  Italian  tram- 
pled the  money  under  his  feet,  to  intimate  the  pope's  superi- 
ority and  the  king's  dependent  state,  and  kept  the  regalia  five 
days ;  then  returned  them  to  John,  as  a  favour  from  the  pope. 

During  this  disgraceful  negotiation,  Philip  waited  impatiently 
at  Boulogne  for  the  legate's  return,  in  order  to  put  to  sea.  The 
legate  at  length  returned  ;  and  the  monarch,  to  his  great  aston- 
ishment, was  desired  to  relinquish  all  thoughts  of  attacking 
England,  as  it  was  then  a  fief  of  the  church  of  Rome,  and  its 
king  a  vassal  of  the  holy  see.  Philip  was  enraged  at  this  intel- 
ligence :  he  swore  that  he  would  not  be  a  dupe  to  such  hypo- 
critical pretences ;  nor  would  he  have  desisted  from  his  enter- 
prise but  for  more  weighty  reasons.  His  fleet  was  nearly  de- 
stroyed by  the  navy  of  England  ;  and  Otho  IV.,  who  at  once 
disputed  the  empire  with  Frederic  II.,  and  Italy  with  the  pope, 
had  entered  into  an  alliance  with  his  uncle,  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, in  order  to  oppose  the  designs  of  France,  now  become 
formidable  to  the  rest  of  Europe.  With  this  view  he  put  him- 
self at  the  head  of  a  numerous  host;  and  the  French  monarch 
seemed  in  danger  of  being  crushed  for  having  grasped  at  a 
present  proftered  to  him  by  the  pope. 

Philip,  however,  advanced  undismayed  to  meet  his  enemies, 
with  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men,  commanded  by  the  chief 
nobility  of  France.  Otho  was  attended  by  Long-sword  the  gal- 
lant earl  of  Salisbury,  the  count  of  Flanders,  the  duke  of  Bra- 
bant, and  some  German  princes  ;  and  his  force  doubled  that 
of  Philip.  The  two  armies  met  near  the  village  J  ,  on  \\\a 
of  Bouvines,  between  Lisle  and  Tournay,  where  ^  * 
the  allies  were  totally  routed,  and  thirty  thousand  Germans 
are  said  to  have  been  slain'  ®. 

This  victory  established  the  glory  of  Philip,  and  gave  full  se- 
curity to  all  his  dominions.  John  could  therefore  hope  for  no- 
thing farther  than  henceforth  to  rule  his  own  kingdom  in  peace ; 
and  his  close  alliance  with  the  pope,  which  he  was  determined 
at  any  price  to  maintain,  ensured  him,  as  he  imagined,  the  at- 
tainment of  that  felicity.  How  much  was  he  deceived  !  A 
truce  was  indeed  concluded  with  France,  but  the  most  grievous 
scene  of  this  prince's  misfortunes  still  awaited  him.  He  was 
doomed  to  humble  himself  before  his  own  subjects,  that  the 
rights  of  Englishmen  might  be  restored,  and  the  privileges  of 
humanity  secured  and  ascertained. 

After  the  invasion  of  England  by  William  the  Norman,  the 
necessity  of  devolving  great  power  into  the  hands  of  a  prince, 
who  was  to  maintain  a  military  dominion  over  a  vanquished  na- 

2G  Rigord.  de  Gestis  Phil.  Augmt.— P.  iEmil. 


2y0  THE  HISTORY  OP  part.  i. 

tion,  had  induced  the  barons  to  subject  themselves  to  a  more  ab- 
sokite  authority  than  men  of  their  rank  commonly  submitted  to 
in  other  feudal  governments ;  so  that  England,  from  the  time  of 
the  Conquest,  had  groaned  under  a  tyranny  unknown  to  all  the 
kingdoms  founded  by  the  Gothic  conquerors.  Prerogatives 
once  exalted  are  not  easily  reduced.  Different  concessions  had 
been  made  by  the  succeeding  princes,  in  order  to  serve  their 
temporary  purposes.  These,  however,  were  soon  disregarded, 
and  the  same  authority  continued  to  be  exercised.  But  the 
feeble  reign  of  John,  who  had  rendered  himself  odious  and 
contemptible  to  the  whole  nation,  seemed  to  afford  all  ranks  of 
men  a  happy  opportunity  of  recovering  their  natural  and  con- 
stitutional rights  ; — and  it  was  not  neglected. 

The  barons  entered  into  a  confederacy,  and  formally  de- 

,o,  -   manded  a  restoration  of  their  privileges  ;  and,  that 

A.  D.  1215.  o    •  .  1  ^  ^u       *^    *  r 

their  cause  might  wear  the  greater  appearance  ot 

justice,  they  also  included  those  of  the  clergy  and  the  people. 
They  took  arms  to  enforce  their  request :  they  ravaged  the 
royal  domains  :  and  John,  after  employing  a  variety  of  expe- 
dients in  order  to  divert  the  blow  aimed  at  the  prerogatives  of 
the  crown,  was  obliged  to  treat  with  his  subjects. 

A  conference  took  place  between  the  king  and  the  barons  at 
Runnemede,  between  Windsor  and  Staines  ;  a  spot  ever  since 
deservedly  celebrated,  and  even  hallowed  by  every  zealous 
lover  of  liberty.  There  John,  after  a  debate  of  some  days,  sign- 
T  1  c  ^^  ^"^  sealed  the  famous  Magna  Charta^  or  Great 
*  Charter  ;  which  either  granted  or  secured  very 
important  privileges  to  every  order  of  men  in  the  kingdom — 
to  the  barons,  to  the  clergy,  and  to  the  people. 

What  these  privileges  particularly  were  you  will  best  learn, 
my  dear  Philip,  from  the  charter  itself,  which  deserves  your 
most  early  and  continued  attention,  as  it  involves  all  the  great 
outlines  of  a  legal  government,  and  provides  for  the  equal  dis- 
tribution of  justice,  and  free  enjoyment  of  property  ;  the  chief 
objects  for  which  political  society  was  first  founded  by  men, 
which  the  people  have  a  perpetual  and  unalienable  right  to  re- 
cal,  and  which  no  time,  precedent,  statute,  or  positive  institu- 
tion ought  to  deter  them  from  keeping  ever  uppermost  in  their 
thoughts^^ 

27  The  most  valuable  stipulation  in  this  charter,  and  the  grand  security  of  the  lives,  li- 
berties, and  property  of  Englishmen,  was  the  following  concession  :  "  No  freeman  shall  be 
apprehended,  imprisoned,  disseissed,  outlawed,  banished,  or  in  any  way  destroyed  ;  nor  will 
WE  j-o  upon  him,  nor  will  wf.  sent/ upon  him,  except  by  the  legal  judgment  of  Ms  peers,  or 
by  the  law  of  the  land." — The  stipulation  next  in  importance  seems  to  be  this:  "  To  no 
man  will  we  sell,  to  no  man  will  we  deny  or  delay  right  3i\\d  jiistice."  These  concessions 
show,  in  a  very  stroog  light,  the  iniquitous  practices  and  violent  sway  of  the  Anglo-Norman 
princes. 


LET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  281 

The  better  to  secure  the  execution  of  this  charter,  the  barons 
stipulated  with  the  king  for  the  privilege  of  choosing  twenty- 
five  members  of  their  own  order,  as  conservators  of  the  public 
liberties :  and  no  bounds  were  set  to  the  authority  of  these  no- 
blemen, either  in  extent  or  duration.  If  complaint  should  be 
made  of  a  violation  of  the  charter,  any  four  of  the  conservators 
might  admonish  the  king  to  redress  the  grievance ;  and,  on  the 
refusal  of  satisfaction,  they  might  assemble  the  whole  number. 
These  guardians  of  freedom,  in  conjunction  with  the  great  coun- 
cil of  the  nation,  were  empowered  to  compel  him  to  observe  the 
charter;  and,  in  case  of  resistance,  might  levy  war  against  him. 
All  men  throughout  the  kingdom  were  bound,  under  penalty  of 
confiscation,  to  swear  obedience  to  the  twenty-five  barons ;  and 
the  freeholders  of  every  county  were  to  choose  tvvelve  knights, 
who  should  make  report  of  such  evil  customs  as  required  re- 
dress'*. 

In  what  manner  John  acted  under  these  regulations,  to  which 
he  seemed  passively  to  submit,  together  with  their  influence  on 
the  English  constitution,  and  on  the  affairs  of  France,  we  shall 
afterwards  have  occasion  to  see.  At  present  we  must  attend 
to  the  concerns  of  the  other  states  of  Europe. 

28  M.  Paris. — Rymer,  vol.  i. 


LETTER  XXXII. 


Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Acces- 
sion  of  Henri/  FT.  to  the  Election  ofRodolph  of  Hapsburg, 
Founder  of  the  House  of  Austria;  with  a  Continuation  of  the 
History  of  the  Crusades. 

IT  is  necessary,  my  dear  Philip,  that  I  should  here  recapi- 
tulate a  little;  for  there  is  no  portion  of  modern  history  more 
perplexed  than  that  under  review. 

The  emperor,  Frederic  Barbarossa,  died,  as  you  have  seen, 
in  his  expedition  to  the  Holy  Land ;  and  Henry  VI.  received  al- 
most at  the  same  time  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his  father  and 
his  brother-in-law,  William  king  of  Naples  in  Si-  ,,g^ 

oily,  to  whose  dominions  he  was  heir  in  right  of  his 
wife.  After  settling  the  affairs  of  Germany,  he  levied  an  army, 
and  marched  into  Italy,  in  order  to  be  crowned  by  the  pope, 
and  go  with  the  empress  Constantia  to  recover  the  succession 

Vol.  I.  N  n 


\ 


282  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

of  Sicily,  which  was  usurped  by  Tancred,  her  natural  brother. 
With  this  view  he  endeavoured  to  conciliate  the  affections  of 
ihe  Italians,  by  enlarging  the  privileges  of  Genoa,  Pisa,  and 
,  .q,  other  cities,  in  his  way  to  Rome.  There  the  cere- 
''^'     ■  *  mony  of  coronation  was  performed  by  Celestine 

III.,  and  was  accompanied  with  a  very  remarkable  circum- 
stance. That  j)ope,  who  was  then  in  his  eighty- sixth  year,  had 
no  sooner  placed  the  crown  upon  Henry's  head,  than  he  kick- 
ed it  off  again  as  a  testimony  of  the  power  residing  in  the  so- 
vereign pontiff,  to  make  and  unmake  emperors'. 

Henry  now  prepared  for  the  conquest  of  Naples  and  Sicily, 
in  which  he  was  opposed  by  the  pope.  For,  although  Celestine 
considered  Tancred  as  an  usurper,  and  wished  to  see  him  de- 
prived of  the  crown,  which  he  claimed,  in  imitation  of  his  pre- 
decessors, as  a  fief  of  the  holy  see,  he  was  still  more  unwilling 
to  suffer  the  emperor  to  possess  that  kingdom,  because  such  an 
accession  of  territory  would  render  him  too  powerful  in  Italy 
for  the  interests  of  the  church.  He  dreaded  so  formidable  ^ 
vassal.  Henry,  however,  without  paying  any  regard  to  the 
threats  and  remonstrances  of  his  holiness,  took  almost  all  the 
towns  of  Campania,  Apulia,  and  Calabria  ;  invested  the  city  of 
Naples,  and  sent  for  the  Genoese  fleet,  which  he  had  engaged  to 
form  a  blockade  by  sea.  But,  before  its  arrival,  he  was  obliged 
to  raise  the  siege,  in  consequence  of  a  dreadful  mortality  among 
his  troops ;  and  all  future  attempts  upon  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
and  Sicily  proved  ineffected  during  the  life  of  Tancred^ 

The  emperor,  after  his  retum  to  Germany,  incorporated  the 
, ,  Q  ^  Teutonic  knights  into  a  regular  order,  religious  and 
military,  and  built  a  house  for  them  at  Coblentz. 
These  Teutonic  knights,  and  also  the  Knights  Templars,  and 
Knights  Hospitalers,  were  originally  monks,  who  settled  in  Je- 
rusalem when  it  was  first  taken  by  the  champions  of  the  Cross. 
They  were  established  into  religious  fraternities  for  the  relief 
of  distressed  pilgrims,  and  for  the  care  of  the  sick  and  wound- 
ed, without  any  hostile  pur|X)se.  But  the  holy  city  being  af- 
terwards in  danger,  they  took  up  arms,  and  made  a  vow  to 
combat  the  infidels,  as  they  had  formerly  done  to  combat  their 
own  carnal  inclinations.  The  enthusiastic  zeal  of  the  times  in- 
creased their  number;  they  became  wealthy  and  honourable: 
were  patronised  by  several  princes,  and  formed  a  militia  of 
conquerors^.     Their  exploits  I  shall  have  occasion  to  relate. 

In  what  manner  Richard  I.,  king  of  England,  was  arrested 
on  his  return  from  the  Holy  Land,  by  Leopold  duke  of  Austria, 

1  Hovcd.  Annal. — Hciss,  lib.  ii.     2  Sigou.  Reg.  Ilal,  lib.  xv.     3  Hclvot,  Hist,  des  Ordres. 


LET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  283 

and  detained  prisoner  by  the  emperor,  we  have  already  seen. 
As  soon  as  Henry  had  received  the  money  for  that  ,  ,g^ 

prince's  ransom,  he  made  new  preparations  for  the 
conquest  of  Sicily;  and,Tancred  dying  about  the  same  time,  he 
effected  his  purpose  by  the  assistance  of  the  Genoese.  The  queen- 
dowagerjsurrendered  S'llerno,  and  her  rig-httothe  crown,  )n  con- 
dition that  her  son  William  should  possess  the  principality  of 
Tarentum..  But  Henry,  joining  the  most  atrocious  cruelty  to 
the  basest  perfidv,  no  sooner  found  himself  master  of  the  place, 
than  he  ordered  the  infant  prince  to  be  castrated,  deprived  of 
his  sight,  and  confined  in  a  dungeon.  The  royal  treasure  was 
transported  to  Germany,  and  the  queen  and  her  daughters  were 
shut  up  in  a  convent*. 

During  these  transactions  In  Sicily,  the  empress,  though  near 
the  age  of  fifty,  was  delivered  of  a  son  named  Frederic.  And 
Henry,  in  the  plenitude  of  his  power,  assembled  soon  after  a 
diet  of  the  German  princes,  to  whom  he  explained  his  intention 
of  rendering  the  imperial  crown  hereditary,  in  order  to  prevent 
those  disturbances  which  attended  die  election  of  em-  ^  ^  hqq 
perors.  A  decree  was  passed  for  that  purpose ;  and 
Frederic  U.,  yet  an  infant,  was  declared  king  of  the  Romans'. 

In  the  meantime  the  emperor  was  solicited  by  the  pope  to  en- 
gage in  a  new  crusade,  for  tiie  relief  of  the  Christians  in  the 
Holy  Land.  He  obeyed,  but  took  care  to  turn  it  to  his  advan- 
tage. He  convoked  a  diet  at  Worms,  where  he  solemnly  declar- 
ed his  resolution  of  employing  his  whole  power,  and  even  of  ha- 
zarding his  life,  for  the  accomplishment  of  so  holy  an  undertak- 
ing :  and  he  expatiated  on  the  subject  with  such  eloquence,  that 
almost  the  whole  assembly  took  the  cross.  And  such  multitudes, 
from  all  the  provinces  of  the  empire,  enlisted  themselves,  that 
Henry  divided  them  into  three  large  armies  ;  one  of  which,  un- 
der the  commandof  the  bishop  of 'Mentz,  took  the  route  of  Hun- 
gary, where  it  was  joined  by  Margaret  queen  of  that  country, 
who  entered  herself  in  this  pious  expedition,  and  ended  her  days 
in  Palestine.  The  second  army  was  assembled  in  Lower  Saxo- 
ny, and  embarked  in  a  fleet  furnished  by  the  inhabitans  of  Lu- 
bec,  Hamburgh,  Holstein,  and  Friseland;  and  the  emperor  in 
person  condiicted  the  third  into  Italy,  in  order  to  take  ven- 
geance upon  the  Normans  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  who  had  risen 
against  his  government^. 

The  rebels  were  humbled,  and  their  chiefs  condemned  to  per- 
ish by  the  most  excruciating  tortures.  One  Jornandi,  of  the 
house  of  the  Norman  princes,  was  tied  naked  on  a  chair  of  red- 

4  Sigon.  Reg.  Ital.  5  Lunig.  Arch.  Imp.— Heiss,  lib.  ii, 

6  Gianaone,  Hist,  di  Napol. 


284  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

hot  iron,  and  crowned  with  a  circle  of  the  same  burning  metal, 
which  was  nailed  to  his  head.  The  empress,  shocked  at  such 
cruelty,  renounced  her  faith  to  her  husband,  and  encouraged  her 
countrymen  to  recover  their  liberties.  Resolution  sprang  from 
despair.  The  inhabitants  took  arms;  the  empress  headed  them ; 
and  Henry,  having  dismissed  his  troops,  no  longer  thought  ne- 
cessary to  his  bloody  purposes,  and  sent  them  to  pursue  their 
expedition  to  the  Holy  Land,  (blessed  atonement  for  his  and 
their  crimes  !)  was  obliged  to  submit  to  his  \\  ife,  and  to  the  con- 
ditions which  she  was  pleased  to  impose  on  him  in  favour  of 
Sent   28  ^^^  Sicilians.  He  died  at  Messina  soon  after  this  trea- 

11 Q8    *  ^y  '  ^"^^'  ^^  ^^^^  supposed,  of  poison  administered  by 
the  empress,  who  saw  the  ruin  of  her  country  hatch- 
ing in  his  perfidious  and  vindictive  heart. 

Henry  amidst  all  his  baseness,  possessed  some  great  quali- 
ties. He  was  active,  eloquent,  brave  :  his  administration  was 
vigorous,  and  his  policy  deep.  Of  all  the  successors  of  Char- 
lemagne, no  one  was  more  feared  and  obeyed,  either  at  home 
or  abroad. 

His  son  Frederic  was  now  chosen  emperor  ;  but  as  he  was 
yet  a  minor,  the  government  was  committed  to  his  uncle,  Phi- 
lip duke  of  Suabia,  both  by  the  will  of  Henry  and  by  an  assem- 
bly of  the  German  princes.  Other  princes,  however,  incensed 
to  see  an  elective  empire  become  hereditary,  held  a  new  diet  at 
Cologne,  and  chose  Otho  duke  of  Brunswick,  son  of  Henry  the 
Lion.  Frederic's  title  was  confirmed  in  a  general  assembly  at 
Augsburg ;  and  his  uncle  Philip  was  declared  king  of  the  Ro- 
mans, to  give  greater  weight  to  his  administration''. 

The  two  elections  divided  the  empire  into  two  powerful  fac- 
tions. Pope  Innocent  III.  threw  himself  into  the  scale  of  Otho, 
and  excommunicated  Philip  and  his  adherents.  This  able  and 
ambitious  pontiff  w  as  a  determined  enemy  to  the  house  of  Sua- 
bia ;  not  from  any  personal  animosity,  but  out  of  a  principle  of 
policy.  That  house  had  long  been  an  object  of  dread  to  the 
popes,  from  its  continued  possession  of  the  imperial  crown:  and 
the  accession  of  the  kingdom  of  Naples  and  Sicily  rendered  it 
still  more  formidable.  Innocent,  therefore,  joyfully  embraced 
the  present  opjwrtunity  of  divesting  the  house  of  Suabia  of  the 
empire,  by  supportingthe  election  of  Otho,  and  sowing  divisions 
among  the  Suabian  party.  Otho  was  also  patronised  by  his 
uncle  the  king  of  England;  a  circumstance  which  naturally  in- 
clined the  king  of  France  to  the  side  of  his  rival.  Faction  clash- 
ed with  faction;  friendship  with  interest;  caprice,  ambition,  or 

7  Rrantz,  Hist,  Sax.  lib.  vili. — Ileiss,  lib.  ii. 


XET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  285 

resentment  gave  the  sway  ;  and  nothing  was  beheld  on  all 
hands  but  the  horrors  and  miseries  of  civil  war*. 

The  empress  Constantia  remained  in  Sicily,  where  all  was 
peace,  as  regent  and  guardian  for  her  infant  son  Frederic,  who 
had  been  crowned  king  of  that  island,  with  the  consent  of  pope 
Celestine  III.  But  she  also  had  her  troubles.  A  new  investi- 
ture from  the  holy  see  being  necessary  on  the  death  of  Celes- 
tine, Innocent  took  advantage  of  the  critical  situation  of  affairs 
to  aggrandise  the  papacy  at  the  expense  of  the  kings  of  Sicily. 
They  possessed,  as  we  have  seen,  the  privilege  of  filHng  up  va- 
cant benefices,  and  of  judging  all  ecclesiastical  causes  in  the 
last  appeal ;  they  were  really  popes  in  their  own  island,  though 
vassals  of  his  holiness.  Innocent  pretended  that  these  powers 
had  been  surreptiously  obtained ;  and  demanded,  that  Constan- 
tia should  renounce  them  in  the  name  of  her  son,  and  do  pure 
and  simple  homage  for  Sicily.     But  before  any  ,200 

thing  was  settled  relative  to  this  affair,  the  empress 
died,  leaving  the  regency  of  the  kingdom  to  the  pope  ;  so  that 
he  was  enabled  to  prescribe  what  conditions  he  thought  proper 
to  young  Frederic*. 

The  troubles  of  Germany  still  continued ;  and  the  pope  re- 
doubled his  efforts  to  detach  the  princes  and  prelates  from  the 
cause  of  Philip,  king  of  the  Romans,  in  defiance  of  the  expos- 
tulations of  the  king  of  France.  To  these  remonstrances  he 
proudly  replied,  ♦'  Either  Philip  must  lose  the  empire,  or  I  the 
"  papacy'"." 

But  all  these  dissensions  and  troubles  in  Europe  did  not  pre- 
vent the  formation  of  another  crusade,  or  expedition  into  Asia, 
for  the  recovery  of  the  Holy  Land.  The  adventurers  who  took 
the  cross  were  chiefly  French  and  Germans.  Baldwin  count  of 
Flanders,  was  their  commander  ;  and  the  Venetians,  as  greedy 
of  wealth  and  power  as  the  ancient  Carthaginians,  furnished 
them  with  ships,  for  which  they  took  care  to  be  amply  paid 
both  in  money  and  territory.  The  Christian  city  of  Zara,  in 
Dalmatia,  had  withdrawn  itself  from  the  government  of  the 
republic  :  the  army  of  the  cross  undertook  to  re-  .^n-^ 

duce  it  to  obedience ;  and  it  was  besieged  and 
taken,  notwithstanding  the  threats  and  excommunications  of 
the  pope^2.    Nothing  can  show  in  a  stronger  light  the  reigning 
spirit  of  those  pious  adventurers. 

The  storm  next  broke  upon  Constantinople.  Isaac  Angelus 
had  been  dethroned,  and  deprived  of  his  sight,  in  1195,  by  his 
brother  Alexis.  Isaac's  son,  named  also  Alexis,  who  had  made 

8  Id.  ibid. — Annal.  de  I'Emp.  vol.  i.  9  Murat.  Antiq_.  vol.  ri, 

10  Gest.  Innocent  HF.  11  Maimbourg,  Hist,  des  Oroisades  . 


£86  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

his  escape  into  Germany,  and  was  then  in  the  army  of  the  cru- 
sade, implored  the  assistance  of  its  leaders  against  the  usurper : 
engaging,  in  case  of  success,  to  furnish  them  with  provisions, 
to  pay  them  a  large  sum  of  money,  and  to  submit  to  the  juris- 
diction of  the  pope.  By  their  means  the  lawful  prince  was  re- 
stored. He  ratified  the  treaty  made  by  his  son,  and  died ; 
uhen  young  Alexis,  who  was  hated  by  the  Greeks  for  having 
called  in  the  Latins,  became  the  victim  of  a  new  faction.  One 
of  his  relatives,  surnamed  Murzufle,  strangled  him,  and  usurp- 
ed the  imperial  throne'-. 

Baldwin  and  his  followers,  m  ho  sought  only  an  apology  for 
their  intended  violence,  had  now  a  good  one  ;  and,  under  pre- 
tence of  revenging  the  death  of  Alexis,  made  themselves  mas- 
,  QQ4^  ters  of  Constantinople.  They  met  with  little  resist- 
*  ance  ;  put  every  one  who  opposed  them  to  the 
sword,  and  indulged  in  all  the  excesses  of  avarice  and  fury. 
The  booty  of  the  French  lords  alone  \\'as  valued  at  four  hun- 
dred thousand  maiks  of  silver  :  the  very  churches  were  pil- 
laged !  And  w  hat  strongly  marks  the  character  of  that  giddy 
nation,  which  has  been  at  all  times  nearly  the  same ;  we  are 
informed  by  Nicetas,  that  the  French  officers  danced  with  the 
ladies  in  the  sanctuary  of  the  church  of  St.  Sophia,  after  hav- 
ing robbed  the  altar,  and  drenched  the  city  in  blood. 

Thus  was  Constantinople,  the  most  flourishing  Christian  city 
in  the  world,  plundered  by  the  Christians  themselves,  who  had 
vowed  to  fight  only  against  infidels!—  Baldwin,  the  most  power- 
ful of  these  ravagers,  procured  the  dignity  of  emperor;  and  this 
new  usurper  condemned  the  other  usurper,  Murzufle,  to  be 
thrown  headlong  from  the  top  of  a  lofty  column.  The  Vene- 
tians had,  for  their  share  of  the  conquered  empire,  Peloponne- 
sus, the  island  of  Candia,  and  several  cities  on  the  coast  of  Phry- 
gia  ;  and  the  marquis  of  Montferrat  seized  Thessaly  ;  so  that 
Baldwin  had  little  left  except  Thrace  and  Moesia.  The  pope 
gained,  for  a  time,  the  whole  eastern  church  ;  and,  in  a  word, 
an  acquisition  was  made  of  much  greater  consequence  than  Pa- 
lestine. Of  this,  indeed,  the  conquerors  seemed  fully  convinced; 
for  notwithstanding  the  vow  they  had  taken,  to  succour  Jerusa- 
lem, only  a  very  inconsiderable  number  of  the  many  knights  who 
had  engaged  in  this  pious  enterprise  went  into  Syria,  ana  those 
were  such  as  could  obtain  no  share  in  the  spoils  of  the  Greeks". 

Innocent  HI.,  speaking  of  this  conquest,  says,  in  one  of  his 
letters,  "  God,  willing  to  console  his  church  by  the  re-union  of 
"  the  schismatics,  has  made  the  empire  pass  from  the  proud, 

12  NIcpt.  Cliroii.  13.-=— Cantacuzen. 


LET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  2Sr 

"  superstitious,  disobedient  Greeks,  to  the  humble,  pious,  catho- 
'*  lie,  and  submissive  Latins."  So  easy  it  is  by  words  to  give 
to  persons  and  things  that  complexion  which  most  favours  our 
interests  and  our  prejudices  ! 

I  should  now,  my  dear  Philip,  return  to  the  affairs  of  Germa- 
ny ;  but  a  few  more  particulars,  consequent  on  the  reduction  of 
Constantinople,  require  first  to  be  noted,  as  they  cannot  after- 
ward be  so  properly  brought  under  review. 

There  still  remained  many  princes  of  the  imf)erial  house  of 
Comnenus,  who  did  not  lose  their  courage  with  the  destruction 
of  their  empire.  One  of  these,  named  Alexis,  took  refuo-e  on 
the  coast  of  Colchis,  and  erected  a  petty  state,  which  he  styled 
the  empire  of  Trebisond ;  so  much  was  the  word  empire  abused! 
— Theodore  Lascaris  retook  Nice,  and  settled  himself  in  Bithy- 
nia,  by  opportunely  making  use  of  the  Arabs  against  the  Turks. 
He  also  assumed  the  title  of  emperor,  and  caused  a  patriarch  to 
be  elected  of  his  own  communion.  Other  Greeks  entered  into 
an  alliance  with  the  Turks,  and  even  invited  their  ancient  ene- 
mies, the  Bulgarians,  to  assist  them  against  the  emperor  Bald- 
win, who,  being  overcome  by  those  barbarians  near  .. 
Adrianople,  had  his  legs  and  arms  cut  off",  and  was  ^'  °'  -'^'^^"* 
left  a  prey  to  wild  beasts^*.  Henry,  his  brother  and  successor, 
was  poisoned  in  1216  ;  and,  in  1261,  the  imperial  city,  which 
had  declined  under  the  Latins,  returned  to  the  Greeks. 

Diverting  our  attention  from  the  East,  we  find  Philip  and 
Otho  desolating  the  West.  At  length  Philip  prevailed  ;  and 
Otho,  obliged  to  abandon  Germany,  took  refuge  in  England. 
Philip,  who  was  now  crowned  emperor,  proposed  an  accommo- 
dation with  the  pope ;  but,  before  it  could  be  adjusted,  he  was 
assassinated  by  the  count  Palatine  of  Bavaria,  in 
consequence  of  a  private  dispute"*.  ^  '  °'  ■^^*^"* 

Otho  returned  to  Germany  on  the  death  of  Philip,  married 
that  prince's  daughter,  and  was  crowned  at  Rome,  lono 

after  yielding  to  the  holy  see  the  long  disputed  inhe-  ^'  ^'  ^^^"* 
ritance  of  the  countess  Matilda,  and  confirming  the  rights  and 
privileges  of  the  Italian  cities. 

But  these  concessions,  as  far  at  least  as  they  regarded  the 
pope,  were  only  a  sacrifice  to  present  policy.  Otho  no  sooner 
found  himself  in  a  condition  to  act  offensively,  than  he  resumed 
his  gi'ant,  and  not  only  recovered  the  possessions  of  the  empire, 
but  made  hostile  incursions  into  Apulia,  ravaging  the  dominions 
of  young  Frederic,  king  of  Naples  and  Sicily,  who  ,  ^  „ 

was  under  the  protection  of  the  holy  see.     Hence    •     •    "      • 

14  Nicet. — Cantacuzen.  15  Ueiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xv. 


288  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i. 

we  may  date  the  ruinof  Otho.  The  pope  excommunicated  him; 

,01 1    and  Frederic  was  re-elected  emperor  by  the  Ger- 
*  man  princes'^. 
Otho,  however,  on  his  return  to  Germany,  finding  his  party 
still  considerable,  and  not  doubting  that  he  should  be  able  to 

.fji  o   humble  his  rival  by  means  of  his  superior  force,  en- 

*     *  *  tered  into  an  alliance  with  the  king  of  England 

against  the  French  monarch.     The  unfortunate  battle  of  Bou- 

in\A  ^ines,  where  the  confederates  were  defeated,  as  we 
'  have  seen,  completed  the  ruin  of  Otho.  Abandoned 
by  all  the  princes  of  Germany,  and  altogether  without  resource, 
he  retired  to  Brunswick,  where  he  lived  above  three  years  as  a 
private  man,  dedicating  his  time  to  the  duties  of  religion.  He 
was  not  deposed,  but  forgotten ;  and  if  it  be  true  that,  in  the  ex- 
cess of  his  humility,  he  ordered  himself  to  be  thrown  down, 
and  trodden  upon  by  his  kitchen-boys,  we  may  well  say  with 
Voltaire,  that  the  kicks  of  a  turn- spit  can  never  expiate  the 
faults  of  a  prince". 

Frederic  II.,  being  now  universally  acknowledged  emperor, 

^,  _  was  crowned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle  with  great  mag- 
^'     '  '  nificence  :  and,  in  order  to  preserve  the  favour  of 

the  pope,  he  added  to  the  other  solemnities  of  his  coronation  a 
vow  to  go  in  person  to  the  Holy  Land". 

About  this  time  pope  Innocent  died,  and  was  succeeded  by 

.  p,  -   Honorius  III.,  who  expressed  great  eagerness  infor- 
'     '  *  warding  the  crusade,  which  he  ordered  to  be  preach- 

ed through  all  the  provinces  of  Germany,  Sweden  Denmark, 
Bohemia,  and  Hungary :  and  his  endeavours  were  crowned  with 
success.  The  emperor  indeed  excused  himself  from  the  per- 
formance of  his  vow,  until  he  should  have  regulated  the  affairs 
of  Italy  ;  and  other  European  monarchs  were  likewise  unwill- 
ing to  embark  personally  in  the  expedition.  But  an  infinite 
number  of  private  noblemen  and  their  vassals  took  the  cross, 
under  the  dukes  of  Austria  and  Bavaria,  the  archbishop  of 
Mentz,  and  the  bishops  of  Munster  and  Utrecht ;  and  Andrew 
II.,  king  of  Hungary,  was  declared  generalissimo  of  the  cru- 
sade 1'. 


16  Heiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xvi. 

17  Anoal.  de  I'Emp.  vol.  I'i. 

18  Heiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xvii. 

19  Jlnnal.  Paderborn. — It  may  here  be  observed,  that  Hungary  (which,  though  its  name 
refers  to  the  Huns,  was  chiefly  inhabited  by  the  Igours,  a  colony  from  Finland,  the  Sclavo- 
rians,  and  the  Germans)  became  a  kingdom  in  the  year  1000,  under  Stephen,  the  son  of 
duke  Geysa,  who  had  embraced  the  Christian  religion.  His  brother-in-law  Ovo,  was  de- 
feated and  slain  in  1044,  by  the  emperor  Henry  HI.  Ladislaus  I.,  who  distinguished  him- 
self by  his  victories  and  conquests,  died  in  1095,  and  was  afterwards  canonised.  The  crown 
coiitinued  to  be  enjoyed  by  the  family  of  Geysa,  though  the   monarchy  liad  been  declared 


lET.  xxxii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  28y 

While  the  adventurers  of  Upper  Germany  marched  towards 
Italy,  in  order  to  embark  at  Venice,  Genoa,  and  1917 

Messina,  a  fleet  was  equipped  in  the  ports  of  Lower 
Saxony,  to  transport  the  troops  of  Westphalia,  Saxony,  and  the 
territory  of  Cologne.  These,  joining  the  squadron  of  the  Frise- 
landers,  Flemings,  and  subjects  of  Brabant,  commanded  by  the 
counts  of  Holland,  Weerden,  and  Berg,  set  sail  for  the  straits 
of  Gibraltar,  on  their  voyage  to  Ptolemais.  But  being  driven 
by  a  tempest  into  the  road  of  Lisbon,  they  were  prevailed  upon 
to  assist  Alphonso  IL,  king  of  Portugal,  against  the  Moors. 
They  defeated  the  infidels,  and  took  from  them  the  city  of 
Alcazar2'>. 

The  king  of  Hungary,  and  his  army,  having  joined  the  king 
of  Cyprus,  landed  at  Ptolemais :  where  he  was  joyfully  received 
by  John  de  Brienne,  titular  king  of  Jerusalem.  After  refresh- 
ing and  reviewing  their  forces,  the  two  kings  marched  against 
the  Saracens,  with  the  wood  of  the  true  cross  carried  before 
them.  The  troops  of  Saifeddin,  soltan  of  Egypt  and  Syria, 
being  greatly  out-numbered  by  the  Christians,  retired  without 
giving  battle  ;  and  the  champions  of  the  cross  undertook  the 
siege  of  Thabor,  in  which  they  miscarried.  They  now  sepa- 
rated themselves  into  four  bodies  for  the  conveniency  of  subsist- 
ing. The  king  of  Cyprus  died  ;  and  the  Hungarian 
monarch  returned  tohis  own  dominions,  in  order  to  '  °'  ^'^^°' 
quiet  some  disturbances  which  had  arisen  during  his  absence". 

The  fleet  from  the  coast  of  Portugal  arrived  in  Palestine  soon 
after  the  departure  of  the  king  of  Hungary;  and  it  was  resolved 
in  a  council  of  war  to  besiege  Damietta  in  Egypt,  which  was 
accordingly  invested  by  sea  and  land.  During  the  siege  Saifed- 
din died ;  and  his  son  Al-Kamel  Naseredin,  wno  came  to  the  re- 
lief of  the  town,  was  defeated.  The  duke  of  Austria,  with  a 
considerable  body  of  men,  returned  soon  after  to 
Germany ;  and  a  reinforcement  arrived  from  the  ^'  ^' 
emperor,  under  the  conduct  of  cardinal  Albano,  legate  of  the 
holy  see^2. 

This  cardinal,  who  was  a  Spanish  Benedictine,  pretended  that 
he,  as  representative  of  the  pope,  the  natural  head  of  the  cru- 
sade, had  an  incontestible  right  to  be  general ;  and  that,  as  the 
king  of  Jerusalem  held  his  crown  only  by  virtue  of  the  pope's 
license,  he  ought  in  all  things  to  pay  obedience  to  the  legate  of 

elective.    The  nineteenth  king  was  the  prince  whom  I  have  mentioned  as  the  leader  of  the 
crusades. 

20  Annal.  Paderborn. 

21  Jac.  de  Vitri. — Maimbourg. 

22  Vertot,  Hist,  des  Chev.  de  Malthe,  Tol.  i. — Maimbour?,  toI.  ii. 

Vol.  I.  Oo 


290  ITHE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

his  holiness.  Much  time  was  spent  in  that  dispute,  and  in  wri- 
ting to  Rome  for  his  advice.  At  length  the  pope's  answer  came, 
by  \\hich  he  ordered  the  king  of  Jerusalem  to  serve  under  the 
Benedictine  :  and  his  orders  were  punctually  obeyed.  John  de 
Brienne  resigned  the  command  ;  and  the  monkish  general  led 
the  army  of  the  cross  between  two  branches  of  the  Nile,  just  at 
the  time  when  that  river,  which  fertilises  and  defends  Egypt, 
began  to  overflow  its  banks.  The  soltan,  informed  of  the  exact 
state  of  affairs,  flooded  the  camp  of  the  Christians,  by  opening 
the  sluices ;  and  u  hile  he  burned  their  ships  on  the  one  side,  the 
Nile,  increasing  on  the  other,  threatened  to  swallow  up  their 
whole  army.  The  legate  now  saw  himself  and  his  troops  in  a 
similar  extremity  to  that  in  which  the  Egyptians  under  Pharaoh 
are  described,  when  they  beheld  the  sea  ready  to  rush  in  upon 
.  ^^,    them.  In  consequence  of  this  pressing  danger,  Da- 

*  mietta,  which  had  been  taken  after  along  seige,was 
restored  :  and  the  leaders  of  the  crusade  were  obliged  to  con- 
clude a  dishonourable  treaty,  by  which  they  bound  themselves 
not  to  serve  against  the  soltan  of  Egypt  for  eight  years2^. 

The  Christians  of  the  East  had  now  no  hopes  left  but  in  Fre- 
deric II.,  u  ho  \A  as  about  this  time  crowned  at  Rome  by  Hono- 
rius,  whose  friendshiphe  had  purchased,  by  promising  to  detach 
Naples  and  Sicily  from  the  empire,  and  bestow  them  on  his  son 
Henry,  as  fiefs  of  the  holy  see.  He  also  promised  to  pass  into 
Asia,  with  an  army  at  any  time  the  pope  should  appoint :  but 
this  promise  he  was  not  inclined  to  perform.  He  was  indeed 
more  worthily  employed  in  embellishing  and  aggrandising  Na- 
ples ;  in  estal3lishing  an  university  in  that  city,  where  the  Ro- 
man law  was  taught ;  and  in  expelling  the  vagi'ant  Saracens, 
who  still  infested  Sicily^'*. 

In  the  mean  time  the  unfortunate  leaders  of  the  crusade  ar- 
rived in  Europe;  and  the  pope,  incensed  at  the  lossof  Damietta, 
wrote  a  severe  letter  to  the  emperor,  taxing  him  with  having 
^^  _  sacrificed  the  interests  of  Christianity  by  the  neglect 
of  his  vow,  and  threatening  him  with  immediate  ex- 
communication, if  he  did  not  instantly  depart  with  an  army  into 
Asia.  Frederic,  exasperated  at  these  reproaches,  renounced  all 
correspondence  with  the  court  of  Rome;  renewed  his  ecclesias- 
■locc.   tical  jurisdiction  in  Sicily ;  filled  up  vacant  sees 

*  and  benefices ;  and  expelled  some  bishops,  who 
were  creatures  of  the  pope,  on  pretence  of  their  being  concern- 
ed in  practices  against  the  state. 

23  Vertot,  Hist,  des  Chev.  de  Maltlie,  vol.  i. — Maimbourg. 

24  Sigoii.  Keg.  Ital. — Giannone,  Hist.  di.  Napol. 


lET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  29i 

Honorius  at  first  attempted  to  combat  ri_^our-\vith  rigour, 
menacing  the  emperor  with  the  thunder  of  the  church,  for  pre- 
suming to  lift  up  his  hand  against  the  sanctuary  ;  but  finding 
that  Frederic  was  not  to  be  intimidated  by  such  threats,  his 
holiness  became  sensible  of  his  own  imprudence,  in  wantonly 
incurring  the  resentment  of  so  powerful  a  prince,  and  thought 
proper  to  soothe  him  by  submissive  apologies  and  gentle  ex- 
hortations. A  reconciliation  now  took  place;  and  after  a  confer- 
ence at  Veroli,  the  emperor,  as  a  proof  of  his  sincere  attachment 
to  the  church,  published  some  very  severe  edicts  against  he- 
resy, which  seem  to  have  authorised  the  tribunal  of  the  Inqui- 
sition2*. 

A  solemn  assembly  was  afterwards  holden  at  F  erentino,  where 
both  Frederic  and  the  pope  were  present,  together  with  John  de 
Brienne,  who  had  returned  to  Europe  to  demand  succours 
against  the  Soltan  of  Egypt.  John  had  an  only  daughter  na- 
med Yolanta,  whom  he  proposed  as  a  wife  to  the  emperor,  with 
the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem  as  her  dowry,  on  condition  that  Fre- 
deric should,  within  two  years,  perform  the  vow  he  had  made  to 
lead  an  army  into  the  H(^ly  Land.  Frederic  married  her  on  these 
terms,  because  he  wished  to  please  the  pope;  and  since  that  time 
the  kings  of  Sicily  have  taken  the  title  of  king  of  Jerusalem. 
But  the  emperor  was  not  very  eager  to  attempt  the  concjuest  of 
his  wife's  portion,  having  other  business  to  perform.  The  chief 
cities  of  Lombardy  had  entered  into  a  secret  league,  with  a 
view  to  throw  off  his  authority.  He  convoked  a  diet  ,  ^.^7 

at  Cremona,  where  all  the  v^erman  and  Italian  no- 
blemen were  summoned  to  attend.  A  variety  of  subjects  were 
there  discussed  ;  but  nothing  of  consequence  was  settled.  An 
accommodation,  however,  resulted  from  the  mediation  of  the 
pope,  who,  as  umpire  of  the  dispute,  decreed,  that  the  empe- 
ror should  lay  aside  his  resentment  against  the  confederate 
towns,  and  that  the  towns  should  furnish  and  maintain  four 
hundred  knights  for  the  relief  of  the  Holy  Land^^ 

Peace  being  thus  concluded,  Honorius  reminded  the  emperor 
of  his  vow  :  Frederic  promised  compliance  ;  but  his  holiness 
died  before  he  could  see  the  execution  of  a  project  which  he 
seemed  to  have  so  much  at  heart.  He  was  succeeded  by  Gre- 
gory IX.,  who  pursuing  the  same  line  of  policy,  urged  the  de- 
parture of  Frederic  for  the  Holy  Land,  and,  finding  him  still 
backward,  declared  him  incapable  of  holding  the  imperial  dig- 
nity, as  having  incuned  the  sentence  of  excommunication.  Fre- 
deric incensed  at  such  insolence,  ravaged  the  patrimony  of  St. 

25  Petr,  de  Vignes,  lib,  i.  26  Richardi  Chron.  ap,  Murat. 


292  THE  HISTORY  OB^  part  i. 

Peter,  and  was  actually  excommunicated.  The  ani- 
A.  D.  1228.  j^Qgi^y  between  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines  re- 
vived; the  pope  was  obliged  to  quit  Rome  ;  and  Italy  became 
a  scene  of  war  and  desolation,  or  rather  of  numerous  civil  wars, 
which,  by  inflaming  the  minds,  and  exciting  the  resentment  of 
the  Italian  princes,  unfortunately  accustomed  them  to  the  hor- 
rid practices  of  poisoning  and  assassination. 

To  remove  the  cause  of  so  many  troubles,  and  gratify  the  pre- 
judices of  a  superstitious  age,  Frederic  resolved  to  perform  his 
vow.  He  accordingly  embarked  for  the  Holy  Land,  leaving  the 
affairs  of  Italy  to  tlie  management  of  Renaldo,  duke  of  Spoleto. 
The  pope  prohibited  his  departure,  before  he  was  absolved  from 
the  censures  of  the  church.  But  Frederic  went  in  contempt  of 
the  church,  and  succeeded  better  than  any  commander  who  had 
gone  before  him.  He  did  not  indeed  desolate  Asia,  and  gratify 
the  barbarous  zeal  of  the  times,  by  shedding  the  blood  of  infi- 
1900  ^^^'^  '  '^"^  ^^^  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  soltan  of 
A.  D.  i2^)J.  Egypt^  by  which  the  end  of  his  expedition  seemed 
fully  answered.  The  soltan  ceded  to  him  Jerusalem,  and  its 
territory,  as  far  as  Joppa ;  Bethlehem,  Nazareth,  and  all  the 
country  between  Jerusalem  and  Ptolemais ;  Tyre,  Sidon,  and 
g„^  the  neighbouring  districts.  In  return  for  these  con- 
^'  ^'  '  cessions,  the  emperor  granted  the  Saracens  a  truce 

for  ten  years^\ 

His  reign,  after  his  return  from  the  East,  was  one  continued 
quarrel  with  the  popes.  The  cities  of  Lombardy  had  revolted 
during  his  absence,  at  the  instigation  of  Gregory  IX.,  and,  be- 
fore they  could  be  reduced,  the  same  pontiff  excited  the  empe- 
cpor  rors  son  Henry,  who  had  been  elected  king  of  the 
^'  ^'  '  Romans,  to  rebel  against  his  father.  The  rebellion 

was  suppressed,  the  prince  was  confined,  and  Frederic  obtained 
a  complete  victory  over  the  associated  towns  ;  but  his  troubles 
.  (^ ,-   were  not  yet  at  an  end.  The  pope  again  excommu- 
**  ^*  nicated  him,  and,  to  sow  division  between  him  and 

the  princes  of  the  empire,  sent  a  bull  into  Germany,  in  which 
are  the  following  remarkable  words.  "  A  beast  of  blasphemy, 
"  abounding  with  names,  is  risen  from  the  sea,  with  the  feet  of 
"  a  bear,  the  face  of  a  lion,  and  members  of  other  different  ani- 
"  mals ;  which,  like  the  proud,  hath  opened  its  mouth  in  blas- 
"  phemy  against  the  holy  name  ;  not  even  fearing  to  throw  the 
"  arrows  of  calumny  against  the  tabernacle  of  God,  and  the 
"  saints  that  dwell  in  heaven.  This  beast,  desirous  of  breaking 
*'  every  thing  in  pieces  with  his  iron  teeth  and  nails,  and  of 
'^  trampling  all  things  under  his  feet,  hath  already  prepared  pri- 

27  Annal.  Boior.  lib,  vli. — Heiss.  lib,  ii,  cap.  xvii, — Maimboarj, 


LET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  2»S 

"  vate  battering  rams  against  the  wall  of  the  catholic  faith ;  and 
*'  now  raises  open  machines,  in  erecting  soul-destroying  schools 
*'  of  Ishmaelites;  rising,  according  to  report,  in  opposition  to 
*'  Christ  the  Redeemer  of  mankind,  the  table  of  whose  covenant 
**  he  attempts  to  abolish  with  the  pen  of  wicked  heresy.  Be  not 
**  therefore  surprised  at  the  malice  of  this  blasphemous  beast,  if 
*'  we,  who  are  the  servants  of  the  almighty,  should  be  exposed 
*'  to  the  arrows  of  his  destruction. — This  king  of  plagues  was 
*'  even  heard  to  say,  that  the  whole  world  has  been  deceived  by 
"  three  impostors;  namely,  Moses,  Jesus  Christ,  and  Moham- 
"  med.  But  he  makes  Jesus  Christ  far  inferior  to  the  other 
"  two.  *  They,'  says  he,  *  supported  their  glory  to  the  last, 
"  whereas  Christ  was  ignominiously  crucified.'  He  also  main- 
"  tains,"  continues  Gregory,  "  that  it  is  folly  to  believe  the 
"one  only  God,  Creator  of  the  Universe,  could  be  bom  of  a 
**  woman,  especially  of  a  virgin^*. ''^ 

Frederic,  on  the  other  hand,  in  his  apology  to  the  princes  of 
Germany,  calls  Gregory,  the  Great  Dragon,  the  Antichrist,  of 
whom  it  is  written,  "  and  another  Red  Horse  arose  from  the 
"  sea,  and  he  that  sat  upon  him  took  Peace  from  the  Earth"." 

The  emperor's  apology  was  sustained  in  Germany;  and,  find- 
ing he  had  nothing  to  fear  from  that  quarter,  he  resolved  to  take 
ample  vengeance  on  the  pope  and  his  associates.  With  that 
view  he  marched  to  Rome,  where  he  thought  his  ,^r.« 

•  ••AD      12  j9 

party  was  strong  enough  to  procure  him  admission. 
But  this  favourite  scheme  was  defeated  by  the  activity  of  Gre- 
gory, who  ordered  a  crusade  to  be  preached  against  the  empe- 
ror as  an  enemy  to  the  Christian  faith;  a  step  which  so  incens- 
ed Frederic,  that  he  ordered  all  his  prisoners,  who  wore  the 
cross,  to  be  exposed  to  the  most  cruel  tortures^*'. 

The  two  factions  of  the  Guelphs  and  Ghibellines  continued 
to  rage  with  greater  violence  than  ever;  involving  cities,  dis- 
tricts, and  even  private  families,  in  troubles,  divisions,  and  civil 
butchery,  no  quarter  being  given  on  either  side.  Meanwhile 
Gregory  IX.  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Celestine  ,  „  .  ^ 

IV.,  and  afterwards  by  Innocent  IV.,  formerly 
cardinal  Fieschi,  who  had  always  expressed  the  greatest  regard 
for  the  emperor  and  his  interest.  Frederic  was  accordingly 
congratulated  upon  this  occasion;  but,  having  a  greater  degree 
of  penetration  than  those  about  him,  he  replied,  "  I  see  litde 
reason  to  rejoice.  The  cardinal  was  my  friend ;  but  the  pope 
will  be  my  enemy." 

Innocent  soon  proved  the  justice  of  this  conjecture.    He  am- 

28  Gob.  Pers.  Cosmod.  cap.  Ixiv.  29  Id.  ibid 

3Q  Krantz,  lib.Tiii, — Murat,  Annal,  Ital.  vol.  vii. 


294  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

bitiously  attempted  to  nesjotiate  a  peace  for  Italy.     But  not  be- 
ing able  to  obtain  from  Frederic  his  exorbitant  demands,  and 
apprehensive  of  danger  to  his  own  person,  he  fled  into  France, 
t  o  i  r   assembled  a  sreneral  council  at  Lvons,  and  deposed 

A.    D.    1245.    ,,  ^     ,.    T       1         1  9)  ='j      L  «.    1.'         1        • 

the  emperor.  "1  declare,^^  said  he,  "l^rederic 
"  II.  attainted  and  convicted  of  sacrilege  and  heresy,  excom- 
"  municated  and  dethroned:  and  I  order  the  electors  to  choose 
"  another  emperor,  reserving  to  myself  the  disposal  of  the  king- 
"  dom  of  Sicily^\" 

Frederic  was  at  Turin  when  he  received  the  news  of  his  de- 
position, and  behaved  in  a  manner  that  seemed  to  border  upon 
weakness.  He  called  for  the  casket  in  which  the  imperial  or- 
naments were  kept,  and  opening  it,  and  taking  the  crown  in 
his  hand,  "  Innocent,"  cried  he,  '*  has  not  yet  deprived  me  of 
"thee:  thou  art  still  mine!  and  before  I  part  with  thee  much 
*'  blood  shall  be  spilled"." 

Conrad,  the  emperor's  second  son,  had  been  declared  king 
of  the  Romans,  on  the  death  of  his  brother  Henry,  which  soon 
followed  his  confinement;  but  the  imperial  throne  being  now 
declared  vacant  by  the  pope,  the  German  bishops  (for  none  of 
^0A(^  ^^^^  princes  were  present),  at  the  instigation  of  his 
'  holiness,  proceeded  to  the  election  of  a  new  empe- 
ror ;  and  they  chose  Henry,  landgrave  of  Thuringia,  who  was 
styled  in  derision  "  The  King  of  Priests." 

Innocent  now  renewed  the  crusade  against  Frederic.  It  was 
proclaimed  by  the  preaching  friars,  since  called  Dominicans, 
and  the  minor  friars,  known  by  the  name  of  Cordeliers  or  Fran- 
ciscans, a  new  militia  of  the  court  of  Rome,  which,  about  this 
time,  began  to  be  established  in  Europe.  The  pope,  however, 
did  not  Conine  himself  to  these  measures,  but  engaged  in  con- 
spiracies against  the  life  of  an  emperor  who  had  dared  to  resist 
the  decree  of  a  council,  and  oppose  the  whole  body  of  monks 
and  zealots.  Frederic's  life  was  several  times  in  danger  from 
these  plots,  which  induced  him,  it  is  said,  to  make  choice  of 
Mohammedan  guards,  who,  he  was  certain,  would  not  be  un- 
der fae  influence  of  the  prevailing  superstition. 

On  the  decease  of  the  landgrave  of  Thuringia,  the  same  pre- 

,  p  .  P   lates  who  had  taken  the  liberty  of  creating  one  em- 

*  peror  chose  another;   namely,   William  count  of 

Holland,  a  young  nobleman  of  twenty  years  of  age,  who  bore 

the  same  contemptuous  title  as  his  predecessor". 

Fortune,  which  had  hitherto  favoured  Frederic,  seemed  now 
to  desert  him.  He  was  defeated  before  Parma,  which  he  had 
long  besieged;  and  to  complete  his  misfortune,  he  soon  after 

31  Gob.  Pers.  ubisup.  32  M.  Par.  Hist.  Maj.  33  Anna!.  Boior. 


XET.  XXXII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  295 

learned  that  his  natural  son  Entius,  whom  he  had  made  king  of 
Sardinia,  was  worsted  and  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bolognese.  In 
this  extremity,  he  retired  to  his  kingdom  of  Naples,  in  order  to 
recruit  his  army  ;  and  there  died  of  a  fever  in  the  1950. 

fifty-seventh  year  of  his  age.     He  was  a  prince  of    '     * 
great  genius,  erudition,  and  fortitude ;   and,  notwithstanding 
all  the  turmoils  of  his  reign,  he  built  towns,  founded  universi- 
ties, and  gave,  as  it  were,  a  new  life  to  learning  in  Italy. 

After  the  death  of  this  prince,  the  affairs  of  Germany  fell  in- 
to the  utmost  confusion,  and  Italy  continued  long  in  the  same 
distracted  state  in  which  he  had  left  it.  The  clergy  took  arms 
against  the  laity,  the  weak  were  oppressed  by  the  strong,  and 
laws  divine  and  human  were  disregarded.  But  a  particular  his- 
tory of  that  unhappy  period  would  fill  the  mind  with  disgustand 
horror :  I  shall  therefore  only  observe,  that  after  the  death  of 
Frederic's  son  Conrad  (who  had  assumed  the  impe-  i256 

rial  dignity  as  successor  to  his  father)  and  of  his  '  * 
competitor,  William  of  Holland,  many  candidates  appeared 
for  the  empire,  and  several  were  elected  by  different  factions  ; 
among  whom  was  Richard  earl  of  Cornwall,  brother  to  Henry 
III.  king  of  England.  But  no  emperor  was  properly  ac- 
knowledged, till  the  year  1273,  when  Rodolph,  count  of  Haps- 
burgh,  was  unanimously  raised  to  the  vacant  throne. 

During  the  interregnum  which  preceded  the  election  of  Ro- 
dolph, the  king  of  Hungary,  and  the  count  of  Holland  entirely 
freed  themselves  from  the  homage  which  they  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  pay  to  the  empire  ;  and,  nearly  about  the  same  time, 
several  German  cities  erected  a  municipal  form  of  government, 
which  still  continues.  Lubec,  Cologne,  Brunswic,  and  Dant- 
zic,  united  for  their  mutual  defence  against  the  encroachments 
of  the  great  lords,  by  a  famous  association,  called  the  Hansea- 
tic  League  ;  and  these  towns  were  afterwards  joined  by  eighty 
others,  belonging  to  different  states,  which  formed  a  kind  of 
commercial  republic.  Italy  also,  during  this  period,  assumed  a 
new  form  of  government.  That  freedom  for  which  the  cities  of 
Lombardy  had  so  long  struggled  was  confirmed  to  them  for  a 
sum  of  money  :  they  were  emancipated  by  the  fruits  of  their 
industry.  Sicily  likewise  changed  its  government  and  its 
prince,  as  will  be  related  in  the  history  of  France,  which  fur- 
nished a  sovereign  to  the  Sicilians. 

I  next  propose  to  carry  forward  the  affairs  of  England,  to  the 
reign  of  Edward  I.,  a  period  at  which  the  history  of  our  own 
island  becomes  peculiarly  interesting  to  every  Briton. 


296  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


LETTER  XXXIII. 

History  of  EnglancUfrom  the  Grant  of  the  Great  Charter  to 
the  Reign  of  Edward  I. 

\OU  have  already  seen,  my  dear  Philip,  in  what  manner 
king  John  was  forced  by  his  barons  to  grant  the  Great  Char- 
ter of  English  hberty,  and  to  accede  to  such  regulations  as  were 
,^^_  deemed  necessary  for  preserving  it.  He  went  still 
*  farther:  he  dismissed  his  forces,  and  promised  that 
his  government  should  be  as  gentle  as  his  people  could  wish  it. 
But  he  only  dissembled  in  the  expectation  of  an  opportunity  of 
revoking  all  his  concessions ;  and,  in  order  to  accelerate  such  an 
event,  he  secretly  sent  emissaries  to  enlist  foreign  soldiers,  and 
to  invite  the  rapacious  Brabancons  into  his  service,  by  the 
prospect  of  sharing  the  spoils  of  England.  He  also  despatched 
a  messenger  to  Rome,  to  lay  the  Great  Charter  before  the  pope, 
who,  considering  himself  as  superior  lord  of  the  kingdom,  was 
incensed  at  the  presumption  of  the  barons,  and  issued  a  bull  an- 
nulling the  charter,  absolving  the  king  from  his  oath  to  observe 
it,  and  denouncing  excommunication  against  all  who  should 
persevere  in  maintaining  such  treasonable  pretensions^. 

John  now  pulled  off  the  mask  ;  he  recalled  his  concessions; 
and,  as  his  foreign  mercenaries  arrived  with  the  bull,  he  expect- 
ed nothing  but  universal  submission.  But  our  gallant  ances- 
tors were  not  so  easily  frightened  out  of  their  rights.  Langton, 
the  primate,  though  he  owed  his  elevation  to  an  encroachment 
of  the  court  of  Rome,  refused  to  obey  the  pope  in  publishing  the 
sentence  of  excommunication  against  the  barons.  Persons  of 
all  ranks  among  the  clergy  as  well  as  laity,  seemed  determined 
to  maintain  at  the  expense  of  their  lives,  the  privileges  granted 
in  the  Great  Charter.  John  had  therefore  nothing  to  rely  on 
for  the  re- establishment  of  his  tyranny,  but  the  sword  of  his 
Brabancons  ;  and  that  unfortunately  proved  too  strong,  if  not 
for  the  liberties  of  England,  at  least  for  its  prosperity. 

The  barons  after  obtaining  the  Great  Charter,  had  sunk  into 
a  kind  of  fatal  security.  They  not  only  dismissed  their  vassals, 
but  did  not  take  proper  measures  for  re-assembling  them  on  any 
emergency  :  so  that  the  king  found  himself  master  of  the  field, 
w^ithout  any  adequate  force  to  oppose  him.  Castles  were  de- 
fended, and  skirmishes  risqued,  but  no  regular  opposition  was 

1  Bymer,voi.  i.— M.  Paris. 


LET.  XXXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  29r 

made  to  the  progress  of  the  royal  arms  ;  while  the  ravenous 
mercenaries,  incited  by  a  cruel  and  incensed  prince,  were  let 
loose  against  the  houses  and  estates  of  the  barons,  and  spread 
devastation  over  the  whole  face  of  the  kingdom.  Nothing  was 
to  be  seen,  from  Dover  to  Berwick,  but  the  flames  of  villages, 
castles  reduced  to  ashes,  and  the  consternation  and  misery  of 
the  helpless  inhabitants^. 

In  this  desperate  extremity,  the  barons  dreading  the  total 
loss  of  their  liberties,  their  lives,  and  their  possessions,  had  re- 
course to  a  remedy  no  less  desperate.  They  offered  n  i  /? 
1          1  J             *u  •                •            .     -^  r       .      A.  D.  1216. 
to  acknowledge,  as  their  sovereign,  prince  Louis, 

eldest  son  of  the  king  of  France,  provided  he  would  protect 
them  from  the  fury  of  their  enraged  monarch.  The  temptation 
was  too  great  to  be  resisted  by  a  prince  of  Philip's  ambition. 
He  sent  over  instantly  a  small  army  to  the  relief  of  the  barons, 
and  afterwards  a  more  numerous  body  of  forces,  with  his  son 
at  their  head  ;  although  the  pope's  legate  threatened  him  with 
interdicts  and  excommunications,  if  he  should  presume  to  in- 
vade the  dominions  of  a  prince  who  was  under  the  immediate 
protection  of  the  holy  see.  As  Philip  was  assured  of  the  fideli- 
ty of  his  subjects,  these  menaces  did  not  deter  him  from  his 
purpose.  He  took  care,  however,  to  preserve  appearances  in 
his  acts  of  violence.  He  pretended  that  his  son  had  accepted 
the  offer  from  the  English  barons  without  his  advice,  and 
against  his  inclinations,  and  that  the  armies  sent  into  England 
were  levied  in  that  prince's  name.  But  these  artifices  were 
not  employed  by  Philip  to  deceive.  He  knew  that  the  pope 
had  too  much  penetration  to  be  so  easily  imposed  upon,  and 
that  they  were  too  gross  even  to  gull  the  people  :  but  he  knew, 
at  the  same  time,  that  the  manner  of  conducting  any  measure 
is  nearly  of  as  much  consequence  as  the  measure  itself,  and  that 
a  violation  of  decency,  in  the  eye  of  the  world,  is  more  crimi- 
nal than  a  breach  of  justice. 

Louis  no  sooner  landed  in  England  than  John  was  deserted 
by  his  foreign  troops,  who,  being  principally  levied  in  the  French 
provinces,  refused  to  serve  against  the  heir  of  their  monarchy; 
so  that  the  barons  had  the  melancholy  prospect  of  succeeding  in 
their  purpose,  and  of  escaping  the  tyranny  of  their  own  king, 
by  imposing  on  themselves  and  the  nation  a  foreign  yoke.  But 
the  imprudent  partiality  of  Louis  to  his  countrymen  increased 
that  jealousy,  which  it  was  so  natural  for  the  English  to  en- 
tertain in  their  present  situation,  and  did  great  injury  to  his 
cause.     Many  of  the  dissatisfied  barons  returned  to  the  king's 

2  M.  Paris.— Chron,  Maiiros. 

Vol..  L  P  p 


298  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

^  .  Q  party  ;  and  John  was  preparing  to  make  a  last  effort 
^  *  *  for  his  crown,  when  death  put  an  end  to  his  troubles 
and  his  crimes,  in  the  fifty-first  year  of  his  age,  and  the  eigh- 
teenth of  his  reign.  His  character  was  a  complication  of  vices, 
equally  mean  and  odious;  ruinous  to  himself  and  destructive  to 
his  people.  But  a  sally  of  wit  upon  the  usual  corpulence  of  the 
priests,  more  than  all  his  enormities,  made  him  pass  with  the 
clergy  of  that  age  for  an  impious  prince.  "  How  plump  and 
"  well-fed  is  this  animal !"  exclaimed  he,  on  having  caught  a 
very  fat  stag  ; — *'  and  yet  I  dare  swear  he  never  heard  mass^." 

John  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Henry  HI.,  who  was  then 
only  nine  years  old  ;  and  for  once  a  minority  proved  of  singular 
service  to  England.  The  earl  of  Pembroke,  who  by  his  office 
of  mareschal  was  at  the  head  of  the  military  power,  and  conse- 
quently, in  perilous  times,  at  the  head  of  the  state,  determined 
to  support  the  authority  of  the  infant  prince.  He  was  chosen 
protector ;  and,  fortunately  for  the  young  monarch  and  for 
the  nation,  the  regency  could  not  have  been  committed  to  more 
able  or  more  faithful  hands.  In  order  to  reconcile  all  classes 
of  men  to  the  government  of  Henry,  he  persuaded  him  to  renew* 
and  confirm  the  Great  Charter.  And  he  wrote  letters  in  the 
king's  name  to  all  the  malcontent  barons,  representing,  that 
whatever  animosity  they  might  have  harboured  against  John, 
they  ought  to  retain  none  against  his  son,  who,  though  he  in- 
herited his  throne,  had  not  succeeded  either  to  his  resentments 
or  his  principles,  and  was  resolved  to  avoid  the  paths  which 
had  led  to  such  dangerous  extremities  :  exhorting  them,  at  the 
same  time,  by  a  speedy  return  to  their  duty,  to  restore  the  in- 
dependence of  the  kingdom,  and  secure  that  liberty  for  which 
they  had  so  zealously  contended*. 

These  arguments,  enforced  by  the  character  of  Pe  mbroke,  had 
a  great  influence  on  the  barons.  Most  of  them  secretly  negoti- 
ated with  him,  and  many  of  them  openly  returned  to  their  duty. 
Louis,  therefore,  who  had  passed  over  to  France  and  brought 
fresh  succours  from  that  kingdom,  found  his  party  much  weak- 
ened on  his  return  ;  and  that  the  death  of  John,  contrary  to  all 
-.q^^  expectation,  had  blasted  his  favourite  scheme.  He 
*  laid  siege,  however,  to  Dover,  which  was  gallantly 
defended  by  Hubert  de  Burgh.  In  the  mean  time  the  French 
army,  commanded  by  the  count  de  Perche,  was  totally  defeat- 
ed by  the  earl  of  Pembroke,  near  Lincoln  ;  and  four  hundred 
knights,  with  many  persons  of  superior  rank,  were  made  pri- 
soners by  the  English.  Louis,  when  informed  of  this  disas- 
trous event,  retired  to  London,  which  was  the  centre  and  life 

3  M.  Paris.  4  Rymer,  vol.  i, — Bradv,  Append.  No.  143. 


^ET.  XXXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  299 

of  his  party.  He  there  received  intelligence  of  a  new  misfor- 
tune, which  extinguished  all  his  hopes.  A  French  fleet,  having 
a  considerable  reinforcement  on  board,  had  been  repulsed  in 
the  channel  with  great  loss*. 

The  English  barons  now  hastened  from  all  quarters  to  make 
peace  with  the  protector,  and  prevent,  by  an  early  submission, 
those  attainders  to  which  they  were  exposed  on  account  of  their 
rebellion  ;  while  Louis,  whose  cause  was  now  totally  desperate, 
began  to  be  anxious  for  the  safety  of  his  person,  and  was  glad, 
on  any  tolerable  conditions,  to  make  his  escape  from  a  country 
in  which  every  thing  had  become  hostile  to  him.  He  according- 
ly concluded  a  treaty  with  Pembroke,  by  which  he  promised  to 
evacuate  the  kingdom;  only  stipulating,  in  return,  an  indemnity 
to  his  adherents,  a  restitution  of  their  honours  and  fortunes,  and 
the  free  and  equal  enjoyment  of  those  liberties  which  had  been 
granted  to  the  rest  of  the  nation".  Thus,  my  dear  Philip,  was 
happily  terminated  a  civil  war,  which  seemed  to  spring  from 
the  most  incurable  hatred  and  jealousy,  and  had  threatened  to 
reduce  England  into  a  province  of  France. 

The  prudence  and  equity  of  the  protector,  after  the  expulsion 
of  the  French,  contributed  to  cure  entirely  those  wounds  which 
had  been  made  by  intestine  discord.  He  received  the  rebellious 
barons  into  favour;  stricdy  observed  the  terms  of  peace  which  he 
had  granted  to  them;  and  endeavoured,  by  an  equal  behaviour, 
to  bury  all  past  animosities  in  perpetual  oblivion.  But,  unfor- 
tunately for  the  kingdom,  this  great  and  good  man  did  not  long 
survive  the  pacification  :  and,  as  Henry,  when  he  reached  the 
age  of  adolescence,  proved  a  weak  and  contemptible  prince, 
England  was  again  involved  in  civil  commotions,  which  it 
would  be  idle  and  impertinent  to  relate  ;  as  they  were  neither 
followed,  during  many  years,  by  any  event  of  importance  to  so- 
ciety, nor  attended  with  any  circumstances  which  can  throw 
light  upon  the  human  character.  Their  causes  and  consequen- 
ces were  alike  insignificant. 

It  is  necessary,  however,  to  observe,  that  the  king  having  mar- 
ried Eleanor,  daughter  of  the  count  of  Provence,  was  surround- 
ed by  a  multitude  of  strangers,  from  that  and  other  countries, 
whom  he  caressed  with  the  fondest  affection,  and  enriched  by  an 
imprudent  generosity.  The  insolence  of  these  foreigners,  it  is 
said,  rose  to  such  a  height,  that  when,  on  account  of  their  outra- 
ges or  oppressions,  an  appeal  was  made  to  the  laws,  they  scru- 
pled not  to  say,  "  What  do  the  laws  of  England  signify  to  us  ? 
We  mind  them  not."  This  open  contempt  of  the  English  con- 
stitution roused  the  resentment  of  the  barons,  and  highly  aggra- 

5  M .  Paris.  6  Rymer,  vol.  i. 


300  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

vated  the  general  discontent  arising  from  the  preference  shown 
to  strangers,  as  it  made  every  act  of  violence,  committed  by  a 
foreigner,  appear  not  only  an  injury,  but  an  insult.  Yet  no  re- 
monstrance or  complaint  could  prevail  on  the  king  to  abandon 
them,  or  even  to  moderate  his  attachment  towards  them. 

Henry's  profuse  bounty  to  his  foreign  relatives,  and  to  their 
friends  and  favourites,  would  have  appeared  less  intolerable  to 
the  English,  had  any  thing  been  done  for  the  benefit  of  the  na- 
tion, or  had  the  king's  enterprises  in  foreign  countries  been  at- 
tended with  any  success  or  glory  to  himself  or  the  public.  Nei- 
ther of  these,  however,  was  the  case.  As  imprudence  governed 
his  policy,  misfortune  marked  his  measures.  He  declared  war 
19/J9  *^g^'"s'  France,  and  made  an  expedition  into  Gui- 
*  enne,  upon  the  invitation  of  his  father-in-law,  who 
promised  to  join  him  with  all  his  forces ;  but  being  worsted 
near  Saintes,  he  was  deserted  by  his  allies,  lost  what  remained 
to  him  of  Poictou,  and  was  obliged  to  return  with  disgrace 
into  England\ 

Want  of  economy,  and  an  ill-judged  liberality,  were  the  great 
defects  in  Henry's  domestic  administration.  These  kept  him 
always  indigent,  and  obliged  him  continually  to  harass  his  ba- 
rons for  money,  under  different  pretences.  Their  discontents 
were  thus  increased,  and  he  was  still  a  beggar.  Even  before 
his  foreign  expedition,  his  debts  had  become  so  troublesome,  that 
he  sold  all  his  plate  and  jewels,  in  order  to  discharge  them. 
When  this  expedient  was  first  proposed  to  him,  he  asked  where 
he  should  find  purchasers.  <'  In  the  city  of  London,"  it  was  re- 
plied. "  On  my  word,"  said  he,  "  if  the  treasury  of  Augustus 
"  were  brought  to  sale,  the  citizens  are  able  to  be  the  pur- 
"  chasers.  These  clowns,  who  assume  to  themselves  the  name 
"  of  barons,  abound  in  every  thing,  while  I  am  reduced  to  ex- 
"  treme  necessity'."  And  he  was  thenceforth  observed  to  be 
more  greedy  in  his  exactions  from  the  citizens. 

The  grievances,  however,  of  which  the  English  during  this 
reign  had  reason  to  complain  in  their  civil  government,  seem  to 
have  been  less  burthensome  than  those  which  proceeded  from 
spiritual  usurpations  and  abuses;  and  which  Henry,  who  relied 
on  the  pope  for  the  support  of  his  tottering  authority,  never  fail- 
ed to  countenance.  The  chief  benefices  of  the  kingdom  were 
conferred  on  Italians  ;  and  non-residence  and  pluralities  were 
carrried  to  so  enormous  a  height,  that  Mansel,  the  king's  chap- 
lain, is  said  to  have  enjoyed,  at  one  time,  seven  hundred  eccle- 
siastical livings.  The  pope  exacted  the  revenues  of  all  vacant 
benefices  ;  the  twentieth  of  all  ecclesiastical  revenues,  without 

7  M.  Paris.— W.  Hemlig.— ChroD.  Dunst.  8  M.  Paris. 


LKT.  xxxiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  301 

exception ;  the  third  of  such  as  exceeded  one  hundred  marks  a 
year ;  and  the  half  of  such  as  were  possessed  by  non-residents. 
He  also  claimed  the  goods  of  all  intestate  clergymen;  and  pre- 
tended a  right  to  inherit  all  money  gained  by  usury. 

But  the  most  oppressive  expedient  employed  by  the  court  of 
Rome,  in  order  to  drain  money  from  England,  was  that  of  em- 
barking Henry  in  a  project  for  the  conquest  of  Si-  iQ/^n 
cily.  On  the  death  of  the  emperor  Frederic  H.,  the 
succession  of  that  island  devolved  to  his  son  Conrad,  and  af- 
terwards to  his  grandson  Conradin,  yet  an  infant;  and,  as  Main- 
froy,  the  emperor's  natural  son,  under  pretence  of  governing 
the  kingdom  during  the  minority  of  the  prince,  had  formed  an 
intention  of  usurping  the  sovereignty,  Innocent  IV.  had  a  good 
apology,  for  exerting  that  superiority  which  the  popes  claimed 
over  Sicily,  and  at  the  same  time  an  opportunity  of  gratifying 
his  hatred  against  the  house  of  Suabia.  He  accordingly  attempt- 
ed to  make  himself  master  of  the  kingdom:  but,  being  disap- 
pointed in  all  his  enterprises  by  the  activity  and  artifices  of 
Mainfroy,  and  finding  that  his  own  force  was  not  sufficient  for 
such  a  conquest,  he  made  a  tender  of  the  crown  to  Henry's  bro- 
ther, Richard  earl  ( f  Cornwall,  one  of  the  richest  subjects  in 
Europe.  The  earl  had  the  prudence  to  reject  the  dangerous 
present,  but  not  the  power  to  prevent  the  evil.  The  same  offer 
being  afterwards  made  to  the  king,  in  favour  of  his  second  son 
Edmund,  that  weak  monarch  was  led,  by  the  levity  and  thought- 
lessness of  his  disposition,  to  embrace  the  insidious  proposal ; 
and  immense  sums  were  drawn  from  England  .cci- 

J  .  r  •  *U-  '..•..  A.   D.    1255. 

under  pretence  or  carrymg  this  project  into  execu- 
tion; for  the  pope  took  that  upon  himself.  But  the  money  was 
still  found  insufficient:  the  conquest  of  Sicily  was  as  remote  as 
ever.  Henry,  therefore,  sensible  at  length  of  the  delusion,  was 
obliged  to  resign  into  the  pope's  hands  that  crown  which  he  had 
more  than  purchased,  but  which  it  was  never  intended  either  he 
or  his  family  should  inherit'. 

The  earl  of  Cornwall  had  reason  to  value  himself  on  his  fore- 
sight, in  refusing  the  fraudulent  bargain  with  Rome,  and  in  pre- 
ferring the  solid  honours  of  an  opulent  and  powerful  prince  of 
the  blood  in  England,  to  the  empty  and  precarious  glory  of  a 
foreign  dignity;  but  he  had  not  always  firmness  sufficient  to  ad- 
here to  this  resolution.  His  immense  wealth  induced  some  of 
the  German  princes  to  propose  him  as  a  candidate  lO'jfi 

for  the  empire,  after  the  death  of  William  of  Hol- 
land ;  and  his  vanity  and  ambition  for  once  prevailed  over  his 
prudence  and  his  avarice.     He  went  over  to  Germany,  was 

9  Ryraer,  vol.  i. — M.  Paris. — Chron.  Donst. 


302  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

tempted  to  expend  vast  sums  on  his  election,  and  succeeded 
so  far  as  to  be  chosen  by  a  faction,  and  crowned  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle ;  but,  having  no  personal  or  family  connexions  in  that 
country,  he  never  could  attain  any  solid  power.  He  therefore 
found  it  necessary  to  return  to  England,  after  having  lavished 
the  frugahty  of  a  whole  life  in  the  vain  pursuit  of  a  splendid 
title^°. 

England,  in  the  meanwhile,  was  involved  in  new  troubles. 
The  weakness  of  Henry's  government,  and  the  absence  of  his 
brother,  gave  reins  to  the  factious  and  turbulent  spirit  of  the  ba- 
rons. They  demanded  an  extension  of  their  privileges  ;  and  if 
we  may  credit  the  historians  of  those  times,  had  formed  a  plan 
of  so  many  limitations  of  the  royal  authority,  as  would  have  re- 
duced the  king  to  a  mere  cipher.  Henry  would  agree  to  nothing 
but  a  renewal  of  the  Great  Charter;  which,  at  the  desire  of  the 
barons,  was  ratified  in  the  following  manner.  All  the  prelates 
and  abbots  were  assembled :  they  held  burning  tapers  in  their 
hands;  the  Great  Charter  was  read  before  them;  they  denounced 
the  sentence  of  excommunication  against  every  one  who  should 
violate  that  fundamental  law ;  they  threw  their  tapers  on  the 
ground,  and  exclaimed,  "  May  the  soul  of  every  one,  who  in- 
"  curs  this  sentence,  so  stink  and  corrupt  in  hell !"  The  king 
also  bore  a  part  in  the  ceremony,  and  subjoined,  *'  So  help  me 
"  God !  I  will  keep  all  these  articles  inviolate,  as  I  am  a  man, 
"  as  I  am  a  Christian,  as  I  am  a  knight,  and  as  I  am  a  king 
"  crowned  and  anointed". 

This  tremendous  ceremony  had  no  effect  on  the  king,  who  in- 
stantly forgot  his  engagements;  and  the  barons  boldly  renewed 
their  pretensions.  At  the  head  of  the  malcontents  was  Simon 
de  Montfort,  earl  of  Leicester,  a  man  of  great  talents  and  bound- 
less ambition,  who  had  married  Eleanor,  the  king's  sister,  and 
hoped  to  wrest  the  sceptre  from  the  feeble  and  irresolute  hand 
that  held  it.  He  represented  to  his  associates  the  necessity'  of 
reforming  the  state,  and  of  putting  the  execution  of  the  laws  into 
other  hands  than  those  which  had  hitherto  been  found,  from 
repeated  experience,  unfit  for  that  important  charge.  After  so 
many  submissions  and  fruitless  promises,  the  king's  word,  he 
said,  could  no  longer  be  relied  on;  and  only  his  inability  to 
violate  national  privileges  could  thenceforth  ensure  their  pre- 
servation. 

These  observations,  which  were  founded  in  truth,  and  entirely 
conformable  to  the  sentiments  of  those  to  whom  they  were  ad- 
dressed, had  the  desired  effect.  The  barons  resolved  to  take  the 

10  M.  Paris.  11  W.  Heming.— M.  Paris.— M.  Westm. 


LET.  XXXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  303 

administration  into  their  own  hands :  and  Henry, 
having  summoned  a  pariiament  at  Oxford,  found 
himself  a  prisoner  in  his  national  council,  and  was  obliged  to 
submit  to  the  terms  prescribed  to  him,  called  the  Provisions  of 
Oxford.  According  to  these  regulations,  twelve  barons  were 
selected  from  among  the  king's  ministers  ;  twelve  more  were 
chosen  by  the  parliament;  and  to  these  twenty-four  noblemen 
unlimited  authority  was  granted  to  reform  the  state.  Leicester 
was  at  the  head  of  this  legislative  body,  to  which  the  supreme 
power  was  in  reality  transferred :  and  their  first  step  seemed 
well  calculated  for  the  end  which  they  professed  to  have  in 
view.  They  ordered  that  four  knights  should  be  chosen  by 
each  county;  that  they  should  make  inquiry  into  the  grievances 
of  which  their  neighbourhood  had  reason  to  complain,  and 
should  attend  the  ensuing  parliament,  in  order  to  give  informa- 
tion of  the  state  of  their  particular  counties'^ 

Instead  of  continuing  in  the  same  popular  course,  the  earl 
and  his  associates  studiously  provided  for  the  extension  and  pro- 
longation of  their  own  exorbitant  authority,  at  the  expense  both 
of  the  king  and  the  people.  They  enjoyed  the  supreme  power 
three  years;  and  had  visibly  employed  it,  not  for  the  reforma- 
tion of  the  state,  their  original  pretence  for  assuming  it,  but  for 
the  aggrandisement  of  themselves  and  their  families.  The 
breach  of  trust  was  notorious  ;  all  felt  it,  and  murmured  against 
it ;  and  the  pope,  in  order  to  gain  the  favour  of  the  ,  ^fi  i 

nati>n,  absolved  the  king  and  his  subjects  from  the 
oath  which  they  had  taken  to  observe  the  Provisions  of  Oxford. 

As  soon  as  Henry  received  the  pope's  absolution  from  his 
oath,  accompanied  with  threats  of  excommunication  against  all 
his  opponents,  he  resumed  the  government;offering,  ,  ^/-q 

however,  to  maintain  all  the  regulations  made  by     '     * 
the  reforming  barons,  except  those  which  entirely  annihilated 
the  royal  authority.     But  these  haughty  chieftains  could  not 
peaceably  resign  that  uncontrolled  power  which  they  had  so 
long  enjoyed.    Many  of  them  adopted  Leicester's  !„«" 

views,  which  held  in  prospect  nothing  less  than  the 
throne  itself.     The  civil  war  was  renewed  in  all  its  horrors ; 
and,  after  several  fruitless  negociations,  the  col-  ^     ,^  I^aa 
lee  ted  force  of  the  two  parties  met  near  Lewes       ^     ' 
in  Sussex,  where  the  royal  army  was  totally  defeated,  and  the 
king  and  his  brother  were  made  prisoners^^ 

No  sooner  had  Leicester  obtained  this  victory,  than  he  acted 
as  sole  master,  and  even  tyrant  of  the  kingdom.  He  seized  the 
estates  of  no  less  than  eighteen  barons,  as  his  share  of  the  spoil 

12  Bymer,  vol.  i. — Chron.  Dunst.  13  W.  Hemingf.  lib,  iii,  Chron.  Wikes. 


304  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

gained  in  the  late  battle ;  he  engrossed  to  himself  the  ransom 
of  all  the  prisoners,  and  told  his  barons,  with  wanton  insolence, 
that  it  was  sufficient  for  them  that  he  had  saved  them,  by  that 
victory,  from  the  forfeitures  and  attainders  which  hung  over 
them.  All  the  officers  of  the  crown  were  named  by  him ;  the 
whole  authority,  and  the  arms  of  the  state,  were  lodged  in  his 
hands". 

But  it  was  impossible  that  things  could  remain  long  in  this 
equivocal  situation.  It  became  necessary  for  Leicester,  either 
to  descend  to  the  rank  of  a  subject,  or  mount  up  to  that  of  a  so- 
vereign ;  and  he  could  do  neither  without  peril.  He  summoned 
,p-e  a  new  parliament ;  which,  for  his  own  purposes,  he 
*  fixed  on  a  more  democratical  basis  than  any  called 
since  the  Norman  conquest,  if  not  from  the  foundation  of  the 
monarchy.  He  ordered  returns  to  be  made  not  only  of  two 
knights  from  every  shire,  but  also  of  deputies  from  the  bo- 
roughs^*;  and  thus  introduced  into  the  national  council  a  second 
order  of  men,  hitherto  regarded  as  too  mean  to  enjoy  a  place  in 
those  august  assemblies,  or  have  any  share  in  the  government 
of  the  state. 

But  although  we  are  indebted  to  Leicester's  usurpation  for 
the  first  rude  outline  of  the  House  of  Commons,  his  policy  only 
forwarded  by  some  years  an  institution  for  which  the  general 
state  of  society  had  already  prepared  the  nation;  and  that 
house,  though  derived  from  so  invidious  an  origin,  soon  proved, 
when  it  was  summoned  by  legal  princes,  one  of  the  most  useful 
members  of  the  constitution,  and  gradually  rescued  the  king- 
dom, as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see,  both  from  aristocratical 
and  regal  tyranny.  It  is  but  just,  however,  to  observe,  that,  as 
this  necessary  and  now  powerful  branch  of  our  constitution 
owed  its  rise  to  usurpation,  it  is  the  only  one  of  the  three  that 
has  latterly  given  an  usurper  to  the  state.  The  person  to  whom 
I  allude  is  Oliver  Cromwell;  and  I  may  venture  to  affirm  that 
if  ever  England  should  be  again  subjected  to  the  absolute  will 
of  any  one  man,  unless  from  abroad,  that  man  must  be  a  mem- 
ber of  the  House  of  Commons.  The  people  are  alike  jealous 
of  the  power  of  the  king  and  of  the  nobles ;  but  they  are  them- 
selves greedy  of  dominion,  and  can  only  possess  it  through 
their  representatives.  A  popular  member  of  the  lower  house, 
therefore,  needs  only  ambition,  enterprise,  and  a  favourable  con- 
juncture, to  overturn  the  throne;  to  strip  the  nobles  of  their  pri- 
vileges and  dignities;  and,  while  he  blows  the  trumpet  of  liber- 
ty, to  tell  his  equals  that  they  are  slaves. 

Leicester's  motive  for  giving  this  form  to  the  parliament  was 

14  Rymer,  vol.  i. — Hemingt".  15  Rymer,  vol.  i. 


XET.  XXXIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  305 

a  desire  of  crushing  his  rivals  among  the  powerful  barons  ;  and 
trusting  to  the  popularity  acquired  by  such  a  measure,  he  order- 
ed the  earl  of  Derby  to  be  accused  in  the  king's  name,  and  com- 
mitted to  prison  without  being  brought  to  a  legal  trial.  Several 
other  barons  were  threatened  with  the  same  fate,  and  therefore 
deserted  the  confederacy.  The  royalists  flew  to  arms  ;  prince 
Edward  made  his  escape  from  a  confinement  into  which  he  had 
been  insidiously  drawn  ;  and  the  joy  of  this  young  hero's  ap- 
pearance, together  with  the  opj^ressions  under  which  the  nation 
laboured,  soon  procured  him  a  force  which  Leicester  was  unable 
to  resist.  A  battle  was  fought  near  Evesham  ;  where  y  . 
the  earl  was  slain,  and  his  army  totally  routed.  When  ^* 
that  nobleman,  who  possessed  great  military  talents,  observed 
the  vast  superiority  in  numbers,  and  the  excellent  disposition  of 
the  royalists,  he  exclaimed,  *<  The  Lord  have  mercy  on  our 
"  souls !  for  I  see  our  bodies  are  prince  Edward's;  he  has  learn- 
**  ed  from  me  the  art  of  war'*.''  Another  particular  deserves  to 
be  noticed.  The  old  king,  disguised  in  armour,  having  been 
placed  by  the  rebels  in  the  front  of  the  battle,  had  received  a 
wound,  and  was  on  the  point  of  being  put  to  death,  when  he 
weakly,  but  opportunely,  cried  out,  "  Spare  my  life ;  I  am 
"  Henry  of  Winchester,  your  king*^"  His  brave  son  flew  to 
his  rescue,  and  put  him  in  a  place  of  safety. 

The  victory  of  Evesham  proved  decisive  in  favour  of  the  roy- 
al party,  but  was  used  with  moderation.  Although  the  suppres- 
sion of  an  extensive  rebellion  commonly  produces  a  revolution 
in  government,  and  strengthens  as  well  as  enlarges  the  prero- 
gatives of  the  crown,  no  sacrifices  of  national  liberty  were  ex- 
acted upon  this  occasion.  The  clemency  of  this  victory  is  also 
remarkable  ;  no  blood  was  shed  on  the  scaffold.  The  mild  dis- 
position of  the  king,  and  the  prudence  of  the  prince,  tempered 
the  insolence  of  power,  and  gradually  restored  order  to  the  se- 
veral members  of  the  state. 

The  affairs  of  England  being  thus  setded,  prince  Edward, 
seduced  by  a  thirst  of  glory,  undertook  an  expedition  into  the 
Holy  Land,  where  he  signalised  himself  by  many  iotd 

acts  of  valour,  and  struck  such  terror  into  the  Sara- 
cens, that  they  employed  an  assassin  to  murder  him.  The  ruf- 
fian wounded  Edward  in  the  arm,  but  paid  for  his  temerity  with 
his  life'*.  Meanwhile  the  prince's  absence  from  England  was 
productive  of  many  pernicious  consequences,  whicfi  the  old 
king,  unequal  to  the  burthen  of  government,  was  incapable  of 

16  Hemingf.  lib.  iii.  17  Id.  Ibid.  18  Hemingf-— Wikes. 

Vol.  I.  Q  q 


306  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

preventing'^.  He  therefore  implored  his  gallant  son  to  return, 
and  assist  him  in  swaying  that  sceptre  which  was  ready  to  drop 
Nov   16    ^^^"^  ^'^  feeble  hands.  Edward  obeyed  :  but  before 

\21'2  '  ^'^  arrival  the  king  expired,  in  the  sixty-sixth  year 
of  his  age,  and  the  fifty-sevenlh  of  his  reign. 

The  most  obvious  feature  in  the  character  of  Henry  HI.  is  his 
weakness.  From  this  source,  rather  than  from  insincerity  or 
treachery,  arose  his  negligence  in  observing  his  promises  ;  and 
hence,  for  the  sake  of  present  convenience,  he  was  easily  induc- 
ed to  sacrifice  the  lasting  advantages  arising  from  the  trust  and 
confidence  of  his  people.  A  better  head,  with  the  same  dispo* 
sitions,  would  have  prevented  him  from  falling  into  so  many  er- 
rors !  but  (every  good  has  its  allay !)  with  a  worse  heart,  it 
would  have  enabled  him  to  maintain  them. 

Prince  Edward  had  reached  Sicily,  in  his  return  from  the 
Holy  Land,  when  he  received  intelligence  of  the  death  of  his 
father,  and  immediately  proceeded  homeward.  But  a  variety 
of  objects,  my  dear  Philip,  claim  your  attention,  before  I  carry 
farther  the  transactions  of  our  own  island,  which  now  became 
truly  important.  The  reign  of  Edward  I.  forms  a  new  aera  in 
the  history  of  Britain. 

19  The  police  was  so  loose  during  the  latter  part  of  Henry's  reign,  that  not  only  single 
houses,  but  whole  villages,  were  often  pillaged  by  bands  of  robbers.     Chron.  DuTist. 


LETTER  XXXIV. 


Sketch  of  the  affairs  of  France,  from  the  Death  of  Philip  Au- 
gustus to  the  End  of  the  Reign  of  Louis  JX.,  with  some  Ac- 
count of  the  last  Crusade. 

THE  reign  of  Philip  Augustus  has' already  engaged  our 
attention.  We  have  had  occasion  to  observe  the  great  abilities 
of  that  prince,  both  as  a  warrior  and  a  politician  ;  we  have  seen 
him  re-unite  some  considerable  provinces  to  the  kingdom  of 
France  at  the  expense  of  the  English  monarchy  :  we  liave  seen 
him  attempt  the  conquest  of  England  itself:  and  we  have  also 
seen  in  v.  hat  manner  prince  Louis  was  obliged  to  abandon  that 


LET.  XXXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  307 

project,  notwithstanding  the  power  and  the  intrigues   t  i,    i^^ 
of  Philip.     Soon  after  the  return  of  Louis,  his  father    ^ly^r.     ' 
died,  and  left  the  kingdom  of  France  twice  as  large 
as  he  had  received  it ;  so  tliat  future  acquisitions  became  easy 
to  his  successors. 

Louis  VII L,  however,  did  not  enlarge  the  monarchy.  His 
short  reign  was  chiefly  spent  in  a  crusade  against  the  Albigen- 
ses,  in  the  prosecution  of  which  he  died.  He  wassuc-  -vj  « 
ceeded  by  his  son  Louis  IX.,  commonly  called  St.  ,  ,^*  ' 
Louis.  During  the  minority  of  this  prince,  various 
disorders  arose  in  France,  occasioned  chiefly  by  the  ambition 
of  the  powerful  vassals  of  the  crown.  But  all  these  were  happi- 
ly composed  by  the  prudence  and  firmness  of  Blanche  of  Cas- 
tile, the  regent  and  queen -mother. 

Louis  no  sooner  came  of  age  than  he  was  univer-  ,  --,.,^ 

sally  acknowledged  to  be  the  greatest  prince  in  Eu- 
rope ;  and  his  character  is  perhaps  the  most  singular  in  the  an- 
nals of  history.  To  the  mean  and  abject  superstiuon  of  a  monk 
he  not  only  united  all  the  courage  and  magnanimity  of  a  hero, 
but  (what  may  be  deemed  still  more  wonderful)  the  justice  and 
integrity  of  the  sincere  patriot,  and,  where  religion  was  not  con- 
cerned, the  mildness  and  humanity  of  the  true  philosopher.  So 
far  was  he  from  taking  advantage  of  the  divisions  among  the 
English,  during  the  reign  of  Henry  HI.,  or  attempting  to  expel 
those  dangerous  rivals  from  the  provinces  which  they  still  pos- 
sessed in  France,  that  he  entertained  many  scruples  in  regard 
to  the  sentence  of  attainder  pronounced  against  the  king's  fa- 
ther;  and  had  not  his  bishops,  it  is  said,  persuaded  him  that 
John  was  justly  punished  for  his  barbarity  and  felony,  he  would 
have  gladly  restored  the  conquests  of  Philip  Augustus^ 

When  Gregory  IX.,  after  excommunicating  Frederic  II.,  of- 
fered the  empire  to  the  count  of  Artois,  brother  of  ,  o^rw 

C<.    T         •      *U-       •  •  .    J  •     .1  ,-   .        A.  D.   1240. 

bt.  L.0U1S,  this  pious  prince  acted  mthe  same  disin- 
terested manner.  He  did  not  indeed  refuse  that  gift  as  what  the 
pope  had  no  right  to  bestow;  but  he  replied,  that  Frederic  had 
always  appeared  to  him  a  good  catholic  ;  that  ambassadors 
ought  first  to  be  sent,  to  know  his  sentiments  touching  his 
faith;  that,  if  orthodox,  there  could  be  no  reason  for  attacking 
him ;  but  if  heretical,  war  ought  to  be  carried  on  against  him 
with  violence;  and,  in  such  case,  even  against  the  pope  himself^. 
This  was  the  foible  of  Louis.  Persuaded  that  heretics,  or 
those  who  did  not  hold  the  established  belief,  deserved  the  pu- 
nishment of  death,  he  favoured  the  tribunal  of  the  Inquisition  ; 
and  the  same  turn  of  thinking  led  him  to  ascribe  merit  to  war 

1  NaDg.  Vit.  Ludovici  ix.  2  Id.  ibid.. 


308  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

against  infidels.  His  humane  heart  became  a  prey  to  the  barba- 
194.J,  ^^^^  devotion  of  the  times.   When  a  dangerous  ill- 
'     *  *  ness  had  deprived  him  of  his  senses,  and  almost  of 

his  life,  his  heated  imagination  took  fire,  and  he  thought  he 
heard  a  voice  commanding  him  to  shed  the  blood  of  infidels. 
He  accordingly  made  a  vow,  as  soon  as  he  recovered,  to  en- 
gage in  a  new  crusade,  and  immediately  took  the  cross.  Nor 
could  any  remonstrances  engage  him  to  forego  his  purpose  :  he 
considered  his  vow  as  a  sacred  and  indissoluble  obligation'. 

But  Louis,  though  not  to  be  dissuaded  from  his  eastern  expe- 
dition, was  in  no  hurry  to  depart.  He  spent  four  years  in  mak- 
ing preparations,  and  in  settling  the  government  of  his  king- 
dom, which  he  left  to  the  care  of  his  mother  ;  and,  at  length, 
194.R  ^^^  ^^''  ^"'^  Cyprus,  accompanied  by  his  queen,  his 
*  three  brothers,  and  almost  all  the  knights  of  France. 
At  Cyprus  it  was  resolved  to  make  a  descent  upon  Egypt,  as  it 
was  supposed  that  Jerusalem  and  the  Holy  Land  could  not  be 
preserved  while  that  country  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  infi- 
dels. But  before  I  speak  of  the  transactions  of  Egypt,  I  must 
say  a  few  words  of  the  state  of  the  East  in  those  times. 

Asia,  my  dear  Philip,  from  the  earliest  ages,  has  been  the 
seat  of  enormous  monarchy,  and  the  theatre  of  the  most  as- 
tonishing revolutions.  You  have  seen  with  what  rapidity  it 
was  over-run  by  the  Arabs,  and  afterwards  by  the  Turks  ;  you 
have  seen  those  conquering  people,  for  a  time,  borne  down  by 
the  champions  of  the  cross,  and  Saladin  himself  sink  beneath 
the  arm  of  our  illustrious  Richard.  But  neither  the  zeal  of  the 
Christians,  nor  the  enthusiasm  of  the  Mohammedans,  seem  to 
have  proved  so  successful  as  the  hardy  valour  of  the  Moguls, 
or  Western  Tartars,  under  Genghiz-Khan,  who  in  a  few  years, 
reduced  Persia,  and  pushed  his  conquests  as  far  as  the  Eu- 
phrates ;  subdued  a  part  of  Hindostan  and  of  China  ;  all  Tar- 
tary,  and  the  frontier  provinces  of  Russia. 

This  wonderful  man  died  in  1227,  when  he  was  preparing  to 
complete  the  conquest  of  China.  His  empire  was  divided 
among  his  four  sons,  whose  names  it  is  unnecessary  here  to 
mention. — Houlakon,  one  of  his  grandsons,  passed  theEuphrates, 
and  put  an  end  to  the  long  declining  dominion  of  the  khalifs  of 
Bagdad.  Another  prince  of  his  family  carried  terror  into  Po- 
land and  Hungary,  and  to  the  very  gates  of  Constantinople*. 

These  Western  Tartars,  accustomed  from  their  birth  to  brave 
hunger,  fatigues,  and  death,  were  irresistible,  while  they  preser- 

3  Joinville,  Hist,  de  St.  Louis. 

4  Vie  de  Genghis-Cau,  par  P.  de  la  Croix.— Mod.  Univ.  Hist.  TOl.  iii.  fol.  edit. 


LET.  XXXIV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  309 

ved  their  savage  austerity  of  manners.  The  offspring  of  the 
same  deserts  which  had  produced  the  Huns  and  the  Turks, 
they  were  more  fierce  than  either;  and  as  the  Gotiis  had  for- 
merly seizedThrace,  when  expelled  by  the  Huns  from  their  na- 
tive habitations,  the  Kowarasmians,  in  like  manner,  flying  be- 
fore the  Moguls,  over-ran  Syria  and  Palestine,  and  made  them- 
selves masters  of  Jerusalem  in  1244,  putting  the  inhabitants  to 
the  sivord.  The  Christians,  however,  still  possessed  Tyre, 
Sidon,  Tripoli,  and  Ptolemais;  and,  though  generally  divided 
among  themselves,  they  united  in  imploring  the  assistance  of 
Europe  against  this  danger. 

Such  was  the  situation  of  the  East  and  of  the  Oriental  Chris- 
tians, when  St.  Louis  set  out  for  their  relief.  But  instead  of 
sailing  immediately  for  Palestine,  he  made  a  descent  upon 
Egypt.  As  the  sovereign  of  that  territory  was  not  now  in  pos- 
session of  Jerusalem,  this  invasion  must  have  proceeded  from 
the  king's  ignorance  of  the  affairs  of  the  East,  or  from  an  am- 
bition of  conquering  so  fine  a  country,  rather  than  from  any 
hope  of  advancing  the  interest  of  Christianity. 

Louis  and  his  army  landed  near  the  city  of  Da- 
mietta ;  which,  contrary  to  all  expectation,  was  ^*  ^*  ^^^^* 
abandoned  to  them.  He  afterwards  received  fresh  succours 
from  France  ;  and  found  himself  in  the  plains  of  Egypt  at  the 
head  of  sixty  thousand  men,  the  flower  of  his  kingdom,  by 
whom  he  was  both  obeyed  and  loved.  What  might  not  have 
been  expected  from  such  a  force,  under  such  a  general !  Not 
only  Egypt,  but  Syria,  should  have  yielded  to  their  arms.  Yet 
this  crusade,  like  all  the  rest,  terminated  in  sorrow  and  disap- 
pointment. One  half  of  these  fine  troops  fell  a  prey  to  sickness 
and  debauchery;  the  other  part  was  defeated  by  the 
soltan  at  Massoura;  where  Louis  beheld  his  bro-  ^'  °*  ^^^^* 
ther  Robert  of  Artois  killed  by  his  side,  and  himself  taken  pri- 
soner with  his  two  other  brothers,  the  counts  of  Anjou  and 
Poictiers,  and  all  his  nobility*. 

The  French,  however,  were  still  in  possession  of  Damietta. 
There  the  queen  was  lodged:  and  thinking  her  safety  doubtful, 
as  the  place  was  besieged,  she  addressed  herself  to  the  Sieur 
Joinville,  a  venerable  knight,  and  made  him  promise,  on  the 
faith  of  chivalry,  to  cut  off  her  head,  if  ever  her  virtue  should 
be  in  danger.  "  Most  readily,"  answered  Joinville,  in  the  true 
spirit  of  the  times,  "  will  I  perform  at  your  request  what  I 
"  thought  indeed  to  do  of  myself,  should  misfortune  make  it 
*'  necessary."  But  he  had  happily  no  occasion  to  put  his  pro- 
mise into  execution.     Damietta  held  out,  and  a  treaty  was  con- 

5  Joioville,  Hist,  de  St,  Louis. 


310  THE  HISTORY  OF  fakt  i. 

eluded  with  the  soltan ;  by  \\hicl^i  that  city  was  restored,  in  con- 
sideration of  the  king's  liberty,  and  a  thousand  pieces  of  gold 
paid  for  the  ransom  of  the  other  prisoners^. 

Louis  was  now  solicited  to  return  to  Europe  with  the  remnant 
of  his  fleet  and  army,  but  devotion  led  him  to  Palestine;  where 
he  continued  above  three  years,  without  effecting  any  thing  of 
consequence.  In  the  mean  time  the  aff'airs  of  France  were  in 
great  confusion.  The  queen-mother,  during  the  king's  capti- 
vity, had  unadvisedly  given  permission  to  a  fanatical  monk  to 
preach  a  new  crusade  for  her  son's  release;  and  this  man,  avail- 

.-j-,  ing  himself  of  the  pastoral  circur.islances  in  the 
'  Nativity,  assembled  near  one  hundred  thousand 
people  of  low  condition  whom  he  called  shepherds.  It  soon 
appeared,  however,  that  they  might  w!th  more  propriety  have 
been  styled  wolves.  They  robbed  and  pillaged  wherever  they 
came ;  and  it  was  found  necessary  to  disperse  tiiem  by  force 
of  arms.     Nor  was  that  effected  without  much  trouble^ 

The  death  of  the  queen-mother  determined  Louis,  at  last,  to 
revisit  France.    But  he  only  returned  in  order  to  prepare  for  a 

-.(^c-A  "^^^  crusade;  so  strongly  had  that  madness  infected 
*  *  *'  ■  his  mindl — Meanwhile  his  zeal  for  justice,  his  care 
to  reform  abuses,  his  wise  laws,  his  virtuous  example,  soon  re- 
paired the  evils  occasioned  by  his  absence.  He  established, 
on  a  solid  foundation,  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  royal  judges, 
one  of  the  best  expedients  for  reducing  the  exorbitant  power  of 
the  nobles.  He  absolutely  prohibited  private  wars,  which  the 
feudal  anarchy  had  tolerated:  he  substituted  juridical  proofs, 
instead  of  those  by  duel;  and,  no  less  enlightened  than  pious, 
he  rescued  France  from  the  exactions  of  the  court  of  Rome. 

In  his  transactions  v.ith  his  neighbours,  he  was  alike  exem- 
plary. Equity  and  disinterestedness  formed  the  basis  of  his 
policy.  If  he  sometimes  carried  those  virtues  too  far,  as  a 
prince,  they  always  did  him  honour  as  a  man ;  they  even  pro- 
cured him  respect  as  a  sovereign ;  and  secured  to  his  subjects 
the  greatest  blessings  that  a  people  can  enjoy — peace  and  pros- 
perity. He  ceded  to  James  I.  of  Arragon  his  mcontestible  right 
to  Roussillon  and  Catalonia,  which  had  been  subject  to  France 
from  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  in  exchange  for  certain  claims 

,  ^  CQ  of  that  monarch  to  som^  fiefs  in  Provence  and  Lan- 

guedoc;  and  he  restored  to  the  English  crown  Quer- 

ci,  Perigord,  and  the  Limosin,  for  no  higher  consideration  than 

that  the  king  of  England  should  renounce  all  right  to  Norman- 

6  Id.  ibid. 

7  Fontenay,  Hist,  de  i'Eglise  Gallic,  tome  xi.— »Boulay,  Hist.  Acad.  Parisiensis,  vol.  til. 


lET.  xxxiT.  MODERN  EUROPE.  311 

dy,  Maine,  and  the  other  forfeited  provinces,  which  were  alrea- 
dy in  the  possession  of  France.  But  Louis,  as  has  been  obser- 
ved, was  doubtful  of  the  right  by  which  he  held  those  provinces. 
And  although  an  ambitious  prince,  instead  of  making  this  com- 
promise, might  have  taken  advantage  of  the  troubles  of  Eng- 
land under  Henry  III.,  to  seize  Guienne,  and  all  that  remained 
to  that  monarchy  in  France :  such  a  prince  might  also,  by  these 
means,  have  drawn  on  himself  the  jealousy  of  his  neighbours, 
and  in  the  end  have  fallen  a  sacrifice  to  his  rapacity  ;  whereas 
Louis  by  his  moderation,  acquired  the  confidence  of  all  Europe, 
and  was  chosen  arbiter  between  the  king  of  England  ^ 

and  his  barons,  at  a  time  when  it  was  his  interest  to  •  •  -^o  . 
have  ruined  both  :  an  honour  never  conferred  upon  any  other 
rival  monarch,  and  with  which,  perhaps,  no  other  could  ever 
safely  have  been  trusted.  He  determined  in  favour  of  the  king 
without  prejudice  to  the  people  ;  he  annulled  the  Provisions  of 
Oxford  as  derogatory  to  the  rights  of  the  crown,  but  enforced 
the  observance  of  the  Great  Charter.  And  although  this  sen- 
tence was  rejected  by  Leicester  and  his  party,  it  will  remain  an 
eternal  monument  of  the  equity  of  Louis^. 

The  most  reprehensible  circumstance  in  this  great  monarch's 
conduct,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  that  deserves  to  be  consider- 
ed in  that  light,  was  his  approbation  of  the  treaty  between  his 
brother  and  the  pope,  relative  to  Sicily.  When  that  kingdom 
was  offered  to  the  count  of  Anjou,  he  accepted  it ;  and  Louis 
permitted  a  crusade  to  be  preached  in  France  against 
IVJainfroy,  who  had  now  actually  usurped  the  Sicih-  '  ' 
an  throne,  in  prejudice  of  his  nephew  Conradin.     The  count  of 

Anjou  marched  into  Italy  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army. 

Mainfroy  was  defeated  and  slain  in  the  plains  of  Benevento,  and 
Conradin  appeared  in  vindication  of  his  native  rights.  He  also 
was  routed  ;  and  taken  prisoner,  together  with  his 
uncle,  the  duke  of  x\ustria;  and  both  were  executed  '  * 
at  Naples,  upon  a  scaffold,  at  the  request  of  the  pope,  and  b}'' 
the  sentence  of  a  pretended  court  of  justice' ;  an  indignity  not 
hitherto  offered  to  a  crowned  head. 

In  consequence  of  the  revolution  that  followed  this  barbarity, 
by  which  Charles,  count  of  Anjou,  established  himself  on  the  Si- 
cilian throne,  the  ancient  rights  of  that  island  were  annihilated, 
and  it  fell  entirely  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  pope.  Mean- 
while St.  Louis,  who,  either  out  of  respect  to  his  holiness,  or 
complaisance  to  his  brother,  thus  beheld  with  indifference  theli- 

8  Rymer,  vol.  i. — Cliron.  Wikes. — Chroii.  Diinst, 

9  Giannone,  Hist,  di  Nap 


S12  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

berties  of  mankind  sacrificed,  and  the  blood  of  princes  unjustly 
shed,  was  preparing  to  lead  a  new  army  against  the  infidels. 
He  hoped  to  make  a  convert  of  the  king  of  Tunis  ;  and,  for  that 
purpose,  landed  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  sword  in  hand,  at  the 
head  of  his  troops.  But  the  Tunisine  prince  refused  to  embrace 
Christianity  :  the  French  troops  were  seized  with  ^n  epidemical 
distemper  ;  of  which  Louis  beheld  one  of  his  sons  expiry,  and 
another  at  the  point  of  death,  when  he  himself  caught  the  infec- 
-  „-  ^^^  tion,  and  died  in  the  fifty  sixth  year  of  his  age. 
Aug.J5,lJ/U.jjj^g^^  and  successor,  Philip,  recovered;  kept 
the  field  against  the  Moors;  and  saved  the  remains  of  the  French 
army,  which  procured  him  the  name  of  the  Hardy*".  But  the 
reign  of  this  prince  must  not  at  present  engage  our  attention ; 
we  must  return  to  the  affairs  of  Spain,  which  had  still  little 
connexion  with  the  rest  of  Europe,  but  was  gradually  rising 
into  consequence. 

10  Joinville.  ubi.  sup. — Mezeray,  vol.  iii. 


LETTER  XXXV. 


A  Survey  of  the  Transactions  in  Spain  from  the  Middle  of  the 
Eleventh  to  the  End  of  the  Thirteenth  Century. 

WE  left  Spain,  ray  dear  Philip,  towards  the  middle  of  the 
eleventh  century,  dismembered  by  the  Moors  and  Christians, 
and  both  nations  harassed  by  civil  wars.  About  that  time  Fer- 
dinand, son  of  Sancho  the  Great,  king  of  Navarre  and  Arra- 
gou,  united  to  his  dominions  Old  Castile,  together  with  the 
.^„^  kingdom  of  Leon,  which  he  took  from  his  brother- 
A.  D.  o  .  jj^.jjj^y  Veremond,  whom  he  slew  in  battle.  Castile 
then  became  a  kingdom,  and  Leon  one  of  its  provinces'. 

In  the  reign  of  the  son  of  this  Ferdinand  flourished  Don  Ro- 
derigo,  surnamed  the  Cid,  who  actually  married  Chimene,  whose 
father  he  had  murdered.  They  who  know  nothing  of  this  his- 
tory, but  from  the  celerated  tragedy  written  by  Corneille,  sup- 
pose that  Ferdinand  was  in  possession  of  Andalusia.  The  Cid 
began  his  famous  exploits  by  assisting  Sancho,  Ferdinand's  el- 
dest son,  to  deprive  his  brothers  and  sisters  of  the  inheritance 

1  Mariana,  Oe  Rebus  Hispanic,  lib.  ix. 


LET.  xxxY.  MODERN  EUROPE.  313 

left  to  them  by  their  father;  but  the  death  of  Sancho  ,  Q^g 

in  one  of  these  unjust  expeditions,  secured  the  ob- 
servance of  Ferdinand's  will. 

A  short  digression  will  be  here  necessary.  Besides  the  many 
kings  at  this  time  in  Spain,  who  nearly  amounted  to  the  num- 
ber of  twenty,  there  vv  ere  many  independent  lords,  who  came 
on  horseback  completely  armed,  and  followed  by  several  es- 
quires, to  offer  their  services  to  the  princes  and  princesses  en- 
gaged in  war.  The  princes  with  whom  these  lords  engaged 
girded  them  with  a  belt,  and  presented  them  with  a  sword,  with 
M'hich  they  gave  them  a  slight  blow  on  the  shoulder;  and  hence 
the  origin  of  knights-errant,  and  of  the  number  of  single  com- 
bats, which  so  long  desolated  Spain. 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  of  these  combats  was  fought  after 
the  murder  of  that  king  Sancho,  whose  death  I  have  just  men- 
tioned, and  who  was  assassinated  while  he  was  besieging  his 
sister  Urraca  in  the  city  of  Zamora.  Three  knights  maintain- 
ed the  honour  of  the  Infanta  against  Don  Diego  de  Lara,  who 
had  accused  her.  Don  Diego  overthrew  and  killed  two  of  the 
infanta's  kniglits:  the  horse  of  the  third,  having  the  reins  of  his 
bridle  cut,  carried  his  master  out  of  the  lists ;  and  the  combat 
was  declared  undecided. 

Of  all  the  Spanish  knights,  the  Cid  distinguished  himself 
most  eminently  against  the  Moors.  Several  knights  ranged 
themselves  under  his  banner ;  and  these,  with  their  esquires 
and  horsemen,  composed  an  army  covered  with  iron,  and 
mounted  on  the  most  beautiful  steeds  in  the  country.  With  this 
force  he  overcame  several  Moorish  kings  ;  and  having  fortified 
the  city  of  Alcassar,  he  there  erected  a  petty  sovereignty. 

But  of  the  various  enterprises  in  which  the  Cid  and  his  fol- 
lowers were  engaged,  the  most  gallant  was  the  siege  of  Toledo, 
whichhismaster  A]phonsoVI.,kingof  OldCastile,  1084 

undertook  against  the  Moors.  Tlie  fame  of  this 
siege,  and  the  Cid's  reputation,  drew  many  knights  and  princes 
from  France  and  Italy  ;  particularly  Raymond,  count  of  Tou- 
louse, and  two  princes  of  the  blood-royal  of  France,  of  the 
branch  of  Burgundy.  The  Moorish  king,  named  Hiaya,  was 
the  son  of  Al-mamoun,  one  of  the  most  generous  princes  men- 
tioned in  history,  who  had  afforded  an  asylum,  in  this  very  city, 
to  Alphonso,  when  persecuted  by  his  brother  Sancho.  They 
had  lived  together  for  a  long  time  in  strict  friendship ;  and  Al- 
mamoun  was  so  far  from  detaining  Alphonso,  when  he  became 
king  by  the  death  of  Sancho,  that  he  gave  him  part  of  his  trea- 
sures, and  they  shed  tears,  it  is  said,  at  parting.  But  the  spirit 
of  those  times  made  everv  thing  seem  lawful  against  infidels, 

Vol.  I.  '      Rr 


314  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

and  even  meritorious.  Several  Moorish  chiefs  went  out  of  the 
city  to  reproach  Alphonso  with  his  ingratitude,  and  many  re- 
markable combats  were  fought  under  the  walls. 

When  the  siej^e  had  continued  a  whole  year,  Toledo  capitu- 
.^o^  lated,  on  condition  that  the  Moors  should  eniov 
their  religion  and  laws,  and  suner  no  injury  m  their 
persons  or  property^  All  new  Castile,  in  a  short  time,  yielded 
to  the  Cid,  who  took  possession  of  it  in  tlie  name  of  Alphonso; 
and  Madrid,  a  small  place,  which  was  one  day  to  become  the 
capital  of  Spain,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Christians. 

Immediately  after  the  reduction  of  Toledo,  Alphonso  called 
an  assembly  of  bishops,  who,  without  the  concurrence  of  the 
people,  formerly  thought  necessary,  promoted  a  priest  named 
Bernard  to  the  bishopric  of  that  city  ;  and  pope  Urban  II.,  at 
the  king's  request,  made  him  primate  of  Spain.  The  king  and 
the  pope  were  also  anxious  to  establish  the  Romish  liturgy  and 
ritual  in  place  of  the  Gothic,  or  Mosarabic,  hitherto  in  use. 
The  Spaniards  contended  zealously  for  the  ritual  of  their  an- 
cestors; the  pope  urged  them  to  receive  that  to  which  he  had 
given  his  infallible  sanction  :  a  violent  contest  arose ;  and  to 
the  disgrace  of  human  reason,  a  religious  opinion  was  referred 
to  the  decision  of  the  sword.  Two  knights  accordingly  entered 
the  lists  in  complete  armour.  The  Mosarabic  champion  was 
victorious ;  but  the  king  and  the  archbishop  had  sufficient  in- 
fluence to  procure  a  new  trial,  though  contrary  to  all  the  laws 
of  combat.  The  next  appeal  was  to  God  by  fire.  A  fire  being 
prepared  for  that  purpose,  a  copy  of  each  liturgy  was  cast  into 
the  flames.  The  fire,  we  may  suppose,  respected  neither ;  but 
lOfi?  ^'^^^o'^'^y  prevailed.  The  Romish  liturgy  was  or- 
'  dered  to  be  received,  yet  some  churches  were  per- 
mitted to  retain  the  Mosarabic^. 

Alphonso,  either  from  policy  or  inclination,  augmented  the 
dominions  which  he  had  acquired  through  the  valour  of  the  Cid, 
by  marrying  Zaid,  daughter  of  Ebn-Abad,  the  Mohammedan 
king  of  Seville,  with  whom  he  received  several  towns  in  dowry: 
and  he  is  reproached  with  having,  in  conjunction  with  his  fa- 
ther-in-law, invited  the  sovereign  of  Morocco  into  Spain.  But 
be  that  as  it  may,  the  E??i2r  A/- Alou?nenm  came;  and,  instead 
,  T,  ino'T  of  assisting  the  king  of  Seville  in  reducing  the 
petty  Moorish  princes,  he  turned  his  arms  against 
him,  took  the  city  of  Seville,  and  became  a  dangerous  neigh- 
bour to  Alphonso"*. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Cid,  at  the  head  of  his  army  of  knights, 
subdued  the  kingdom  of  Valentia.  Few  kings  in  Spain  were,  a? 

2  iJnii.  'ro!;-!.  (I>:  Reb.  Flist. — Mariana,  ubi  sup. — Ferreras,  Hist,  de  Espana. 
3M.  il)!(i.  4  Id.  ibid. 


lET.xxxv.  MODERN  EUROPE.  315 

that  time  so  powerful  as  he  ;  yet  he  never  assumed  the  regal 
title,  but  continued  faithful  to  his  master  Alphonso,  while  he  go- 
verned Valentia  with  the  authority  of  a  sovereign.  After  his 
death,  which  happened  in  1096,  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Arra- 
gon  continued  their  wars  against  the  infideis,  and  Spain  was 
more  drenched  in  blood  than  ever,  and  more  desolated. 

Alphonso,  surnamed  the  Battle-giver,  king  of  Navarre  and 
Arragon,  took  Saragossa  from  the  Moors;  and  that  1 1  ic 

city,  which  afterwards  became  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  of  Arragon,  was  neveragain  subjected  to  the  dominion 
of  the  infidels.      He  was  continually  at  war  either  with  the 
Christians  or  Mohammedans  :  and  the  latter  gained  a  complete 
victory  over  him,  which  mortified  him  so  much,  , ,  „, 

that  he  died  of  chagrin,  leavinghis  kingdom  by  will 
to  the  Knights  Templars.  This  was  bequeathing  a  civil  war  as 
his  last  legacy.  The  testament  was  esteemed  valid  :  but  fortu- 
nately these  knights  were  not  in  a  condidon  to  enforce  it ;  and 
the  states  of  Arragon  chose  for  their  king  Ramiro,  brother  to 
the  deceased  prince.  He  had  led  a  monastic  life  for  upwards  of 
forty  years,  and  proved  incapable  of  governing.  The  people  of 
Navarre  therefore  chose  another  king,  descended  from  their  an- 
cient monarchs;  and,  by  this  division,  both  these  states  became 
a  prey  to  the  Moors.  They  were  saved  by  the  timely  assistance 
of  Alphonso  Vin.,  king  of  Castile,  who  had  obtained  many 
victories  over  the  infidels,  and  in  return  for  his  protection  re- 
ceived the  city  of  Saragossa  from  the  Arragonese,  and  the  ho- 
mage of  the  king  of  Navarre.  This  success  so  much  elated 
Alphonso,  that  he  assumed  the  title  of  Emperor  of  Spain*. 

Alphonso  Henriquez,  count  of  Portugal,  received  about  this 
time  the  title  of  king  from  his  soldiers,  after  a  victory  obtained 
over  the  Moors  ;  and  he  took  Lisbon  from  them  by  the  assist- 
ance of  an  army  of  crusards,  who  had  been  driven  up  the  Tagus 
by  tempestuous  weather.    On  this  occasion,  pope  , ,  .- 

Alexander  HI.,  steady  to  the  policy  of  his  prede-  '^*  ^* 
cessors,  took  advantage  of  the  papal  maxim,  that  all  countries 
conquered  from  the  infidels  belong  to  the  holy  see,  to  assert 
his  superiority  over  Portugal ;  and  Alphonso  poli-  ,  ,_„ 

tically  allowed  him  an  annual  tribute  of  two  marks  ^' 
of  gold,  on  receiving  a  bull  from  Rome  confirming  his  regal 
dignity  and  his  infallible  right  to  that  territory*. 

A  very  few  efforts  would  now  have  been  sufficient  to  have 
driven  the  Moors  entirely  out  of  Spain  :  but  for  that  purpose  it 
was  necessary  that  the  Spanish  Christians  should  be  united 
among  themselves,  whereas  they  were  engaged  in  almost  perpe- 

5  Rod.  Tolet.  <le  Reb.  Hist.  C  Neofvllle,  Hist.  Gen.  de  Port. 


316  TttE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

-  ^ .  ^  tual  wars  one  with  another.  They  united,  however, 
^*  ^'  *  atlength,  from  a  sense  of  common  danger,  and  also 

implored  the  assistance  of  the  other  Christian  princes  of  Europe. 
Mohammed  Al-naser,  the  Emir  x\l-Moumenin,  having  crossed 
the  sea  with  an  army  of  near  one  hundred  thousand  men,  and 
being  joined  by  the  Moors  in  Andalusia,  assured  himself  of 
making  an  entire  conquest  of  Spain.  The  rumour  of  this  great 
armament  roused  the  attention  of  the  whole  European  continent. 
Many  adventurers  came  from  all  quarters  To  these  the  kings 
of  Castile,  Arragon,  and  Navarre,  uiiited  their  forces:  the  king- 
,^  <^  dom  of  Portugal  also  furnished  a  body  of  troops; 
^*  ^'  '  and  the  Christian  and  Mohammedan  armies  met 

in  the  defiles  of  the  Black  Mountain,  on  Sierra  Morena,  on  the 
borders  of  Andalusia,  and  in  the  province  of  Toledo.  Alphonso 
IX.,  king  of  Castile,  commanded  the  centre  of  the  Christian 
army  :  the  archbishop  of  Toledo  carried  the  cross  before  him. 
The  African  prince  occupied  the  same  place  in  the  Moorish 
army  :  he  was  dressed  in  a  rich  robe;  with  the  Koran  in  one 
hand,  and  a  sabre  in  the  other.  The  battle  was  long  and  ob- 
stinately disputed,  but  at  length  the  Christians  prevailed  ;  and 
the  sixteenth  of  July,  the  day  on  which  the  victory  was  gained, 
is  still  celebrated  in  Toledo. 

The  consequences  of  this  victory,  however,  were  not  so  great 
as  might  have  been  expected.  The  Moors  of  Andalusia  were 
strengthened  by  the  remains  of  the  African  army,  while  that  of 
the  Christians  was  immediately  dispersed.  Almost  all  the 
knights  who  had  been  present  at  the  battle  returned  to  their 
respective  homes  as  soon  as  it  was  over.  But  although  the 
Christians  seemed  thus  to  neglect  their  true  interest,  by  allowing 
the  Mohammedans  time  to  recruit  themselves,  the  Moors  em- 
ployed that  time  more  to  their  own  hurt  than  the  Christians 
could  if  united  against  them.  All  the  Moorish  states,  both  in 
Spain  and  Africa,  were  rent  in  pieces  by  civil  dissensions,  and  a 
variety  of  new  sovereigns  sprang  up,  which  entirely  broke  the 
power  of  the  infidels. 

The  period  seemed  therefore  arrived,  to  use  the  language  of 

that  haughty  and  superstitious  nation,  marked  out  by  Heaven  for 

,  ^„^   the  glory  of  Spain,  and  the  expulsion  of  the  Moors. 

'  Ferdinand  III.,  styled  by  his  countrymen  St.  Ferdi- 
nand, took  from  the  infidels  the  famous  city  of  Cordova,  the  re- 
,  ^n  o  sidence  of  the  first  Moorish  kings ;  and  James  I.  of 

'  Arragon  dispossessed  them  of  the  island  of  Major- 
ca, and  drove  them  out  of  the  fine  kingdom  of  Valentia.    St. 
1248   ■^^''^^"^'"'^^  ^^^o  subdued  the  province  of  Murcia, 

'  and  made  himself  master  of  Seville,  the  most  opu- 


LET.  XXXV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  Sir 

lent  city  belonging  to  the  Moors'.  Death  at  length  put  an  end 
to  his  conquest:  and  if  divine  honours  are  due  to  i9«;o 

diose  who  have  been  the  deliverers  of  their  country, 
Spain  justly  reverences  the  name  of  Ferdinand  III. 

Alphonso,  surnamed  the  Astronomer,  or  the  Wise,  the  son 
of  St.  Ferdinand,  likewise  exalted  the  glory  of  Spain ;  but  in 
a  manner  very  different  from  that  of  his  father.  This  prince, 
who  rivalled' the  Arabians  in  the  sciences,  digested  the  celebra- 
ted Spanish  code,  called  Las  Partidas  ;  and  under  his  inspec- 
tion those  astronomical  tables  were  drawn  up,  which  still  bear 
his  name,  and  do  honour  to  his  memory.  In  his  old  age  he 
saw  his  son  Sancho  rebel  against  him,  and  was  reduced  to  the 
disagreeable  necessity  of  leaguing  with  the  Moors  against  his 
own  blood,  and  his  rebellious  Christian  subjects.  ii?«T 

This  was  not  the  first  alliance  which  Christians 
had  formed  with  infidels  against  Christians  :  but  it  was  cer- 
tainly the  most  excusable. 

Alphonso  invited  to  his  assistance  the  Emir  Al-Moumenin, 
who  immediately  crossed  the  sea;  and  the  two  monarchs  met 
at  Zara,  on  the  confines  of  Granada.  The  behaviour  and  speech 
of  the  Moorish  prince,  on  this  occasion,  deserve  to  be  recorded. 
He  gave  the  place  of  honour  to  Alphonso  at  meeting:  "  I  treat 
"  you  thus,"  said  he,  "  because  you  are  unfortunate  ;  and  en- 
"  ter  into  an  alliance  with  you  to  support  the  common  cause 
"  of  all  kings  and  all  fathers*." 

The  rebels  were  vanquished  ;  but  the  good  old  king  died 
before  he  had  time  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  his  victory  :  and,  the 
Emir  Al-Moumenin  being  obliged  to  return  to  Africa,  the  un- 
natural Sancho  succeeded  to  the  crown  in  prejudice  .  ^^ 
to  the  offspring  of  a  former  marriage.  He  even  '  ' 
reigned  happily  ;  and  his  son  Ferdinand  IV.  was  not  unsuc- 
cessful against  the  Moors. 

This  Ferdinand  is  called  by  the  Spanish  historians  the  Sum- 
moned; and  the  reason  assigned  for  it  is  somewhat  remarkable. 
When  he  had  ordered  two  noblemen,  in  a  fit  of  anger,  to  be 
thrown  from  the  top  of  a  rock,  they  summoned  him  to  appear 
in  the  presence  of  God  within  a  month  ;  at  the  end  of  which  he 
died".     It  is  to  be  wished,  as  Voltaire  very  justly  i^io 

observes,  that  this  story  were  true,  or  at  least  be- 
lieved to  be  so  by  all  princes  who  think  they  have  a  right  to 
follow  their  own  imperious  wills  at  the  expense  of  the  lives  of 
their  fellow-creatures. 

These  are  the  circumstances  most  worthy  of  notice  in  the 
history  of  Spain  during  the  period  here  examined.  W"e  must 
now  take  a  view  of  the  progress  of  society. 

7  Rod,  Tolet.  de  Reb.  Hist,    8  Ferreras  et  Mariana,  ubi  supra.   9  Ferreras,  Hist.  Espana. 


318  THE  HISTORY  OB'  part  i. 


LETTER  XXXVI. 

OJ'  the  Progress  of  Society  in  Europe  during  the  Twelfth  and 
Thirteenth  Centuries. 

YOU  have  already,  my  dear  Philip,  seen  letters  begin  to 
revive,  and  manners  to  soften,  about  the  middle  of  the  eleventh 
century.  But  the  progress  of  refinement  was  slow  during  the 
two  succeeding  centuries,  and  often  altogether  obstructed  by 
monastic  austerities,  theological  disputes,  ecclesiastical  broils, 
and  the  disorders  of  the  feudal  anarchy.  Society,  however,, 
made  many  beneficial  advances  before  the  close  of  this  period. 
These  I  shall  endeavour  distinctly  to  trace. 

The  influence  of  the  spirit  of  chivalry  on  manners,  as  we 
have  seen,  was  great  and  singular  :  it  enlarged  the  generosities 
of  the  human  heart,  and  soothed  its  ferocity.  But,  being  un- 
happily blended  with  superstition,  it  became  itself  the  means 
of  violence;  armed  one  half  of  the  species  against  the  other, 
and  precipitated  Europe  upon  Asia.  I  allude  to  the  crusades. 
Yet  these  romantic  expeditions,  though  barbarous  and  destruc- 
tive in  themselves,  were  followed  by  some  important  conse- 
quences, equally  conducive  to  the  welfare  of  the  community 
and  of  the  individual.  The  crusards  being  taken  under  the 
immediate  protection  of  the  church,  and  its  heaviest  anathemas 
denounced  against  all  who  should  molest  their  persons  or  their 
property,  private  hostilities  were  for  a  time  suspended  or  ex- 
tinguished; the  feudal  sovereigns  became  more  powerful,  and 
their  vassals  less  turbulent ;  a  more  steady  administration  of 
justice  was  introduced,  and  some  advances  were  made  towards 
regular  government. 

The  commercial  effects  of  the  crusades  were  no  less  conside- 
rable than  their  political  influence.  Many  ships  were  necessary 
to  transport  the  prodigious  armies  which  Europe  poured  forth, 
and  also  to  supply  them  with  provisions.  These  ships  were  prin- 
cipally  furnished  by  the  Venetians,  the  Pisans,  and  the  Geno- 
ese ;  who  acquired,  by  that  service,  imhiense  sums  of  money, 
and  opened  to  themselves,  at  the  same  time,  a  new  source  of 
wealth,  by  importing  into  Europe  the  commodities  of  Asia.  A 
taste  for  these  commodities  became  general.  The  Italian  cities 
grew  rich  and  powerful,  and  obtained  extensive  privileges.  Some 
of  them  erected  themselves  into  sovereignties,  others  into  corpo- 
rations or  independent  communities';  and  the  establishment  of 

1  Mura*.  Antio.Its!.  vol.  u. 


XET.  XXXVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  319 

those  communities  may  be  considered  as  the  first  great  step 
towards  civilization  in  modern  Europe. 

This  subject  requires  your  particular  attention.  The  feudal 
pjovernment,  as  I  have  had  occasion  to  observe,  had  degenerated 
into  a  system  of  oppression.  Not  only  the  inhabitants  of  the 
country,  but  even  whole  cities  and  villages,  held  of  some  great 
lord,  on  whom  th«y  depended  for  protection  :  and  the  citizens 
were  not  less  subject  to  his  arbitrary  jurisdiction  than  those  who 
were  employed  in  cultivating  the  estates  of  their  masters.  Ser- 
vices of  various  kinds,  equally  disgraceful  and  oppressive,  were 
exacted  from  them  without  mercy  or  moderation  :  and  they 
w^ere  deprived  of  the  most  natural  and  unalienable  rights  of 
humanity.  They  could  not  dispose  of  their  eifects  b}'  will,  ap- 
point guardians  to  their  children,  or  even  marry,  without  the 
consent  of  their  superior  lord*. 

As  men  in  such  a  condition  had  few  motives  to  industry,  we 
find  all  tlie  cities  of  Europe,  before  their  enfranchisement,  equal- 
ly poor  and  wretched.  But  no  sooner  were  they  formed  into  bo- 
dies politic,  governed  by  magistrates  chosen  from  among  their 
own  members,  than  the  spirit  of  industry  revived,  and  commerce 
began  to  flourish.  Population  increased  with  independence ;  the 
conveniences  of  life  with  the  means  of  procuring  them  :  proper- 
ty gave  birth  to  statutes  and  regulations;  a  sense  of  common  in- 
terests enforced  them;  and  the  more  frequent  occasions  of  inter- 
course among  men  and  kingdoms  gradually  led  to  a  greater  re- 
finement in  manners,  and  tended  to  wear  off  those  national  and 
local  prejudices  which  created  dissension  and  animosity  be- 
tween the  inhabitants  of  different  states  and  provinces. 

The  mode  in  which  these  immunities  were  obtained,  varied 
in  the  different  kingdoms  of  Europe.  Some  of  the  Italian  cities 
acquired  their  freedom  by  arms,  others  by  money ;  and  in 
France  and  Germany  many  of  the  great  barons  were  glad  to 
sell  charters  of  liberty  to  the  towns  within  their  jurisdiction,  in 
order  to  repair  the  expense  incurred  by  the  crusades.  The  so- 
vereigns also  granted,  or  sold,  similar  privileges  to  the  towns 
within  the  royal  domain,  with  a  view  of  creating  some  power 
that  might  counterbalance  their  potent  vassals,  who  often  gave 
law  to  the  crown'.  The  practice  quickly  spread  over  Europe  ; 
and  before  the  end  of  the  thirteenth  century  its  beneficial  eftects 
were  generally  felt. 

These  eflects  were  no  less  extensive  upon  government  than 
upon  manners.  Self-preservation  had  obliged  every  man,  dur- 

2  Ordoo.  dis  Rots  de  Fraiiee,  toraei. — D'Ach.  Spicileg,  voi.  xi. — Mr.rit.  Antiqiiit.  Ua]. 
rol.  w  3  l)i!  Cang",  vo».  Ctdiu.i-uiia. 


320  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

ing  several  centuries,  to  court  the  patronage  of  some  powerfu) 
baron,  whose  castle  was  the  common  asylum  in  times  of  danger; 
but  towns  surrounded  with  walls,  and  filled  with  citizens  train- 
ed to  arms,  bound  by  interest  as  w  ell  as  the  more  solemn  en- 
gagements, to  protect  each  other,  afforded  a  most  commodious 
and  secure  retreat.  The  nobles  became  of  less  importance, 
when  they  ceased  to  be  the  sole  guardians  of  the  people  ;  and 
the  crown  acquired  an  increase  of  power  and  consequence, 
when  it  no  longer  depended  entirely  upon  its  great  vassals  for 
the  supply  of  its  armies  The  cities  contributed  liberally  to- 
wards the  support  of  the  royal  authority,  as  they  deemed  the 
sovereigns  the  authors,  of  their  liberty,  and  their  protectors 
against  the  domineering  spirit  of  the  nobles.  Hence  flowed 
another  consequence  of  corporation  charters. 

The  inhabitants  of  cities  having  obtained  personal  freedom, 
and  municipal  jurisdiction,  soon  aspired  to  civil  liberty  and  po- 
litical power.  And  the  sovereigns,  in  most  kingdoms,  found  it 
necessary  to  admit  them  to  a  share  in  the  legislature,  on  account 
of  their  utility  in  raising  the  supplies  for  government ;  it  being 
a  fundamental  principle  in  the  feudal  policy,  that  no  free  man 
could  be  taxed  but  with  his  own  consent.  The  citizens  were  now 
free  ;  and  the  wealth,  power,  and  consequence,  which  they  ac- 
quired on  recovering  their  liberty,  added  weight  to  their  claim 
to  political  eminence,  and  seemed  to  mark  them  out  as  an  essen- 
tial branch  in  the  constitution.  They  had  it  much  in  their  pow- 
er to  supply  the  exigencies  of  the  crown,  and  also  to  repress  the 
encroachment  of  the  nobles.  In  England,  Germany,  and  even 
in  France,  where  the  voice  of  liberty  is  heard  no  more,  the  re- 
presentatives of  communities  accordingly  obtained,  by  different 
means,  a  place  in  the  national  council,  as  early  as  the  begin- 
ning of  the  fourteenth  century*. 

Thus,  my  dear  Philip,  an  intermediate  power  was  established 
between  the  king  and  nobles,  to  which  each  had  recourse  alter- 
nately, and  which  sometimes  opposed  the  one  and  sometimes  the 
other.  It  tempered  the  rigour  of  aristocratical  oppression  with 
a  mixture  of  popular  liberty,  while  it  restrained  the  usurpations 
of  the  crown  :  it  secured  to  the  great  body  of  the  people,  who 
had  formerly  no  representatives,  active  and  powerful  guardians 
of  their  rights  and  liberties  ;  and  it  entirely  changed  the  spirit 
of  the  laws,  by  introducing  into  the  statutes  and  the  jurispru- 
dence of  the  European  nations  ideas  of  equality,  order,  and 
public  good. 

w  (r*i  ^; ''Al>be  Mably,  Observat.  sur  I'Hist.  de  Frince,   tome  ii.— Hena.ilt     tome  i  — 
nrml'Bu'?^'    "  ^^"'"-  ^"^  ^'"^  'J'A'leraa.ne.-Bra.iy's  Treatise  of  Borouglii^Madox, 


LET.  XXXVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  521 

To  this  new  power  the  villains  or  slaves,  who  resided  in  the 
country  and  were  employed  in  agriculture,  looked  up  for  free- 
dom. They  obtained  it,  though  contrary  to  the  spirit  of  the  feu- 
dal polity.  The  odious  names  of  master  and  slave  were  abo- 
lished. The  husbandman  became  farmer  of  the  same  fields 
which  he  had  been  compelled  to  cultivate  for  the  benefit  of 
another.  He  reaped  a  share  of  the  fruits  of  his  own  industry. 
New  prospects  opened,  new  incitements  were  offered  to  inge- 
nuity and  enterprise.  The  activity  of  genius  was  awakened  ; 
and  a  numerous  class  of  men,  who  formerly  had  no  political 
existence,  were  restored  to  society,  and  augmented  the  force 
and  riches  of  the  state. 

The  second  great  advance  which  society  made,  during  the  pe- 
riod under  review,  was  an  approach  towards  a  more  regular  ad- 
ministration of  justice.  The  barbarous  nations  who  over-ran 
the  Roman  empire,  and  settled  in  its  provinces,  rejected  the  Ro- 
man jurisprudence  with  the  same  contempt  with  which  they 
spurned  the  Roman  arts.  Both  respected  objects  of  which  they 
had  no  conception,  and  were  adapted  to  a  state  of  society  with 
which  they  were  then  unacquainted.  But  as  civilization  advan- 
ced, they  became  sensible  of  the  imperfection  of  their  own  in- 
stitutions, and  even  of  their  absurdity.  Trials  by  ordeal  and  by 
duel  were  abolished  in  most  countries  before  the  close  of  the  thir- 
teenth century,  and  various  attempts  were  made  to  restrain  the 
practice  of  private  war  ;  one  of  the  greatest  abuses  in  the  feu- 
dal polity,  and  which  struck  at  the  foundation  of  all  government. 

As  the  authority  of  the  civil  magistrates  was  found  ineffectual 
to  remedy  this  evil,  the  church  interposed ;  and  various  regu- 
lations were  published,  in  order  to  set  bounds  to  private  hostili- 
ties. But  these  all  proving  insufficient,  supernatural  means 
were  employed ;  a  letter  was  sent  from  heaven  to  a  bishop  of 
Aquitaine,  commanding  men  to  cease  from  violence,  and  be 
reconciled  to  each  other.  This  revelation  was  published  during 
a  season  of  public  calamity,  when  men  were  willing  to  perform 
any  thing  in  order  to  avert  the  wrath  of  an  offended  God.  A 
general  reconciliation  took  place  :  and  a  resolution  was  formed, 
that  no  man  should  in  future  attack  or  molest  his  adversaries 
during  the  seasons  appropriated  for  the  celebration  of  the  great 
festivals  of  the  church,  or  from  the  end  of  Thursday  in  each 
week  to  the  beginning  of  Monday  in  the  week  ensuing  ;  the 
three  intervening  days  being  considered  as  particularly  holy, 
Christ's  passion  having  happened  on  one  of  those  days,  and  his 
resurrection  on  another.  This  cessation  from  hostilities  was 
called  "  The  Truce  of  God;''  and  threesomplete  days,  in  every 

Vol.  I.  S  s        ■*' 


322  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  r. 

week,  allowed  such  a  considerable  space  for  the  passions  of  the 
antagonists  to  cool,  and  for  the  people  to  enjoy  a  respite  from 
the  calamities  of  war,  as  well  as  to  take  measures  for  their  own 
security,  that,  if  the  Truce  of  God  had  been  strictly  observed,, 
it  would  have  gone  far  towards  putting  an  end  to  private  wars. 
That,  however,  was  not  the  case  ;  the  nobles  prosecuted  their 
quarrels,  as  formerly,  till  towards  the  end  of  the  twelfth  centu- 
ry, when  a  carpenter  of  Guienne  gave  out,  that  Jesus  Christ 
had  appeared  to  him,  and,  having  commanded  him  to  exhort 
mankind  to  peace,  had  given  him  as  a  proof  of  his  mission,  an 
image  of  the  Virgin  holding  her  son  in  her  arms,  with  this  in- 
scription :  "  Lamb  of  God,  who  taketh  away  the  sins  of  the 
"  world,  give  us  peace  !^'  This  low  fanatic  was  received  as  an 
inspired  messenger  of  Heaven.  Many  prelates  and  barons  as- 
sembled at  Puy,  and  took  an  oath,  not  only  to  make  peace  with 
all  their  own  enemies,  but  to  attack  such  as  refused  to  lay  down 
their  arms  and  to  be  reconciled  to  their  adversaries.  They 
formed  an  association  for  that  purpose,  and  assumed  the  hon- 
ourable name  of  "  The  Brotherhood  of  God."  Associations^of 
the  same  kind  were  formed  in  other  countries  ;  and  these,  to- 
gether with  civil  prohibitions,  enforced  by  royal  power,  con- 
tributed to  remove  this  pernicious  evil*. 

When  society  was  thus  emerging  from  barbarism,  and  men 
were  become  sensible  of  the  necessity  of  order,  a  copy  of  Justi- 
nian's Pandects  was  discovered  at  Amalphi,  in  Italy  ;  and  al- 
though the  age  had  still  too  little  taste  to  relish  the  beauty  of 
the  Roman  classics,  it  immediately  perceived  the  merit  of  a 
system  of  laws,  in  which  all  the  points  most  interesting  to  man- 
kind were  settled  with  precision,  discernment  and  equity.  All 
men  of  letters  were  struck  with  admiration  at  the  wisdom  of 
the  ancients :  the  code  of  Justinian  was  studied  with  eagerness  : 
and  professors  of  civil  law  were  appointed,  who  taught  this 
nev\  science  in  most  countries  of  Europe. 

The  elFects  of  studying  and  imitating  so  perfect  a  model 
were,  as  might  be  expected,  great.  Fixed  and  general  laws 
were  estublibhed  ;  the  principles  and  the  forms  by  which  judges 
should  regulate  their  decisions  were  ascertained ;  the  feudal 
law  was  reduced  into  a  regular  system ;  the  canon  law  was 
inelhodised ;  the  loose  uncertain  customs  of  different  provinces 
or  kingdoms  were  collected  and  arranged  with  order  and  ac- 
curacy. And  these  improvements  in  the  system  of  jurispru- 
dence had  an  extensive  influence  upon  society.  They  gave 
rise  to  a  distinction  of  professions. 

5  Uu  Cange,  Gloss,  voc.  Treuga. — Du^Mont,  Corps  Diplomatique,  tome  i. — Robertson's 
Iiilrod.  Hist.  Charles  V.  sect.  i. — Hume's  Hist.  England,  Append,  i. 


LET.  XXXVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  323 

Among  rude  nations  no  profession  is  honourable  but  that  of 
arms,  and,  as  the  functions  of  peace  are  few  and  simple,  war  is 
the  only  study.  Such  had  been  the  state  of  Europe  during  se- 
veral centuries.  But  when  law  became  a  science,  the  knowledge 
of  which  required  a  regular  course  of  studies  and  long  attention 
to  the  practice  of  courts,  a  new  order  of  men  naturally  acquired 
consideration  and  influence  in  society.  Another  profession  be- 
side that  of  arms  was  introduced,  and  reputed  honourable  among 
the  laity  :  the  talents  requisite  for  discharging  it  were  cultiva- 
ted :  the  arts  and  virtues  of  peace  were  placed  in  their  proper 
rank  ;  and  the  people  of  Europe  became  accustomed  to  see 
men  rise  to  eminence  by  civil  as  well  as  military  employmenf*. 

The  study  of  the  Roman  law  had  also  a  considerable  influence 
upon  letters.  The  knowledge  of  a  variety  of  sciences  became 
necessary,  in  order  to  expound  with  judgment  the  civil  code  ; 
and  the  same  passion  which  impelled  men  to  prosecute  the  juri- 
dical science  with  so  much  ardour,  rendered  them  anxious  to 
excel  in  every  branch  of  literature.  Colleges  and  universities 
were  founded;  a  regular  course  of  study  was  planned,  and  a  re- 
gular set  of  professors  established.  Privileges  of  great  value 
were  conferred  upon  masters  and  scholars;  academical  titles  and 
honours  were  invented,  as  rewards  for  the  different  degrees  of 
literary  eminence ;  and  an  incredible  number  of  students,  allur- 
ed by  these  advantages,  resorted  to  the  new  seats  of  learning. 

But  a  false  taste  unhappily  infected  all  those  seminaries  :  for 
which  a  learned  and  inquisitive  writer  thus  ingeniously  accounts. 
Most  of  the  persons  who  attempted  to  revive  literature  in  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  had  received  instruction,  and 
derived  their  principles  of  science,  from  the  Greeks  in  the  Eas- 
tern empire,  or  the  Arabs  in  Spain  and  Africa.  Both  those  peo- 
ple, acute  and  inquisitive  to  excess,  corrupted  the  sciences 
which  they  cultivated.  The  Greeks  rendered  theology  a  sys- 
tem of  speculative  refinement,  or  endless  controversy  ;  and  the 
Arabs  communicated  to  philosophy  a  spirit  of  metaphysical  and 
frivolous  subtilty.  Misled  by  these  guides,  the  persons  who 
first  applied  to  science  were  involved  in  a  maze  of  intricate  in- 
quiries. Instead  of  allowing  their  fancy  to  take  its  natural  range, 
and  produce  such  works  of  elegant  invention  as  might  have  im- 
proved the  taste  and  refined  the  sentiments  of  the  age  ;  instead 
of  cultivating  those  arts  which  embellish  human  life,  and  ren- 
der it  delightful ;  they  spent  the  whole  force  of  their  genius  in 
speculations  as  unavailing  as  they  were  difficult^ 

But,  fruitless  and  ill- directed  as  these  speculations  were,  their 
novelty  roused,  and  their  boldness  engaged,  the  human  mind  : 

6  Montesquieu,  I'Espritde  Lois,  lir.  xxviii.— Hume. — Robertson. 

7  Robertson's  lutroduct,  sect  i. 


324  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

and  although  science  was  further  circumscribed  in  its  influence, 
and  prevented  during  several  ages  from  diffusing  itself  thKough 
society,  by  being  delivered  in  the  Latin  tongue,  its  progress  de- 
serves to  be  mentioned,  as  one  of  the  great  causes  which  con- 
tributed to  introduce  a  change  of  manners  into  modern  Europe. 
That  ardent  though  mistaken  spirit  of  inquiry  which  prevailed, 
gave  a  stinmlus  to  ingenuity  and  invention  :  it  led  men  to  a  new 
employmentof  their  faculties,  which  they  found  to  be  agreeable 
as  well  as  interesting;  it  accustomed  them  to  exercises  and  occu- 
pations that  tended  to  soften  their  manners,  and  to  give  them 
some  relish  for  those  gentle  virtues  whicli  are  peculiar  to  na- 
tions among  whom  science  has  been  cultivated  with  success. 

Some  ages  indeed  elapsed  before  taste,  order,  and  politeness, 
were  restored  to  society  :  but  anarchy  and  barbarism  gradually 
disappeared  with  ignorance  ;  the  evils  of  life,  with  its  crimes  : 
and  public  and  private  happiness  began  to  be  better  understood; 
until  Europe  (wisely  governed)  attained  the  enjoyment  of  all 
those  advantages,  pleasures,  amusements,  and  tender  sympa- 
thies, which  are  necessary  to  alleviate  the  pains  inseparable 
from  existence,  and  soothe  the  sorrows  allied  to  humanity. 


LETTER  XXXVIL 


History  of  England  during  the  Reign  of  Edward  I.  with  an  In- 
troduction to  that  of  Scotland^  and  some  Account  of  the  Con- 
guest  of  that  Country  ky  the  English^  as  well  as  of  the  final 
Reduction  of  JFales. 

THE  reign  of  Edward  L,  my  dear  Philip,  as  I  have  al- 
ready observed,  forms  a  new  aera  in  the  history  of  Britain.     I 
must  now  make  you  sensible  what  entitles  it  to  that  distinction. 
As  soon  as  Edward  returned  to  England  (where  his  autho- 
-.nryA   rity  was  firmly  established  by  his  high  character 
^'     '  '  both  at  home  and  abroad),  he  applied  himself  assi- 

duously to  the  correction  of  those  disorders  which  the  civil  com- 
motions, and  the  loose  administration  of  his  father,  had  intro- 
duced into  every  part  of  government.  By  an  exact  distribution 
of  justice,  and  a  rigid  execution  of  the  laws,  he  at  once  gave 
protection  to  the  inferior  orders  of  the  state,  and  diminished 
the  arbitrary  power  of  the  nobles.  He  made  it  a  rule  in  his 
own  conduct  to  observe,   except  upon  extraordinary  occa- 


LET.  XXXVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  326 

sions,  the  privileges  secured  to  the  barons  by  the  Great  Char- 
ter; and  he  insisted  on  their  observance  of  the  same  charter  to- 
wards their  vassials.  He  took  measures  for  attracting  reverence 
to  the  crown  as  the  grand  fountain  of  justice,  and  the  general 
asylum  against  violence  and  oppression.  By  these  judicious 
proceedings,  the  state  of  the  kingdom  was  soon  wholly  chang- 
ed: order  and  tranquillity  were  restored  to  society,  and  vigour 
to  governments 

Now  it  was  that  the  enterprising  spirit  of  Edward  began 
more  remarkably  to  show  itself.  He  undertook  an  ,^77 

expedition  against  Llewellyn  prince  of  Wales,  who 
had  formerly  joined  the  rebellious  barons,  and  whose  two  bro- 
thers, David  and  Roderic,  had  fled  to  Edward  for  protection, 
craving  his  assistance  to  recover  their  possessions,  and  second- 
ing his  attempts  to  enslave  their  native  country. 

The  Welsh  prince  had  no  resource  against  the  superior  force 
of  Edward  but  the  inaccessible  situation  of  his  mountains,  which 
had  protected  his  forefathers  against  all  the  attempts  of  the 
Saxon  and  Norman  conquerors.  He  accordingly  retired  with 
the  bravest  of  his  subjects  among  the  hills  of  Snowdon.  But 
Edward,  no  less  vigorous  than  cautious,  pierced  into  the  heart 
of  the  country,  and  approached  the  Welsh  army  in  its  last  re- 
treat. Having  carefully  secured  every  pass  behind  him,  he 
avoided  putting  to  trial  the  valour  of  a  nation  proud  of  its  an- 
cient independence.  He  was  willing  to  trust  to  the  more  slow 
but  sure  effects  of  famine  for  success  :  and  Llewellyn  vvas  at 
length  obliged  to  submit,  and  receive  the  terms  imposed  upon 
him  by  the  English  monarch^. 

These  terms  were  ill  observed  by  the  victors,  who  oppressed 
and  insulted  the  inhabitants  of  the  districts  which  were  yielded 
to  them.  The  indignation  of  the  Welsh  was  roused :  they  flew 
to  arms :  and  Edward  again  entered  Wales  with  an  army,  not 
displeased  with  the  occasion  of  making  his  conquest  final.  This 
army  he  committed  to  the  command  of  Roger  Mortimer,  while 
he  himself  waited  the  event  in  the  castle  of  Rhudlan  ;  and  Lle- 
wellyn, having  ventured  to  leave  his  fastnesses,  was  defeated 
by  Mortimer,  and  slain,  with  two  thousand  of  his  1282 

followers.     All  the  Welsh  nobility  submitted  to     '     ' 
Edward,  and  the  laws  of  England  were  established  in  the  prin- 
cipality \ 

In  order  to  preserve  his  conquest,  Edward  had  recourse  to  a 
barbarous  policy.  He  ordered  David,  brother  to  Llewellyn,  and 

1  M.  Westm.— T.  Walsing,  Hist.  Brev.  2  Chron.  Wikes. 

3  T.  Wals. — Annal.  Wave. — Powel's  Hist.  Wales. 


326  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

12R8  ^^'^  successor  in  the  principality  of  Wales,  to  be 
^'  ^'  '  hanged,  drawn,  and  quartered,  as  a  traitor,  for  tak- 

ing arms  in  defence  of  his  native  country,  which  he  had  once 
unhappily  deserted,  and  for  maintaining  by  force  his  own  he- 
reditary authority.  He  also  ordered  all  the  Welsh  bards  to  be 
put  to  death ;  from  a  belief,  and  no  absurd  one,  that  he  should 
more  easily  subdue  the  independent  spirit  of  the  people,  when 
their  minds  ceased  to  be  roused  by  the  ideas  of  military  valour 
and  ancient  glory,  preserved  in  the  traditional  poems  of  those 
minstrels,  and  recited  or  sung  by  them  on  all  public  occasions 
and  days  of  festivity*. 

Edward's  conduct  in  regard  to  Scotland,  at  which  his  ambi- 
tion now  pointed,  is  little  more  excusable.  But  some  points 
must  be  premised,  my  dear  Philip,  before  I  proceed  to  his 
transactions  with  that  country. 

After  the  final  departure  of  the  Romans  from  this  island,  the 
Scots,  who  had  colonised  some  of  its  northern  districts,  were 
driven  to  Ireland  by  the  Picts:  but,  about  the  beginning  of  the 
sixth  century,  Fergus  and  Lorn,  two  enterprising  brothers, 
emigrated  with  an  army  from  their  Hibernian  settlements,  and 
erected  a  kingdom  in  Argyleshire,  and  the  neighbouring  terri- 
tories. Wars  were  occasionally  carried  on  between  the  suc- 
cessors of  Fergus  and  the  Pictish  kings,  till  Kenneth  the  Scot, 
either  by  inheritance  or  by  conquest,  united  into  one  monarchy 
the  whole  country  at  present  known  by  the  name  of  North  Bri- 
tain. The  Scots  thenceforth  became  more  formidable;  and, 
having  less  business  on  their  hands  at  home,  were  always  rea- 
dy to  join  the  English  malcontents,  and  made  frequent  incur- 
sions into  the  bordering  counties.  In  one  of  these  inroads,  Wil- 
liam king  of  Scotland  was  taken  prisoner;  and  Henry  II.,  as 
the  i^rice  of  his  liberty,  not  only  extorted  from  him  an  exorbi- 
tant ransom,  and  a  promise  to  surrender  the  places  of  greatest 
strength  in  his  dominions,  but  compelled  him  to  do  homage  for 
his  whole  kingdom.  Richard  I.,  a  more  generous  but  less  poli- 
tic prince  than  his  father,  solemnly  renounced  his  claim  of  ho- 
mage, and  absolved  William  from  the  other  severe  conditions 
which  Henry  had  imposed.  The  crown  6f  Scodand  was  there- 
fore again  independent ;  and  the  -  northern  potentate  only  did 
homage  for  the  fiefs  which  he  enjoyed  in  England,  (a  circum- 
stance which  has  occasioned  various  mistakes  and  much  dispute 
among  historians)  in  the  same  manner  as  the  king  of  England 
himself  swore  fealty  to  the  French  monarch,  for  the  fiefs  which 
12Rfi  ^^^  inherited  in  France.  But  on  the  death  of  Alex- 
'  ander  III.,  above  a  century  after  the  captivity  of 

4  Sir  J.  Wynne. 


LET.  xxxvii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  527 

William,  Edward  I.,  availing  himself  of  the  situation  of  affairs 
in  Scotland,  revived  the  claim  of  sovereignty  which  had  been 
renounced  by  Richard*. 

This  is  the  real  state  of  the  controversy  concerning  the  inde- 
pendence of  Scotland  which  took  its  rise  about  this  time,  and 
in  the  following  manner.  As  Alexander  left  no  male  issue,  nor 
any  descendant  except  Margaret  of  Norway,  his  grand-daugh- 
ter, who  did  not  long  survive  him,  the  right  of  succession  be- 
longed to  the  descendants  of  David  earl  of  Huntingdon,  third 
son  of  king  David  I.  Of  that  line,  two  illustrious  competitors 
for  the  crown  appeared  :  Robert  Bruce,  son  of  Isabel,  earl  Da- 
vid's second  daughter;  and  John  Baliol,  grandson  of  Margaret, 
the  eldest  daughter.  According  to  the  rules  of  succession  now 
established,  BalioFs  right  was  preferable ;  he  would  succeed 
as  the  representative  of  his  mother  and  grandmother;  and 
Bruce's  plea  of  being  one  degree  nearer  the  common  stock 
would  be  disregarded.  But  in  that  age  the  question  ap- 
peared no  less  intricate  than  important ;  the  sentiments  of  men 
were  divided  :  each  claim  was  supported  by  a  powerful  faction; 
and  arms  alone,  it  was  feared,  must  terminate  a  dispute  too 
weighty  for  the  laws  to  decide. 

In  this  critical  situation  the  parliament  of  Scotland,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  miseries  of  civil  war,  embraced  the  dangerous  re- 
solution of  appealing  to  Edward  I.  He  was  accordingly  chosen 
arbitrator ;  and  both  parties  agreed  to  acquiesce  in  his  decree. 
Now  it  was  that  this  ambitious  and  enterprising  prince,  already 
master  of  Wales,  resolved  to  make  himself  lord  of  the  whole 
island  of  Britain,  by  reviving  his  obscure  claim  of  feudal  supe- 
riority over  Scotland.  Under  pretence  of  examining  the  ques- 
tion with  the  utmost  solemnity,  he  summoned  all  ,  ngi 
the  Scottish  barons  to  attend  him  at  Norham  on  the  ^  '  ' 
southern  banks  of  the  Tweed ;  and  having  gained  some,  and  in= 
timidated  others,  he  prevailed  on  all  who  were  present,  not  ex- 
cepting Bruce  and  Baliol,  the  two  competitors  for  the  succes- 
sion, to  acknowledge  Scotland  a  fief  of  the  English  crown,  and 
swear  fealty  to  him  as  their  sovereign  or  liege  lord^. 

This  step  led  to  another  still  more  important.  As  it  was  in 
vain  to  pronounce  a  sentence  which  he  had  not  power  to  exe- 
cute, Edward  demanded  possession  of  the  disputed  kingdom, 
that  he  might  be  able  to  deliver  it  to  him  whose  right  should  be 
found  preferable  :  and  with  that  exorliitant  demand  the  barons 

5  Bachan.  Rerum.  Scoticarum  Hist.  lib.  viii, — Uoborlsou's  Hist,  of  Scotland,  book  i, 
Ti  Rvmer  vol.  ii. — \V.  HeroinK-  vol.  i. 


328  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

1 292  ^"^  ^^^  claimants  complied.  He  soon  after  gave 
'  judgment  in  favour  of  Baliol,  as  being  the  least 
formidable  of  the  competitors,  in  the  opinion  of  a  respectable 
historian^;  but,  in  justice  to  Edward,  I  am  bound  to  say,  that 
his  award,  which  was  no  less  equitable  than  solemn,  seemed 
to  proceed  merely  from  the  state  of  the  question.  He  not  only 
referred  it  to  the  consideration  of  a  hundred  and  forty  com- 
missioners, pardy  English  and  pardy  Scotch,  but  proposed  it  to 
all  the  celebrated  lawyers  in  Europe,  who  returned  an  uniform 
answer  conformable  to  the  king's  decree.  Baliol  renewed  the 
oath  of  fealty  to  England,  and  was  put  in  possession  of  the 
kingdom*. 

Edward  having  thus  established  his  unjust  claim  of  feudal 
superiority  over  Scotland,  aimed  at  the  absolute  sovereignty 
and  dominion  of  that  kingdom.  He  attempted  to  provoke  Baliol 
by  indignities ;  to  rouse  him  to  rebellion,  and  to  rob  him  of  his 
crown,  as  the  punishment  of  his  pretended  treason  and  felony. 
,2gc  Even  the  passive  spirit  of  Baliol  began  to  mutiny; 
*  and  he  entered  into  a  secret  alliance  with  France, 
which  was  already  engaged  in  a  war  with  England,  the  more 
effectually  to  maintain  his  independence. 

The  expenses  attending  these  multiplied  wars  of  Edward,  and 
his  new  preparations  for  reducing  Scotland,  obliged  him  to  have 
frequent  recourse  to  parliamentary  supplies,  and  introduced  the 
lower  orders  of  the  state  into  the  public  councils.  This  period, 
therefore,  the  twenty-third  year  of  his  reign,  seems  to  be  the 
true  aera  of  the  House  of  Commons:  for  the  former  precedent  of 
representatives  from  the  boroughs,  summoned  by  the  earl  of 
Leicester,  was  regarded  as  the  irregular  act  of  a  faction,  and  had 
been  discontinued  in  all  the  subsequent  parliaments.  But  when 
the  multiphed  necessities  of  the  crown  produced  a  greater  de- 
mand for  money  than  could  be  conveniently  answered  by  the 
common  mode  of  taxation,  Edward  became  sensible,  that  the 
most  expeditious  way  of  obtaining  supplies  would  be,  to  assem- 
ble the  deputies  of  all  the  boroughs,  inform  them  explicitly  of 
the  exigencies  of  the  state,  and  desire  their  consent  to  the  de- 
mands of  their  sovereign.  He  therefore  issued  writs  to  the  she- 
riffs enjoining  them  to  send  to  parliament,  with  two  knights  of 
the  shire,  two  deputies  from  each  borough  within  their  county, 
provided  with  sufficient  powers  from  their  community,  to  con- 
sent to  such  imposts  as  might  seem  necessary  for  the  support 
of  government — "  as  it  is  a  most  equitable  rule,''  says  he,  in  his 
preamble  to  this  writ,  "  that  what  concerns  all  should  be  ap- 

7  Robertson.  SRymer,  vol.  ii. — W.  Heming,  vol.  i. 


LET.  XXXVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  329 

"  proved  by  all,  and  common  dangers  be  repelled  by  united 
efforts^."  Such  a  way  of  thinking  implies  a  generosity  of 
mind  much  superior  to  what  might  be  expected  from  Edward's 
general  conduct. 

The  different  corporations,  after  the  election  of  these  depu- 
ties, gave  security  for  their  attendance  before  the  king  and  par- 
liament ;  and  their  charges  were  borne  by  the  borough  that 
sent  them'" :  how  different  in  that,  as  well  as  in  other  respects, 
from  our  more  modern  representatives  ! — Instead  of  checking 
and  controlling  the  authority  of  the  king,  they  were  naturally 
induced  to  adhere  to  him,  as  the  great  fountain  of  justice,  and  to 
support  him  against  the  power  of  the  nobles,  uho  at  once  op- 
pressed them,  and  disturbed  him  in  the  execution  of  the  laws. 
The  king,  in  his  turn,  gave  countenance  to  an  order  of  men  so 
useful,  and  so  little  dangerous.  The  peers  also  were  obliged  to 
treat  them  with  some  respect,  on  account  of  their  consequence 
as  a  body.  By  these  means  the  commons,  or  third  estate,  long 
so  abject  in  England,  as  well  as  in  all  other  European  countries, 
rose  gradually  to  their  present  importance  ;  and,  in  their  pro- 
gress, made  arts  and  commerce,  the  necessary  attendants  of 
liberty  and  equality,  flourish^in  Britain. 

Edward  employed  the  supplies  granted  by  his  people  in  war- 
like preparations  against  his  northern  neighbour.  He  cited  Ba- 
liol,  as  his  vassal,  to  appear  in  an  English  parlia-  -  ^ 

ment  at  Newcastle.  But  that  prince  having  now  ^'  ^'  '  ^"* 
received  pope  Celestin's  dispensation  from  his  oath  of  fealty, 
renounced  his  homage  to  England,  and  set  Edward  at  defiance. 
This  bravado  was  but  ill  supported  by  the  military  operations 
of  the  Scots.  Edward  crossed  the  Tweed  without  opposition, 
at  the  head  of  thirty  thousand  foot,  and  four  thousand  horse. 
Berwick  was  taken  by  assault ;  the  Scots  were  totally  routed 
near  Dunbar;  the  whole  southern  part  of  the  kingdom  was  sub- 
dued; and  the  timid  Baliol,  discontented  with  his  own  subjects, 
and  over-awed  by  the  English,  instead  of  making  use  of  those 
resources  which  were  yet  left,  hastened  to  make  his  submissions 
to  the  conqueror.  He  expressed  the  deepest  penitence  for  his 
disloyalty  to  his  liege  lord  ;  and  he  made  a  solemn  and  irrevo- 
cable renunciation  of  his  crown  into  the  hands  of  Edward^\ 

The  English  monarch  marched  as  far  north  as  Aberdeen  and 
Elgin  without  meeting  a  single  enemy.  No  Scot  approached 
him,  but  to  do  homage.  Even  the  turbulent  Highlanders,  ever 
refractory  to  their  own  princes,  andinsubmissive  to  the  restraints 
of  law,  endeavoured  by  a  timely  obedience  to  prevent  thedevas- 

9  Brady's  Treatise  of  Boroughs,  from  the  Records.      10  Id.  ibid. — Reliquiae  Spelm. 
II  Ryraer,  vol.  ii, — Heraing.  vol.  i. — Triveti  Annal. 

Vol.  I.  T  t 


330  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

tation  of  their  country ;  and  Edward,  flattering  himself  that  he 
had  now  attained  the  great  object  of  his  wishes,  in  the  final  re- 
duction of  Scotland,  left  earl  VVarrenne  governor  of  the  king- 
don,  and  returned  with  his  victorious  army  into  England'^ 

Here  a  few  particulars  are  necessary.  There  was  a  stone,  to 
which  the  popular  superstition  of  the  Scots  paid  the  highest  ve- 
neration. AH  their  kings  were  seated  on  it  when  they  received 
inauguration.  Ancient  tradition  assured  them,  that  their  nation 
should  always  govern  where  this  stone  was  placed ;  and  it  was 
carefully  preserved  at  Scone,  as  the  true  palladium  of  their  mo- 
narchy, and  their  ultimate  resource  under  all  misfortunes.  Ed- 
ward gained  possession  of  it,  and  carried  it  with  him  into  Eng- 
land. He  also  gave  orders  for  the  destruction  of  the  records, 
and  of  all  documents  calculated  to  preserve  the  memory  of  the 
independence  of  the  kingdom  of  Scotland,  and  refute  the  English 
claims  of  superiority.  The  great  seal  of  Baliol  was  broken,  and 
that  prince  himself  was  brought  to  London,  and  committed  to 
close  custody  in  the  Tower'^.  Two  years  after  he  was  restored 
to  liberty,  and  submitted  to  a  voluntary  banishment  in  France  ; 
where,  without  making  any  farther  attempt  for  the  recovery  of 
his  royalty,  he  died  in  a  private  station. 

Edward  was  not  so  successful  in  an  efibrt  which  he  made  for 
the  recovery  of  Guienne.  Philip  the  Fair  had  robbed  England 
of  this  province,  by  an  artifice  similar  to  that  which  Edward 
had  practised  against  the  Scots.  He  had  cited  the  English  mo- 
narch, as  his  vassal,  to  answer  in  the  court  of  peers  to  the  charge 
of  treason  against  his  sovereign,  for  having  permitted  his  sub- 
jects to  seize  some  Norman  vessels,  and  denied  satisfaction;  and 
Edward  refusing  to  comply,  was  declared  guilty  of  treason,  and 
the  duchy  of  Guienne  confiscated.  An  English  army  was  sent 
over  to  recover  it,  under  the  earl  of  Lancaster,  who  died  in  a 
short  time  :  and  the  earl  of  Lincoln,  who  succeeded  him  in  the 
command,  failed  in  the  attempt.  But  the  active  and  ambitious 
spirit  of  Edward  could  not  rest  satisfied  so  long  as  the  ancient 
patrimony  of  his  family  remained  in  the  hands  of  his  rival.  He 
£jQ_  therefore  entered  into  an  alliance  with  the  earls  of 
A.  D.  I^y7.  jjq113j^(J  jjj^^j  Flanders^* ;  and  hoped  that,  when  he 

should  enter  the  frontiers  of  France  at  the  head  of  English,  Fle- 
mish, and  Dutch  armies,  the  French  king  would  purchase 
peace  by  the  restitution  of  Guienne. 

To  set  this  vast  machine  in  motion,  considerable  supplies  were 
necessary  from  parliament ;  and  these  Edward  readily  obtained 
both  from  the  lords  and  commons.  He  was  not  so  fortunate  in 
his  impositions  on  the  clergy,  whom  he  always  hated,  and  from 

12  Heming.— Trivet.       13  W.  Heming.— T.  Walsingham.        14  Bymer,  vol. ii. 


IBT.  XXXVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  331 

whom  he  demanded  a  fifth  of  all  their  moveables,  as  a  punish- 
ment for  their  adherence  to  the  Monfort  faction.  They  urged 
the  pope's  bull  in  opposition  to  all  such  demands ;  and  Edward, 
instead  of  applying  to  Boniface  VIII. ,  then  pontiff,  for  a  relax- 
ation of  his  mandate,  boldly  told  the  ecclesiastics,  that,  since 
they  refused  to  support  the  civil  government,  they  were  un- 
worthy of  receiving  any  benefit  from  it,  and  he  would  accord- 
ingly put  them  out  of  the  protection  of  the  laws. 

This  vigorous  measure  was  immediately  carried  into  execu- 
tion. Orders  were  issued  to  the  judges  to  receive  no  cause 
brought  before  them  by  the  clergy  ;  to  hear  and  decide  all 
causes  in  which  they  were  defendants  ;  to  do  every  one  justice 
against  them,  but  to  do  them  justice  against  nobody.  The  ec- 
clesiastics soon  found  themselves  in  a  very  miserable  situation. 
They  could  not  remain  always  in  their  own  houses  or  convents 
for  want  of  subsistence  :  if  they  went  abroad  in  quest  of  neces- 
saries, they  were  robbed  and  abused  by  every  ruffian,  and  no 
redress  could  be  obtained  by  them  for  the  most  violent  injury. 
The  spirit  of  the  clergy  was  at  last  broken  by  this  harsh  treat- 
ment. They  all  either  publicly  or  privately  complied  with  the 
king's  demands,  and  received  the  protection  of  the  lawsi*.  Not 
one  ecclesiastic,  as  the  sagacious  Hume  remarks,  seemed  will- 
ing to  suffer,  for  the  sake  of  religious  privileges,  this  new  spe- 
cies of  martyrdom,  the  most  tedious  and  languishing  of  any;  the 
most  mortifying  to  spiritual  pride,  and  not  rewarded  by  that 
crown  of  glory  which  the  church  holds  up  with  such  ostenta- 
tion to  her  faithful  sons. 

But  all  these  supplies  were  not  sufficient  for  the  king^s  neces- 
sities. He  therefore  had  recourse  to  arbitrary  power,  and  exact- 
ed contributions  from  every  order  of  men  in  the  kingdom.  The 
people  murmured,  and  the  barons  mutinied,  notwithstanding 
their  great  personal  regard  for  Edward.  He  was  obliged  to 
make  concessions  ;  to  promise  all  his  subjects  a  compensation 
for  the  losses  they  had  sustained  ;  and  to  confirm  the  Great 
Charter,  with  an  additional  clause,  in  order  to  secure  the  nation 
for  ever  against  all  impositions  and  taxes  without  consentof  par- 
liament^^. These  concessions,  my  dear  Philip,  our  ancestors 
had  the  honour  of  extorting,  by  their  boldness  and  perseverance, 
from  the  ablest,  the  most  warlike,  and  the  most  ambitious  mo- 
narch that  ever  sat  upon  the  throne  of  England.  The  validity 
of  the  Great  Charter  was  never  afterwards  formally  disputed. 

These  domestic  discontents  obstructed  the  king's  embarka- 
tion for  Flanders  ;  so  that  he  lost  the  proper  season  for  action, 
and  after  his  arrival  made  no  great  progress  against  the  enemy, 

16  W.  Heming.  vol.  i.  ChroB.  DuHst.  yol.  ii.        16  T.  VValsinghaiD.— W.  Hemingford. 


532  THE  HISTOllY  OF  part  i. 

The  French  monarch,  however,  proposed  a  cessation  of  arms ; 
and  peace  wassoonafterconcludedby  the  mediation  of  the  pope, 
in  consequence  of  which  Guienne  was  restored  to  England. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Scots  rebelled.  Earl  Warrenne  hav- 
ing returned  to  England,  on  account  of  his  ill  state  of  health, 
had  left  the  administration  entirely  in  the  hands  of  Ormsby  and 
Cressingham,  the  officers  next  in  rank,  who,  instead  of  acting 
with  the  prudence  and  moderation  necessary  to  reconcile  the 
Scots  to  a  yoke  which  they  bore  with  such  extreme  reluctance, 
exasperated  all  men  of  spirit  by  the  rigour  of  their  government. 
Among  these  William  Wallace,  whose  heroic  exploits  are  wor- 
thy of  just  panegyric,  but  to  whom  the  fond  admiration  of  the 
Scots  has  ascribed  many  fabulous  acts  of  prowess,  undertook 
and  accomplished  the  difficult  project  of  delivering  his  native 
country  from  the  dominion  of  foreigners.  He  had  been  provoked 
by  the  insolence  of  an  English  officer  to  put  him  to  death  ;  and 
finding  himself  on  that  account  obnoxious  to  the  conquerors,  he 
fled  into  the  woods,  and  offered  himself  as  a  leader  to  all  whom 
the  oppressions  of  the  English  governors  had  reduced  to  the  like 
necessity.  He  was  of  a  gigantic  stature,  and  endowed  with 
wonderful  strength  of  body,  invincible  fortitude  of  mind,  disin- 
terested magnanimity,  incredible  patience,  and  ability  to  bear 
hunger,  fatigue,  and  all  the  severities  of  the  seasons;  so  that  he 
soon  acquired,  among  his  desperate  associates,  that  authority  to 
which  his  virtues  so  eminently  entitled  him.  Every  day  brought 
accounts  of  his  gallant  actions,  which  were  received  with  no  less 
favour  by  his  countrymen  than  terror  by  the  enemy.  All  men 
who  thirsted  after  military  fame  were  desirous  to  partake  of  his 
renown  ;  his  successful  valour  seemed  to  vindicate  the  nation 
from  the  ignominy  under  which  it  had  fallen  by  its  tame  sub- 
mission to  the  English;  and  although  no  nobleman  of  eminence 
ventured  yet  to  join  the  party  of  Wallace,  he  had  gained  a  ge- 
neral confidence  and  attachment  which  birth  and  fortune  alone 
are  not  able  to  confer. 

So  many  fortunate  enterprises  brought  the  valour  of  the  Scot- 
tish chieftain's  followers  to  correspond  with  his  ou  n  ;  and  he  de- 
termined to  strike  a  decisive  blow  against  the  English  govern- 
ment. Ormsby,  apprised  of  this  intention,  fled  hastily  into  Eng- 
land ;  and  all  the  other  officers  of  his  nation  imitated  his  exam- 
ple. Their  terror  added  courage  to  the  Scots,  who  took  arms 
in  every  quarter.  Many  of  the  principal  barons  openly  coun- 
tenanced Wallace's  party ;  and  the  nation,  shaking  off  its  fetters, 
prepared  to  defend,  by  one  united  eftbrt,  that  liberty  which  it 
had  so  unexpectedly  recovered  from  the  hands  of  its  oppressors. 

Warrenne  having  collected  an  army  of  forty  thousand  men  m 


IBT.  XXXVII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  333 

the  north  of  England,  in  order  to  re-establish  his  authority, 
suddenly  entered  Annandale,  before  the  Scots  had  united  their 
forces,  or  put  themselves  in  a  posture  of  defence ;  and  many  of 
the  nobles,  alarmed  at  the  danger  of  their  situation,  renewed 
their  oaths  of  fealty,  and  received  a  pardon  for  past  offences. 
But  Wallace,  still  undaunted,  continued  obstinate  in  his  pur- 
pose. As  he  found  himself  unable  to  give  battle  to  the  enemy, 
he  marched  to  the  northward  in  the  hope  of  prolonging  the  war, 
and  of  turning  to  his  advantage  the  situation  of  that  mountain- 
ous and  barren  country.  Warrenne  attacked  him  in  his  camp 
near  Stirling,  on  the  banks  of  the  Forth,  where  the  o  , , 
English  were  totally  routed.  Cressingham,  whose  "  * 
impatience  urged  this  attack,  was  slain;  Warrenne  was  obliged 
to  retire  into  England,  and  the  principal  fortresses  in  Scotland 
surrendered  to  the  conqueror^^ 

Wallace  was  now  universally  revered  as  the  deliverer  of  his 
country,  and  received  from  his  followers  the  title  of  Regent  or 
guardian  of  the  kingdom,  a  dignity  which  he  well  deserved. 
Not  satisfied  with  expelling  the  enemy,  he  urged  his  army  to 
march  into  England,  and  revenge  all  past  injuries  by  retaliating 
on  that  hostile  nation.  The  Scots,  who  deemed  every  thing 
possible  with  such  a  leader,  joyfully  attended  his  call.  They 
rushed  into  the  northern  counties  during  the  winter,  and,  hav- 
ing extended  their  ravages  on  all  sides,  returned  into  their  own 
country  with  ample  spoils. 

Edward,  who  was  in  Flanders  when  he  received  intelligence 
of  these  events,  hastened  to  England,  in  assured  \oqQ 

hopes,  not  only  of  wiping  off  every  disgrace,  but  of  *  * 
recovering  the  important  conquest  of  Scotland,  which  he  had  al- 
ways considered  as  the  chief  glory  of  his  reign.  With  this  view 
he  collected  the  military  force  of  England,  Wales,  and  Ireland; 
and,  with  an  army  of  eighty  thousand  combatants,  entered  the 
devoted  kingdom.  Scotland  was  at  no  time  able  to  withstand 
such  a  force.  At  present  it  was  without  a  head,  and  was  con- 
vulsed by  intestine  jealousies.  The  elevation  of  Wallace  was 
the  object  of  envy  to  the  nobility,  who  repined  to  see  a  private 
man  raised  above  them  by  his  rank,  and  still  more  by  his  repu- 
tation. Sensible  of  these  evils,  Wallace  resigned  his  authority; 
and  the  chief  command  devolved  upon  men  more  eminent  by 
birth,  though  less  distinguished  by  abilities,  but  under  whom 
the  nobles  were  more  willing  to  serve  in  defence  of  y  .  ^g 
their  country.  They  fixed  their  station  at  Falkirk,  ^ 
where  Edward  came  up  with  them,  and  defeated  their  army 
with  great  slaughter'^ 

17  W.  Hemlng.— T.  'Walsingliam.  IS  T.  Wa'singh.— T.  Wikes— W.  Heming. 


334  THE  HISTORY  OP  part  i. 

The  subjection  of  Scotland,  however,  was  not  yet  accomplish- 
ed. The  English,  after  reducing  all  the  southern  provinces, 
1 9Q0  ^^^^^  obliged  to  retire  for  want  of  provisions ;  and 
^'  '  '  '  the  Scots,  no  less  enraged  at  their  present  defeat 
than  elevated  by  their  past  victories,  still  maintained  the  contest 
for  liberty.  They  were  again  victorious,  and  again  subdued. 
Wallace  alone  maintained  his  independence  amidst  the  general 
slavery  of  his  countrymen.  But  he  was  at  length  betrayed  to 
the  English  by  his  friend  Sir  John  Monteith :  and  Edward, 
whose  natural  bravery  and  magnanimity  should  have  led  him 
to  respect  the  like  qualities  in  an  enemy,  ordered  this  illustrious 
patriot  to  be  carried  in  chains  to  London ;  to  be  tried  as  a  rebel 
and  traitor,  though  he  had  never  made  submission  or  sworn 
-op^_  fealty  to  England,  and  to  be  executed  on  Tower- 
^'  ^'  '  hilF.     He  did  not  think  his  favourite  conquest  se- 

cure, whilst  Wallace  lived.  Policy,  therefore,  as  well  as  re- 
venge, urged  him  to  sacrifice  a  hero  who  had  defended  for 
many  years,  with  signal  valour  and  perseverance,  the  liberties 
of  his  native  countr}-. 

But  the  barbarous  policy  of  Edward  failed  of  the  purpose  to 
which  it  was  directed.  The  cruelty  and  injustice  exercised 
upon  Wallace,  instead  of  breaking  the  spirit,  only  roused  more 
effectually  the  resentment  of  the  Scots.  All  the  envy  which, 
during  his  life,  had  attended  that  gallant  chieftain,  being  now 
buried  in  his  grave,  he  was  universally  regarded  as  the  cham- 
pion of  Scotland,  and  equally  lamented  by  all  ranks  of  men. 
The  people  were  every  where  disposed  to  rise  against  the 
English  government :  and  a  new  and  more  fortunate  leader  soon 
presented  himself,  who  conducted  them  to  liberty,  to  victory, 
and  to  vengeance. 

Robert  Bruce,  grandson  of  that  Robert  who  had  been  one  of 
the  competitors  for  the  crown  of  Scodand,  had  formerly  served 
in  the  English  army;  but,  in  a  private  conference  with  Wallace, 
after  the  batde  of  Falkirk,  the  flame  of  patriotism  was  suddenly 
conveyed  from  the  breast  of  one  hero  to  that  of  another.  Bruce 
regretted  his  engagement  with  Edward,  and  secretly  determined 
to  take  measures  for  rescuing  from  slavery  his  oppressed  coun- 
try. The  death  of  Wallace  and  Baliol  seemed  to  offer  the  de- 
sired opportunity.  He  hoped  that  the  Scots,  without  a  leader, 
and  without  a  king,  would  unanimously  repair  to  his  standard, 
and  seat  him  on  their  throne.  Inflamed  with  the  ardour  of  youth, 
and  buoyed  up  by  native  courage,  his  high  spirit  saw  alone  the 
glory  of  the  enterprise,  or  regarded  the  difficulties  that  must  at- 
tend it  as  the  source  only  of  greater  glory.     The  miseries  and 

19Triveti  Annal, 


LKT.xxxvii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  335 

oppressions  which  he  had  beheld  his  countrymen  suffer  in  their 
unequal  contests  for  independence,  the  repeated  defeats  and 
misfortunes  which  they  had  undergone  in  the  struggle,  proved 
to  him  but  so  many  incentives  to  bring  them  relief,  and  to  lead 
them  boiling  with  revenge  against  the  haughty  victors. 

Inconsequence  of  this  resolution,  Bruce  suddenly  left  the  En- 
glish court,  and  arrived  at  Dumfries,  where  many  iqn'? 
of  the  nobles  happened  to  be  assembled,  and  among 
the  rest  John  Comyn,  to  whom  he  had  communicated  his  de- 
signs, and  who  had  basely  revealed  them  to  Edward.  The  no- 
blemen were  astonished  at  the  appearance  of  Bruce,  and  yet 
more  when  he  told  them  that  he  was  come  to  live  or  die  with 
them  in  defence  of  the  liberties  of  his  country,  and  that  he  hop- 
ed, with  their  assistance,  to  redeem  the  Scottish  name  from  all 
the  indignities  which  it  had  so  long  suffered  from  the  tyranny 
of  their  imperious  masters.  It  would  be  better,  he  said,  if 
Heaven  should  so  decree  it,  to  perish  at  once  like  brave  men, 
with  swords  in  their  hands,  than  to  dread  long,  and  at  last  un- 
dergo, the  fate  of  the  unfortunate  Wallace^". 

The  spirit  with  which  this  discourse  was  delivered,  the  bold 
sentiments  which  it  conveyed,  the  novelty  of  Bruce's  declara- 
tion, assisted  by  the  graces  of  his  youth,  and  manly  deportment, 
made  deep  impression  on  the  minds  of  the  nobles,  and  roused 
all  those  principles  of  indignation  and  revenge  with  which  they 
had  long  been  secretly  actuated.  They  declared  their  resolu- 
tion to  use  the  utmost  efforts  for  delivering  their  country  from 
bondage,  and  to  second  the  courage  of  Bruce  with  zeal  and 
alacrity.  Comyn  alone,  who  had  privately  taken  his  measures 
with  Edward,  opposed  the  general  determination,  by  repre- 
senting the  great  power  of  the  English  nation  ;  and  Bruce,  al- 
ready informed  of  his  treachery,  followed  him  out  of  the  as- 
sembly, stabbed  him,  and  left  him  for  dead.  Sir  Thomas 
Kirkpatrick,  one  of  Bruce's  friends,  asked  him,  on  his  return, 
if  the  traitor  was  slain.  "  I  believe  so,"  replied  Bruce.  "  And 
is  that  a  matter,"  cried  Kirkpatrick,  "  to  be  left  to  conjecture? 
I  will  secure  him-"  He  accordingly  drew  his  dagger,  ran  to 
Comyn,  and  pierced  him  to  the  heart^\ 

This  assassination,  which  contains  circumstances  justly  con- 
demned by  our  present  manners,  was  regarded  in  that  age  as 
an  effort  of  manly  vigour  and  just  policy.  Hence  the  family  of 
Kirkpatrick  took  for  the  crest  of  their  arms  a  hand  with  a 
bloody  dagger ;  and,  as  a  motto,  the  words  employed  by  their 

20  M.  West m.— Buchanan.  21  \V.  Hcraing-.— M,  Weftm.--T.  Walsingham. 


336  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i. 

ancestor  when  he  executed  that  violent  action  ;  "  I  will  secure 
him !" 

The  murder  of  Comyn  affixed  the  seal  to  the  conspiracy  of 
the  Scottish  nobles.  They  had  now  no  resource  left,  but  to  shake 
oif  the  yf:ke  of  England  or  perish  in  the  attempt.    The  genius 
of  the  nation  roused  itself  from  its  long  dejection.  Bruce  fierce- 
ly attacked  the  dispersed  bodies  of  the  English  ;  gained  pos- 
session of  many  castles  ;  and  was  solemnl}  crowned  at  Scone. 
The  English  were  again  driven  out  of  the  kingdom,  except 
such  as  took  shelter  in  the  fortresses  still  in  their  hands ;  and 
Edward  found  that  the  Scots,  already  twice  conquered  by  his 
valour,  were  yet  unsubdued. 

Conscious,  however,  of  his  superior  power  and  skill  in  arms, 
this  great  monarch  thought  of  nothing  but  victory  and  ven- 
geance. He  sent  a  body  of  troops  into  Scotland  under  Aymar 
de  Valence,  earl  of  Pembroke;  who, falling  unexpectedly  upon 
Bruce,  threw  his  army  into  disorder,  and  obliged  him  to  take 
shelter  in  the  Western  Isles.  Edward  himself  was  advancing 
with  a  mighty  force,  determined  to  make  the  now  defenceless 
J  ,  -  Scots  the  victims  of  his  severity,  when  he  unexpected- 
,  A-  *  ly  sickened  and  died  at  Carlisle  ;  enjoining  with  his 
latest  breath  his  son  and  successor  to  prosecute  the 
war,  and  not  to  desist  before  he  had  completely  subdued  the 
kingdom  of  Scotland". 

The  character  of  Edward  I.,  as  a  warrior  and  politician,  has 
already  been  sufficiently  delineated.  I  shall  therefore  forbear 
touching  again  on  those  particulars,  and  conclude  this  letter 
with  his  merit  as  a  legislator,  which  has  justly  secured  to  him 
the  honourable  appellation  of  the  English  Justinian.  The  nu- 
merous statutes  passed  during  his  reign  settle  the  chief  points  of 
jurisprudence ;  and,  as  Sir  Edward  Coke  observes,  truly  de- 
serve the  name  of  establishments,  because  they  have  been  more 
constant  and  durable  than  any  of  the  laws  subsequently  enacted. 
The  regular  order  maintained  in  his  administration  also  gave 
the  common  law  an  opportunity  to  refine  itself;  brought  the 
judges  to  a  certainty  in  their  determinations,  and  the  lawyers  to 
a  precision  in  their  pleadings.  He  regulated  the  jurisdiction  of 
all  courts,  established  the  office  of  justice  of  the  peace,  and  com- 
pleted the  division  of  the  court  of  Exchequer  into  four  distinct 
courts,  each  of  which  managed  its  separate  branch,  without  de- 
pendence upon  any  one  magistrate;  and  as  the  lawyers  after- 
wards invented  a  method  of  carrying  business  from  one  court  to 
another,  the  several  courts  became  rivals  and  checks  on  each 
other:  a  circumstance  which  tended  greatly  to  improve  the  prac- 

22  T,  Wahinghara.— Trivet. 


T.ET.  xxxviir,  MODERN  EUROPE.  337 

tice  of  the  law  in  this  country-^  But  although  Edward  took  so 
much  care  that  his  subjects  should  do  justice  to  each  other,  we 
cannot  ascribe  it  to  his  love  of  equity ;  for  in  all  his  transac- 
tions, either  u  ith  them  or  with  his  neighbours,  he  alvvays  de- 
sired to  have  his  own  hands  free : — and  his  violences  upon 
both  were  not  few. 

'33  Hist,  of  English  Law,  by  Sir  Malthew  Hale. 


LETTER  XXXVIIL 


A  Fiexv  of  the  Reign  of  Edward  IL,  with  an  Account  of  the 
Affaii's  of  Scotland. 

FROM  the  critical  situation  of  affairs  between  England 
and  Scotland  at  the  death  of  Edward  I.,  it  will  be  advisable, 
my  dear  Philip,  to  carry  farther  the  history  of  our  own  island, 
before  we  return  to  the  transactions  of  the  continent. 

No  prince  ever  ascended  the  English  throne  with  more  pro- 
mising advantages  than  Edward  II.  He  was  in  the  twenty- 
fourth  year  of  his  age,  and  universally  beloved  by  the  people, 
both  on  account  of  the  sweetness  of  his  disposition,  and  as  the 
son  and  successor  of  their  illustrious  monarch.  He  was  at  the 
head  of  a  great  army,  ready  to  subject  the  whole  island  to  his 
sway  ;  and  all  men  seemed  to  expect  trantjuillity  and  happiness 
under  his  government.  Bat  the  first  act  of  his  reign  bla:^ted  all 
these  hopes,  and  shovved  him  totally  unqualified  for  his  high  sta- 
tion. Instead  of  prosecuting  the  conquest  of  Scotland,  accord- 
ing to  the  desire  of  his  father,  he  returned  to  England  after 
some  feeble  efforts,  and  disbanded  his  forces;  alth .^-gh  Robert 
Bruce  had  emerged  from  his  retreat,  and  had  become  sufficient- 
ly form"  dable  to  render  mure  vigorous  measures  necessary. 

The  next  step  taken  by  Edward  was  no  less  weak  and  impru- 
dent. He  recalled  Piers  Gaveston,  a  youthful  favourite,  whom 
the  late  king  had  banished  on  account  of  his  ascendancy  over 
this  prince,  and  whom,  on  his  death- bed,  he  had  made  him  pro- 
mise never  more  to  encourasre.  Gaveston  was  the  son  of  a 
Gascon  knight  of  some  distinction,  and  by  his  shining  accom- 
plishments had  early  insinuated  himself  into  the  affections  of 
young  Edward,  whose  heart  was  easily  caught  by  appearances, 
and  strongly  disposed  to  friendship  and  confidence.  He  was  en- 

Vol.  t.  U  u 


388  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

dowed  with  the  utmost  elegance  of  shape  and  person ;  had  a 
fine  mien  and  easy  carnage ;  had  distinguished  himself  in  all 
warlike  and  genteel  exercises,  and  was  celebrated  for  those 
quick  sallies  of  wit  in  which  his  countrymen  usually  excel. 
We  therefore  need  not  be  surprised  at  his  being  thought  ne- 
cessary to  a  gay  monarch,  whose  foibles  he  was  able  to  flatter: 
but  a  wise  king  will  have  no  public  favourite,  and  still  less  a 
foreign  one.     Edward  experienced  this  danger. 

Gaveston  no  sooner  arrived  at  court  than  he  was  loaded  with 
benefits,  and  exalted  to  the  greatest  honours.  The  king  bestow- 
ed upon  him  the  earldom  of  Cornwall:  gave  him  his  niece  Mar- 
garet in  marriage ;  and  seemed  to  enjoy  no  pleasure  in  his  roy- 
alty but  as  it  served  to  add  lustre  to  this  object  of  his  fond  ido- 
latry. The  haughty  barons,  already  dissatisfied  with  Edward's 
conduct  in  regard  to  Scotland,  were  enraged  at  the  superiority 
of  a  minion  ^^  hom  they  despised ;  nor  did  they  endeavour  to 
conceal  their  animosity. 

The  favourite,  instead  of  disarming  envy  by  the  moderation 
and  modesty  of  his  behaviour,  displayed  his  power  and  influence 
with  the  utmost  ostentation.  Every  day  multiplied  his  enemies, 
who  only  waited  for  an  opportunity  of  cementing  their  union,  so 
as  to  render  it  fatal  both  to  him  and  his  master.  This  union  be- 
ing at  length  eflfected  by  Thomas  earl  of  Lancaster,  cousin-ger- 
,  f,^o  man  to  the  king,  the  confederate  nobles  bound 
'  themselves  by  oath  to  expel  Gaveston ;  they  took 
arms  for  that  purpose,  and  Edward  was  obliged  to  banish  him. 
But  he  Avas  afterwards  recalled,  reinstated  in  his  former  conse- 
quence, and  became  more  than  ever,  by  his  continued  insolence, 
the  object  of  general  detestation  among  the  nobility.  The  con- 
federacy against  him  was  renewed :  he  was  again  banished, 
-o,^  and  again  recalled  by  the  fond  deluded  monarch. 
""  An  universal  rev  )lt  took  place:  Edward  and  his 
favourite  were  hunted  from  corner  to  corner;  and  Gaveston  at 
last  fell  by  the  hands  of  the  public  executioner'. 

After  this  sacrifice,  the  king's  person  became  less  obnoxious 
to  the  people.  The  discontents  of  all  men  seemed  to  be  much 
appeased  ;  the  animosities  of  faction  no  longer  prevailed  ;  and 
England,  it  was  hoped,  would  now  be  able  to  take  vengeance 
on  all  her  enemies,  but  especially  on  the  Scots,  whose  progress 
was  the  object  of  general  resentment  and  indignation. 

Soon  after  Edward's  retreat  from  Scotland,  Robert  Bruce  made 
himself  master  of  the  whole  kingdom,  except  a  few  fortresses. 
He  daily  reconciled  the  minds  of  the  nobility  to  his  dominion: 
he  enlisted  under  his  standard  every  bold  spirit,  and  he  enriched 

1  T.  W'alsiR!;l)ara.— T.  de  la  More.— W.  Hcrning. 


£ET.  XXXVIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  3S9 

his  followers  with  the  spoils  of  the  enemy.  Sir  James  Douglas,  \ 
m  whom  commenced  the  greatness  and  renown  of  that  warlike  i 
family,  seconded  Robert  in  all  his  enterprises.  Edward  Bruce, 
the  king's  brother,  also  distinguished  himself  by  his  valour;  and 
the  dread  of  the  English  power  being  now  abated  by  the  feeble 
conduct  of  Edward,  even  the  least  sanguine  of  the  Scots  began 
to  entertain  hopes  of  recovering  their  independence.  They  ob- 
tained a  truce,  which  was  of  short  duration,  and  ill  observed  on 
both  sides.  But,  short  as  it  was,  it  served  to  consolidate  the 
power  of  the  king,  and  introduce  order  into  the  civil  government. 
War  was  renewed  with  greater  fury  than  ever.  Not  content 
with  defending  himself,  Robert  made  successful  inroads  into 
England,  supported  his  needy  followers  by  the  plunder  of  the 
country,  and  taught  them  to  despise  the  military  genius  of  a 
nation  which  had  long  been  the  object  of  their  terror. 

Edward,  at  length  roused  from  his  lethargy,  had  marched  with 
an  army  into  Scotland;  and  Robert,  determined  not  to  risque  too 
much  againsta  superior  force,  had  retiredamidst  the  mountains. 
The  English  monarch  advanced  beyond  Edinburgh;  but  being 
destitute  of  provisions,  and  ill  sui)ported  by  his  nobility,  he  was 
obliged  to  return  home,  without  gaining  any  advantage  over  the 
enemy.  The  seeming  union,  however,  of  all  parties  in  England, 
after  the  death  of  Gaveston,  opened  again  the  prospect  of  re- 
ducing Scotland,  and  promised  a  happy  conclusion  to  a  war  in 
which  both  the  interests  and  the  passions  of  the  nation  were  so 
deeply  engaged. 

Edward  assembled  forces  from  all  quarters,  with  a  view  of 
finishing  at  one  blow  this  important  enterprise.  He  summoned 
the  most  warlike  of  his  vassals  from  Gascony  :  he  enlisted 
troops  in  Flanders,  and  other  foreign  countries  :  he  invited  over 
great  numbers  of  the  disorderly  Irish,  as  to  a  certain  prey  ;  he 
joined  to  them  a  body  of  Welsh,  who  were  actuated  by  like  mo- 
tives: he  collected  a  considerable  force  in  England,  and  entered 
Scotland  at  the  head  of  an  army  of  about  eighty  i  "^  1 4 

thousand  men.  The  Scottish  host  did  not  exceed 
thirty  thousand  combatants  ;  but  being  composed  of  men  who 
had  distinguished  themselves  by  many  acts  of  valour,  who  were 
rendered  desperate  by  their  situation,  and  who  were  inured  to 
all  the  varieties  of  fortune,  they  might  justly,  under  such  a  lea- 
der as  Bruce,  be  esteemed  equal  to  a  far  more  numerous  body. 
Robert,  however,  left  as  litde  as  possible  to  the  superior  gal- 
lantry of  his  troops.  He  posted  himself  strongly  at  Bannock- 
burn,  near  Stirling  :  he  had  a  rivulet  in  front,  a  hill  on  his  right 
flank,  and  a  morass  on  his  left. 

As  soon  as  the  English  army  appeared,  a  smart  conflict  arose 


340  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

^  ..  between  two  bodies  of  cavalry ;  and  Robert,  engaging 
in  a  single  combat  with  Henry  de  Bohun,  at  one 
stroke  cleft  the  head  of  his  antagonist  with  a  battle-axe,  in  sight 
of  the  two  armies.  The  English  horse  fled  with  precipitation 
to  their  main  body,  and  night  suspended  the  hostilities.  En- 
couraged by  this  favourable  event,  and  glorying  in  the  prowess 
of  their  king,  the  Scots  prognosticated  a  happy  issue  to  the  con- 
test of  the  ensuing  day  ;  and  the  English,  confident  in  their 
numbers,  and  elated  by  past  successes,  longed  for  an  opportuni- 
ty of  revenge.  The  darkness  was  borne  with  impatience  :  and 
Edward,  as  soon  as  light  appeared,  drew  up  his  forces,  and  ad- 
vanced against  the  Scots.  Both  armies  engaged  with  great  ar- 
dour, and  the  dispute  was  fierce  and  bloody.  Sir  James  Doug- 
las had  broken  the  English  cavalry  ;  but  their  line  of  infantry 
was  still  firm,  when  a  stratagem  decided  the  fortune  of  the  field. 
Bruce  had  collected  a  number  of  wagoners  and  sumpter  boys, 
and  furnished  them  with  standards.  They  appeared  upon  the 
heights  towards  the  left.  The  English  mistook  them  for  a  fresh 
army  coming  to  surround  them  :  a  panic  seized  them ;  they 
threw  doun  their  arms  and  fled.  The  Scots  pursued  with  great 
slaughter  as  far  as  Berwick  ;  and,  besides  an  inestimable  booty, 
took  many  persons  of  quality  prisoners,  with  above  four  hun- 
dred gentlemen,  whom  Robert  treated  with  great  humanity,  and 
whose  rar.som  was  a  new  accession  of  wealth  to  the  victorious 
army.  Edward  himself  narrowly  escaped,  by  taking  shelter 
in  Dunbar,  w  hence  he  passed  by  sea  to  Berwick^. 

Such  was  thegreatand  decisive  batde  of  Bannockburn,  which 
secured  the  independence  of  Scotland,  fixedBruceon  the  throne 
of  that  kingdom,  and  may  be  deemed  the  most  signal  blow  that 
the  English  monarchy  has  received  since  the  Norman  invasion. 
The  number  of  slain  is  not  certainly  known  ;  but  it  must  have 
been  very  great :  for  the  impression  of  this  defeat  on  the  minds 
of  the  English  uas  so  strong,  that  for  some  years  no  superi- 
ority of  force  could  encourage  them  to  keep  the  field  against 
the  Scots. 

In  order  to  avail  himself  of  his  present  success,  Robert  enter- 
ed England;  ravaged  all  the  northern  countries  without  opposi- 
tion ;  and,  elate  with  his  continued  prosperity,  now  entertained 
hopes  of  making  the  most  important  conquests  at  the  expense  of 
A.  D.  1315  ^^^  English.  He  sent  over  his  brother  Edward 
*  with  six  thousand  men  into  Ireland  ;  and  he  himself 
followed  soon  after  with  a  more  numerous  body  of  troops.  But 
a  grievous  fiimine,  which  harassed  both  islands,  obliged  Robert 
to  return  to  Britain.     His  brother,  who  assumed  the  title  of 

2  Mon.  Malms.— T.  de  la  More.— Walsingh.  Y^iod.  Keiist, 


LET.  XXXVIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  844 

king  of  Ireland,  was  defeated  and  slain  by  the  En-  ,  „.  ^ 

glish  near  Dundalk  ;  and  Robert  became  sensible 
that  he  had  attempted  projects  too  extensive  for  the  force  of 
his  narrow  kingdom. 

Edward,  besides  the  disasters  which  he  suffered  from  the  in- 
vasion of  the  Scots,  and  the  opposition  to  his  government  in 
Ireland,  was  harassed  with  a  rebellion  in  Wales  ;  and  the  fac- 
tions of  his  nobility  troubled  him  yet  more  than  all  these.  They 
took  advantage  of  the  public  calamities  to  insult  his  fallen  for- 
tunes, and  endeavoured  to  establish  their  own  independence  on 
the  ruins  of  the  throne.  His  unhappy  situation  obliged  him  to 
comply  with  all  their  demands.  The  administration  was  new- 
modelled  by  the  direction  of  Lancaster,  and  that  prince  was  pla- 
ced at  the  head  of  the  council.  Edward  himself  was  evidently 
by  nature  unfit  to  hold  the  reins  of  government.  He  was  sensi- 
ble of  his  own  defects,  and  sought  to  be  governed  ;  but  all  the 
favourites  (for  such  they  were  rather  than  ministers)  whom  he 
successively  chose,  were  regarded  as  fellow-subjects  exalted 
above  their  rank  and  station,  and  became  the  objects  of  envy  to 
the  chief  nobility.  His  principal  favourite,  after  the  death  of 
Gaveston,  was  Hugh  le  Despenser,  or  Spenser,  who  was  of  a 
noble  family,  and  possessed  all  the  exterior  accomplishments  of 
person  and  address  that  were  fitted  to  engage  the  weak  mind 
of  Edward,  but  was  destitute  of  that  moderation  and  prudence 
which  might  have  qualified  him  to  mitigate  the  envy  of  the 
great,  and  conduct  himself  quietly  through  the  perils  of  the 
dangerous  station  to  which  he  was  advanced. 

No  sooner  was  Edward's  attachment  declared  for  Spenser, 
than  the  turbulent  Lancaster  and  most  of  the  great  barons  re- 
garded him  as  their  rival,  and  formed  \  iolent  plans  for  his  ruin. 
They  ^\'ithdrew^  themselves  from  parliament,  took  ,„^, 

arms,  and  demanded  the  banishment  of  the  favour- ^*  °'  "*  * 
ite  and  his  father.  The  father  w^as  then  abroad,  the  son  at  sea ; 
and  both  were  emploved  in  executing  different  commissions. — 
The  king  replied,  that  his  coronation  oath,  by  which  he  was 
bound  to  observe  the  laws,  restrained  him  from  giving  his  as- 
sent to  so  illegal  a  demand,  or  condemning  noblemen  who  were 
accused  of  no  crime,  nor  had  any  opportunity  of  giving  answer. 
But  equity  and  reason  proved  a  feeble  barrier  against  men  who 
had  arms  in  their  hands,  and  who,  being  already  involved  in 
guilt,  saw  no  safety  but  in  success  and  victory.  They  entered 
London  with  their  troops  ;  and  adducing  before  the  parliament 
a  charge  against  the  Spensers  (of  which  they  did  not  attempt  to 
prove  one  article),  they  procured,  by  menaces  and  violence,  a 
sentence  of  perpetual  exile  against  those  ministers^ 

3  TjiTel,  from  the  register  of  C.  C.  Canterbury.— T,  Walsingh,  Bymer,  vo).  iii. 


S4£  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

This  act  of  violence,  in  which  the  king  was  obliged  to  ac- 
quiesce, rendered  his  person  and  authority  so  contemptible,  that 
every  one  thought  himself  entitled  to  treat  the  royal  family  with 
neglect.  The  queen  was  pubhcly  insulted ;  but,  as  that  princess 
was  then  popular,  Edward  was  permitted  to  take  vengeance  on 
the  offender.  Having  now  some  forces  on  foot,  and  having  con- 
certed measures  with  his  friends  throughout  England,  he  ventu- 
red to  pull  off  the  mask  ;  to  attack  all  his  enemies  ;  and  to  re- 
call the  two  Spensers,  whose  sentence  he  declared  illegal,  un- 
just, and  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  the  Great  Charter*. 

The  king  had  now-  anticipated  the  movements  of  the  barons; 
an  advantage  which  in  those  times  was  generally  decisive.  It 
proved  so  in  the  present  instance.  Lancaster  alone  made  re- 
1 090  sistance  ;  he  was  taken  at  Boroughbridge,  con- 
*"  demned  by  a  court  martial,  and  beheaded  at  Ponte- 
fract.  About  twenty  of  the  most  notorious  offenders  were  after- 
w  ards  condemned  by  legal  trial,  and  executed.  Many  were 
thrown  into  prison  ;  some  made  their  escape  beyond  sea ;  and 
most  of  the  forfeitures  were  seized  by  young  Spenser,  whose  ra- 
pacity was  insatiable.  The  barons  of  the  king's  party  were 
disgusted  with  this  partial  division  of  the  spoils  ;  the  envy 
against  the  favourite  rose  higher  than  ever.  To  the  people, 
who  always  hated  him,  he  became  still  more  the  object  of  aver- 
sion :  all  the  relatives  of  the  attainted  barons  vowed  revenge  ; 
and  although  tranquillity  was  in  appearance  restored  to  the 
kingdom,  the  general  contempt  of  the  king,  and  odium  of  Spen- 
ser, engendered  future  revolutions  and  convulsions. 

In  such  a  situation  no  success  could  be  expected  from  foreign 
wars,  Edward,  therefore,  after  making  one  more  fruitless  at- 
.  n^„  tempt  against  Scotland,  whence  he  retreated  with 
""  dishonour,  found  it  necessary  to  terminate  hostili- 
ties with  that  kingdom  by  a  truce  of  thirteen  years.  This  truce 
was  so  much  the  more  seasonable  for  England,  as  the  nation 
was  at  that  time  threatened  with  hostilities  from  France. 
Charles  the  Fair  had  some  grounds  of  complaint  against  the 
English  ministers  in  Guienne,  and  seemed  desirous  of  profiting 
in  a  territorial  view  by  the  indolence  and  weakness  of  Edward. 

After  an  embassy  by  the  earl  of  Kent  had  been  tried  in  vain, 
,  „p-  queen  Isabella  obtained  permission  to  go  over  toPa- 
'  ris,  and  endeavour  to  adjust  the  dispute  with  her 
brother  Charles.  She  there  found  a  number  of  English  fngi- 
tives,  the  remains  of  the  Lancastrian  faction;  and  their  common 
hatied  of  young  Spenser  soon  begot  a  secret  friendship  and  cor- 
respondence between  them  and  that  princess,  who  envied  the  fa- 

4  Rj'iner,  ubi  sup. 


XET.  XXXVIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  343 

vourite  his  influence  with  the  king.  Among  these  refugees  was 
Roger  Mortimer,  a  potent  baron  of  the  Welsh  marches,  who 
had  been  condemned  for  high  treason,  but  had  made  his  escape 
from  tiie  Tower.  His  consequence  introduced  him  to  queen 
Isabella,  and  the  graces  of  his  person  and  address  advanced 
him  quickly  in  her  affections.  He  became  her  confidant  and 
counsellor  in  all  her  measures  ;  and,  gaining  ground  daily  upon 
her  heart,  he  engaged  her  to  sacrifice  at  last,  to  her  passion, 
all  the  sentiments  of  honour  and  fidelity  to  her  husband.  Hating 
now  the  man  she  had  injured,  and  whom  she  never  loved,  she 
entered  ardently  into  all  Mortimer's  conspiracies ;  and  having 
artfully  secured  the  person  and  acquiescence  of  the  heir  of  the 
monarchy,  she  resolved  on  the  utter  ruin  of  the  king,  as  well 
as  of  his  favourite.  She  engaged  her  brother  to  take  part  in  the 
same  criminal  purpose  :  her  court  was  daily  filled  with  exiled 
barons  :  Mortimer  lived  in  the  most  declared  intimacy  with 
her,  and  a  correspondence  was  secretly  carried  on  with  the 
malcontent  party  in  England*. 

When  Edward  was  informed  of  these  alarming  circumstances, 
he  ordered  the  queen  to  return  speedily  with  the  prince.  But 
Isabella  publicly  replied,  that  she  would  never  set  foot  in  the 
kingdom,  while  Hugh  Spenser  was  suffered  to  influence  and  ad- 
vise the  king.  This  declaration  increased  her  popularity  in  Eng- 
land, and  threw  a  decent  veil  over  her  treasonable  enterprises. 
She  no  sooner  arrived  in  England  with  her  son  than  the  king 
was  entirely  deserted.  He  fled  into  Wales.  The  elder  Spenser, 
now  earl  of  Winchester,  and  governor  of  the  castle  of  Bristol, 
was  delivered  by  the  garrison  into  the  hands  of  his  enemies ; 
and,  being  instantly  condemned,  without  any  trial,  .  __ 

witness,  or  accusation,  to  suffer  death,  he  was 
hanged  on  a  gibbet  in  his  armour.  His  unhappy  but  more  cri- 
minal son  soon  after  shared  the  same  fate  :  and  the  king,  dis- 
appointed in  his  expectation  of  succours  from  the  Welsh,  was 
seized  among  their  mountains,  where  he  had  endeavoured  to. 
conceal  himself,  and  confined  in  Kenilworth  castle.  Taking  ad- 
vantage of  the  prevailing  delusion,  the  queen  summoned  in  Ed- 
ward's name  a  parliament  at  Westminster;  where  the  king  was 
accused  ofincapacity  for  government,  and  by  the  au-  ,  0^27 

thority  of  her  partisans  deposed.     The  prince,  a    *     ' 
youth  of  fourteen  years  of  age,  was  placed  on  the  throne,  and 
the  queen  was  appointed  regent  during  his  minority*. 

The  great  body  of  the  people  are  seldom  long  in  the  wrong 
with  respect  to  any  political  measure.    Corrupted  as  they  now 

S  T.  Walsingham. — T.  de  la  More.         C  YpocJ.  Neust,— T.  de  !a  More.— Rymer,  vol.  iv. 


344.  THE  HISTORY  OF  paet  i. 

were  by  the  licentiousness  of  the  times,  and  inflamed  by  faction, 
they  could  not,  in  the  present  instance,  remain  insensible  to  the 
voice  of  nature.  A  wife  had  dishonoured  her  husband,  invaded 
his  kingdom  with  an  armed  force,  and  insisted  on  his  dethrone- 
ment: she  had  made  her  infant  son  an  instrument  in  this  unna- 
tural treatment  of  his  father ;  and  had,  by  false  pretences,  se- 
duced the  nation  into  rebellion  against  their  sovereign,  whose 
weakness  was  his  only  crime.  All  these  circumstances  were  so 
odious  in  themselves,  and  formed  such  a  complicated  scene  of 
guilt,  that  the  least  reflection  sufficed  to  open  men's  eyes,  and 
make  them  detest  so  flagrant  an  infringement  of  every  public 
and  private  duty. 

The  earl  of  Lancaster  (formerly  earl  of  Leicester)  to  whose 
custody  the  deposed  prince  had  been  committed,  was  soon 
touched  with  sentiments  of  compassion  and  generosity  towards 
his  sovereign;  and  besides  using  him  with  gentleness  and  hu- 
manity, he  was  supposed  to  have  entertained  more  honourable 
intentions  in  his  favour.  The  king  was  therefore  taken  out  of 
his  hands,  and  delivered  over  to  Lord  Berkeley,  Maltravers, 
and  Gournay,  who  were  entrusted  alternately,  each  for  a  month, 
with  the  charge  of  guarding  him.  While  in  the  custody  of 
Berkeley,  Edward  was  treated  with  respect;  but  when  the  turn 
of  Maltravers  and  Gournay  came,  every  species  of  indignity 
was  offered  him,  as  if  their  intention  had  been  to  break  entirely 
the  unhappy  prince's  spirit,  and  to  employ  his  sorrows  and 
afflictions,  instead  of  more  violent  and  more  dangerous  means, 
as  the  instruments  of  his  murder.  That  method  of  destroying 
him,  however,  appearing  too  slow  to  the  impatient  Mortimer, 
he  sent  orders  to  the  two  ruffians  to  dispatch  the  king  secretly. 
Taking  advantage  of  the  indisposition  of  Berkeley,  they  seized 
Edward  in  that  nobleman's  castle,  threw  him  on  a  bed,  held 
him  down  violently,  and  thrust  into  his  fundament  a  horn, 
through  which  they  burned  his  bowels  with  a  red-hot  iron. 
Although  outward  marks  of  violence  were  prevented  by  this 
expedient,  the  atrocious  deed  was  discovered  to  all  the  guards 
and  attendants  by  the  screams  of  the  agonised  king^. 

Thus  perished  the  unfortunate  Edward  IL  It  is  not  easy  for 
imagination  to  conceive  a  man  more  innocent  and  inoffensive,  or 
a  prince  less  fitted  for  governing  a  fierce  and  turbulent  people. 
The  vigour  and  capacity  of  the  son  made  ample  amends  for 
his  father's  weakness.  But  a  variety  of  objects  must  occupy 
our  attention  before  we  consider  the  reign  of  Edward  IIL 

7  T.  Walsingham. — T.  de  la  More, 


lET.  XXXIX*  MODERN  EUROPE.  145 


LETTER  XXXIX. 

Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies^  from  the  Election 
ofRodolph  of  Hapsbiirgh  to  the  Death  of  Henry  FIT. 

THE  German  empire,  ray  dear  Philip,  as  I  have  already- 
had  occasion  to  observe,  could  not  properly  be  said  to  have  a 
head,  from  the  death  of  Frederic  II.  till  the  election  ofRodolph 
count  of  Hapsburgh.  This  great  captain,  who  had 
for  some  time  exercised  the  office  of  grand  marshal  ^'  ^'  *  ' 
to  Ottocarus  king  of  Bohemia,  and  was  raised  to  the  imperial 
dignity  on  account  of  his  military  talents,  no  sooner  found  him- 
self in  possession  of  the  august  throne,  than  he  employed  his  au- 
thority in  suppressing  the  disorders  which  had  prevailed  during 
the  interregnum  ;  and  he  succeeded  so  well  in  his  endeavours, 
that  peace  and  security  were  soon  generally  re-established  in 
Germany.  He  destroyed  in  Thuringia  sixty  castles,  which  were 
the  retreats  of  banditti,  and  ordered  ninety-nine  highwaymen 
to  be  hanged  at  one  time  in  the  city  of  Erfort^ 

Having  thus  in  some  measure  settled  the  interior  police  of  the 
empire,  Rodolph  assembled  a  diet  at  Mentz,  where  he  granted 
new  privileges  to  Goslar  and  other  cities,  and  con-  ,  ^_ , 

firmed  those  u  hich  had  been  granted  by  his  prede-  •  •  "  • 
cessors.  Here  also  the  deliberations  of  the  assembly  turned 
Upon  the  conduct  of  certain  princes,  who  had  protested  against 
the  election  of  the  count  of  Hapsburg.  Among  these  was  his 
form«r  master,  the  king  of  Bohemia,  against  whom  the  diet  had 
other  causes  of  dissatisfaction.  He  had  seized  the  duchy  of 
Austria,  after  the  death  of  Frederic,  the  last  duke  ;  and  the 
states  complained  of  the  oppressions  which  they  suffered  under 
this  usurper,  from  whom  they  begged  to  be  delivered. 

A  second  diet  was  summoned  on  this  subject  at  Augsburg : 
where  Ottocarus  not  appearing,  or  doing  homage  by  his  ambas- 
sadors, was  declared  a  rebel  to  the  empire.     His  1975 
possession  of  Austria,  Stiria,  Carniola,  and  Carin- 
thia,  was  adjudged  illegal :  and  the  emperor  was  desired  to  di- 
vest him  of  those  territories. 

When  this  sentence  was  notified  to  the  king,  he  boldly  ex- 
claimed, "  To  whom  should  I  do  homage? — I  owe  Rodolph  no- 
thing :  he  was  formerly  my  servant,  and  I  paid  him  his  wages. 
My  possessions  I  will  maintain  with  the  point  of  my  swords" 

1  Annal.  Boior  -— Heiss.  liv.  ii.  c.  22.  2  ^n.  Sylr.  Hist.  Bohem. 

Vol.  I  '  X  X 


346  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Having  ibrined  this  resolution,  he  associated hinfiself  with  se- 
veral other  German  princes,  and  among  the  rest  with  the  duke 
of  Bavaria.  But  they  were  all  at  last  obliged  to  submit ;  and 
the  proud  Octocarus  himself  not  only  relinquished  the  contested 
territories,  but  did  homage  for  Bohemia  and  Moravia. 

This  homage  was  performed  in  the  island  of  Camberg  in  the 
, fj„-  Danube,  under  a  close  canopy,  in  order  to  save  Ot- 
tocarus  from  a  public  humiliation.  He  repaired  to 
the  place,  covered  with  gold  and  jewels.  Rodolph,  by  a  supe- 
rior pride,  received  him  in  the  most  coarse  and  simple  dress  ; 
and  in  the  midst  of  the  ceremony,  either  by  accident  or  design, 
the  curtains  of  the  canopy  fell  back,  and  exposed  to  the  eyes  of 
the  people,  and  the  armies  that  lined  the  banks  of  the  river, 
the  haughty  king  on  his  knees,  with  his  hands  joined  between 
those  of  his  conqueror,  whom  he  had  so  often  called  his  stew- 
ard, and  to  whom  he  now  became  cup-bearer. 

The  wife  of  Ottocarus,  a  Russian  princess,  and  no  less 
haughty  than  her  husband,  was  so  much  hurt  by  this  mortify- 
ing circumstance,  that  she  persuaded  him  to  renounce  the  treaty 
he  had  concluded  with  Rodolph,  and  again  have  recourse  to 
arms  for  the  recovery  of  Austria.  The  emperor  immediately 
^cjo  marched  against  him;  and  a  battle  ensued,  in 
^'  ^'    ^     '  which  Ottocarus  was  slain. 

Rodolph  now  discovered  himself  to  be  no  less  a  politician 
than  a  warrior.  He  gave  the  government  of  Austria  and  its  ap- 
1909  pendages  to  his  eldest  son,  count  Albert,  whom 
'  he  afterwards,  in  a  diet  at  Augsburg,  publicly  in- 
vested with  that  duchy,  which  was  incorporated  with  the  col- 
lege of  the  princes  :  hence  arose  the  Austrian  power  and  gran- 
deur. Rodolph,  at  the  same  time,  invested  another  son  with 
the  county  of  Suabia,  which  belonged  to  him  in  right  of  his 
wife.  He  also  wisely  resolved  to  adhere  to  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  with  Ottocarus  ;  and  accordingly  put  his  infant  son 
Wenceslaus  under  the  tutelage  of  the  marquis  of  Brandenburg*. 

But  although  Rodolph's  authority  was  now  fully  established 
in  Germany,  he  was  far  from  being  master  in  Italy.  The  im- 
perial crown  had  indeed  been  confirmed  to  him  by  Gregory  X., 
on  his  ceding  to  the  holy  see  the  lands  of  the  countess  Matilda, 
and  all  the  territories  mentioned  in  the  grants  made  to  the  church 
by  former  emperors.  In  so  doing,  Rodolph  properly  yielded 
nothing  but  the  right  of  receiving  homage  from  noblemen,  who 
neer  submitted  to  it  without  reluctance,  and  cities  which  it 
Mas  not  in  his  power  to  command.  Venice,  Genoa,  and  Pisa, 
had  a  greater  number  of  ships  than  the  emperor  could  muster 

S  HeisSj  ubi  sup. — Tia.  Alonl.  Corp.  Diplotn.  tome  i. 


LET.  XXXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  34r 

of  ensigns :  Florence  had  become  considerable,  and  was  alrea- 
dy the  nurse  of  the  liberal  arts. 

Rodolph  spent  the  latter  part  of  bis  reign  in  establishing  the 
grandeur  of  his  family  in  Austria.  He  granted  privileges  to  the 
clergy;  bestowed  new  dignities  upon  the  noblemen;  diminished 
the  taxes;  built  and  repaired  public  edifices;  and  behaved  with 
such  generosity  and  moderation,  as  won  the  hearts  of  all  men. 
But,  notwithstanding  his  popularity,  he  could  not  procure  the 
election  of  his  son  Albert,  as  king  of  the  Romans :  a  disappoint- 
ment which,  together  with  the  death  of  his  son  ^  „^ 
Rodolph,  so  much  chagrined  him,  that  he  died  ^^P  *  "^^^  ^^^^' 
soon  after.  He  was  a  prince  of  great  valour,  sagacity,  and 
probity;  and  raised  the  empire  from  a  state  of  misery  and  con- 
fusion, to  the  enjoyment  of  peace,  policy,  and  opulence*. 

After  an  interregnum  of  nine  months,  which  was  productive 
of  many  disorders,  the  German  princes  raised  to 
the  imperial  throne  Adolphus  of  Nassau,  on  the  ^'  ^* 
same  principle  which  had  made  them  choose  his  predecessor. 
He  seemed  capable  of  maintaining  the  glory  of  the  empire  at 
the  head  of  its  armies,  without  being  able  to  enslave  it. 

The  reign  of  this  prince  was  one  continued  scene  of  troubles, 
and  at  last  terminated  in  his  deposition.  He  had  been  hurried 
by  his  necessities  into  the  commission  of  several  acts  of  injus- 
tice ;  which  Albert  duke  of  Austria,  dissatisfied  at  not  succeed- 
ing to  the  imperial  throne,  took  care  to  represent  in  the  worst 
light.  A  confederacy  was  formed  against  Adol- 
phus; and  he  was  deposed  by  the  archbishop  of  ^^*  ^* 
Mentz,  in  the  name  of  the  princes  of  the  empire. 

"  Six  years  ago,''  said  the  archbishop,  "  the  empire  being 
"  vacant,  we  canonically  elected  Adolphus,  count  of  Nassau, 
*'  king  of  the  Romans;  knowing  at  that  time  no  person  more 
"  worthy  of  the  dignity.  At  first  he  conducted  himself  wisely, 
"  following  the  councils  of  the  most  prudent  electors  and  princes 
"  of  his  court.  But  he  began  by  degrees  to  despise  their  ad- 
"  vice,  and  listen  to  the  counsels  of  young  persons,  without  ei- 
"  ther  sense  or  experience;  then  he  found  himself  destitute  of 
"  means  and  friends  to  assist  him  sincerely  in  bearing  the  bur- 
"  then  of  government.  The  electors,  perceiving  his  indigence, 
"  and  swayed  by  many  other  motives,  have  demanded  the 

4  Heiss,  lib  ii.  cap.  22. — Harre,  tome  vi. — Annal  de  I'Emp.  tome  ii. — Nothing;  can  show 
in  a  stronger  light  Rodolph's  resolution  and  presence  of  mind  than  his  behaviour  at  his  co« 
ronation.  The  absence  of  the  imperial  sceptre  (supposed  to  be  that  of  Charlemagne), 
which  had  been  mislaid,  seemed  to  afford  some  disaffVrcti.-d  noblemen  a  pretext  for  remsing 
.the  oath  of  allegiance  :  "  This  is  my  sceptre,"  said  Rodolph,  seizing  a  crucifix  ;  and  all  the 
princes  and  nobles  instantly  took  the  oath,  and  did  him  homage  as  eroperor. 


348  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

"  pope's  consent  to  depose  him,  and  choose  another  emperor. 
"  We  are  told  that  our  envoys  have  obtained  the  consent  of  his 
"  holiness;  though  those  of  Adolphus  affirm  the  contrary  :  but 
"we,  having  no  regard  to  any  authority  except  that  which  is 
"  vested  in  ourseh'es,  and  finding  Adolphus  incapable  of  go- 
"  verning  the  empire,  do  depose  him  from  the  imperial  dignity, 
*'  and  elect  Albert,  duke  of  Austria,  king  of  the  Romans'." 

Adolphus,  apprised  of  this  election,  raised  the  siege  of  Ruf- 
fach,  in  Alsace,  and  marched  toward  Spire,  where  he  encamp- 
ed. He  was  reinforced  by  the  count  Palatine  Rodolph,  Otho 
duke  of  Bavaria,  and  the  cities  of  Spire  and  Worms,  which  had 
never  deserted  his  cause.  Albert  advanced  towards  him,  in  or- 
der to  dispute  the  imperial  crown  by  arms.  They  engaged  be- 
tween Gelnsheim  and  the  cloister  of  Rosendal,  and  the  battle 
was  maintained  with  much  obstinacy  on  both  sides.  In  the 
heat  of  action  Adolphus,  singling  out  his  rival,  attacked  him 
hand  to  hand,  haughtily  exclaiming,  "  Here  you  shall  resign  to 
me  the  empire  and  your  life!" — *'  Both,"  replied  Albert,  "  are 
in  the  hands  of  God;"  and  immediately  struck  his  competitor 
with  such  violence  in  the  face,  that  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and 
was  instantly  slain. 

During  the  reign  of  Adolphus,  and  also  of  Rodolph,  the  Jews 
w  ere  persecuted  in  the  empire  with  great  cruelty,  on  a  suppo- 
sition that  they  had  slain  several  christian  children,  and  commit- 
ted other  crimes,  which  excited  the  hatred  of  the  public.  They 
were  accused  of  having  stolen  a  consecrated  host :  and  the  cre- 
dulous and  vindictive  inhabitants  of  Nuremberg,  Rotenburg, 
and  other  towns,  seized  all  the  Israelites  that  fell  in  their  way, 
committed  them  to  the  flames,  and  drove  the  rest  to  such  des- 
pair, that  numbers  chose  rather  to  destroy  themselves  and  their 
families,  than  run  the  hazard  of  falling  into  the  hands  of  the 
merciless  Christians^. 

Though  Albert  had  been  elected  king  of  the  Romans  before 
his  victory  over  Adolphus,  and  consequendy  became  emperor 
on  the  death  of  that  prince,  he  chose  to  have  his  title  confirm- 
ed by  a  new  diet  at  F.ankfort;  and  he  was  afterwards  solemnly 
crowned  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  The  concourse  of  people  on  this 
occasion  was  so  great,  that  the  duke  of  Saxony,  the  emperor's 
brother,  and  several  other  persons,  were  squeezed  to  death  in 
the  crowd^ 

5  Cliron.  Colm. 

6  Annal.  Steron. — Mosheim,  Hist.  Eccles.  voi.  iii. — Dr.  Mosheim  leave*  it  c1oubtfu5 
whether  the  accusation  against  the  Jews  were  true  or  false  ;  but  his  learned  and  judicious 
translator,  in  a  note,  gives  reason  to  believe  that  they  were  insidiously  forged. 

7  Helss,  liv.  ii.  chap,  xxiv 


LET.  XXXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  3*9 

The  first  years  of  Albert's  reign  were  disquieted  by  a  quar- 
rel with  the  pope  and  the  ecclesiastical  electors.  Boniface  VIIL, 
the  last  pontiff  who  i)retended  to  dispose  of  crowns,  and  who 
carried  the  pretensions  of  the  apostolic  see  as  high  as  any  of  his 
predecessors,  took  part  with  the  three  German  archbishops,  who 
had  refused  to  answer  the  emperor's  summons.  They  were  at 
length,  however,  obliged  to  submit;  and  Boniface  confirmed  the 
election  of  Albert,  when  he  wished  to  make  him  the 
instrument  of  his  vengeance  against  Philip  the 
Fair.  But  the  emperor  did  not  obtain  this  confirmation,  it  is 
said,  before  he  had  declared,  that  '^  the  empire  was  transferred 
••*  by  the  holy  see  from  the  Greeks  to  the  Germans  ;  that  the  so- 
"  vereign  pontiff  had  granted  to  certain  ecclesiastical  and  secu- 
"  lar  princes  the  right  of  electing  a  king  of  the  Romans,  des- 
"  lined  to  the  empire  ;  and  that  the  emperors  and  kings  derive 
"  their  regal  power  from  the  pope'." 

The  most  remarkable  event  in  this  reign  is  the  rise  of  the  re- 
public of  Switzerland.  Fortified  by  their  natural  situation,  sur- 
rounded with  mountains,  torrents,  and  woods,  the  Swiss,  having 
nothing  to  fear  from  strangers,  had  lived  happily  in  a  rugged 
country,  suited  only  to  men  who  were  accustomed  to  a  frugal  and 
laborious  course  of  life.  Equality  of  condition  was  the  basis  of 
their  government.  They  had  been  free  from  time  immemorial ; 
and  when  any  of  their  nobility  attempted  to  tyrannise,  they  were 
either  expelled,  or  reduced  within  bounds  by  the  people.  But  al- 
though the  Swiss  were  extremely  jealous  of  their  liberty,  they 
had  always  been  submissive  to  the  empire,  on  which  they  de- 
pended ;  and  many  of  their  towns  were  free  and  imperial. 

When  Rodolph  of  Hapsburg  was  elected  emperor,  several 
lords  of  castles  formally  accused  the  cantons  of  Ury,  Schwitz, 
and  Underwald,  of  having  withdrawn  themselves  from  their 
feudal  subjection.  But  Rodolph,  who  had  formerly  fought 
against  those  petty  tyrants,  decided  in  favour  of  the  citizens  ; 
and  thenceforth  these  three  cantons  were  under  the  patronage, 
but  not  the  dominion  of  the  house  of  Austria. 

Rodolph  al'.vays  treated  the  Swiss  with  great  indulgence,  and 
generously  defended  their  rights  and  privileges  against  the  no- 
blemen who  attempted  to  infringe  them.  Albert's  conduc-t  in  this 
respect  was  just  the  reverse  of  his  father's  :  he  wanted  to  go- 
vern the  Swiss  as  an  absolute  sovereign,  and  had  formed  a 
scheme  for  erecting  their  country  into  a  principality  for  one  of 
his  sons.  In  order  to  accomplish  this  purpose,  he  endeavoured 
to  persuade  the  cantons  of  Ury,  Schwitz,  and  Underwald,  to 

8  Hist,  des  Demclez  <le  Bonif.  VIII.  avec  Philippe  le  Bel. — Mosheim,  Hi^t,  Eccles, 
Tol.iii. 


350  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

submit  voluntarily  to  his  dominion.  In  case  of  compliance,  he 
promised  to  rule  them  with  great  lenity  ;  but  finding  them  tena- 
cious of  their  independence,  and  deaf  to  all  his  solicitations,  he 
resolved  to  tame  them  by  rougher  methods,  and  appointed  go- 
vernors who  domineered?over  them  in  the  most  arbitrary  manner. 

The  tyranny  of  these  governors  exceeded  all  belief.  Geisler, 
governor  of  Ury,  ordered  his  hat  to  be  fixed  upon  a  pole  in  the 
market-place  of  Altdorf,  and  every  passenger  was  commanded, 
on  pain  of  death,  to  pay  obeisance  to  it.  But  the  independent 
spirit  of  William  Tell,  who,  among  others,  had  projected  the  de- 
liverance of  his  country,  disdained  to  pay  that  absurd  homage. 
On  this  the  governor  ordered  him  to  be  hanged  ;  but  remitted 
the  punishment,  on  condition  that  he  should  strike  an  apple  from 
his  son's  head  with  an  arrow.  Tell,  who  was  an  excellent  marks- 
man, accepted  the  alternative,  and  had  the  good  fortune  to  strike 
off  the  apple  without  hurting  his  son.  But  Geisler  perceiving 
a  second  arrow  under  William's  coat,  inquired  for  what  purpose 
that  was  intended  ;  "  It  was  designed  for  thee,"  replied  the  in- 
dignant Swiss,  "  if  I  had  killed  my  son."  For  that  heroic  an- 
swer he  was  doomed  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  though  fortune 
happily  put  it  out  of  the  governor's  power  to  carry  his  sentence 
into  execution. 

This  and  other  acts  of  wanton  tyranny  determined  Arnauld 
Melchtat,  a  native  of  Underwald,  Werner  Straffacher  of  Sch witz, 
and  Walter  Furtz  of  Ury,  to  put  in  execution  those  measures 
which  they  had  concerted  for  delivering  themselves  and  their 
country  from  the  Austrian  dominion.  Naturally  bold  and  enter- 
prising, and  united  by  a  long  intimacy  of  friendship,  they  had 
frequently  met  in  private  to  deliberate  upon  this  interesting  sub- 
1  ^oQ  j^^^-  ^^^^  associated  three  others;  and  these  twelve 
^'  '  '^  ■  men  accomplished  their  important  enterprise,  with- 
out the  loss  of  a  single  life.  Having  prepared  the  inhabitants  of 
their  several  cantons  for  a  revolt,  they  surprised  the  Austrian 
governors  ;  conducted  them  to  the  frontiers,  obliging  them  to 
promise  upon  oath  never  more  to  serve  against  the  Helvetic  na- 
tion ;  and  then  dismissed  them  ;  an  instance  of  moderation  not 
perhaps  to  be  equalled  in  the  history  of  mankind,  of  a  people 
incensed  against  their  oppressors,  and  who  had  them  in  their 
power^. 

Thus,  my  dear  Philip,  these  three  cantons  procured  theirfree- 
dom;  and  the  other  provinces  soon  engaged  in  this  confederacy, 
which  gave  birth  to  the  republic  of  Switzerland.  Never  did  any 
people  fight  with  greater  spirit  for  their  liberty  than  the  Swiss. 
They  purchased  it  by  above  fifty  battles  against  the  Austrians  ; 

9  Stefler.    Atinal.  Helvetic. 


LET.  XXXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  35 1 

and  they  well  deserved  the  prize  for  which  they  fought ;  for  ne- 
ver were  the  beneficial  effects  of  liberty  more  remarkable  than 
in  Switzerland. 

When  Albert  was  ready  to  hazard  his  forces  against  that  cou- 
rage which  is  inspired  by  the  enthusiasm  of  new-bom  freedom, 
he  fell  a  sacrifice  to  his  rapacity  and  injustice.  His  nephew 
John,  who  could  not  obtain  from  him  the  enjoyment  of  his  pa- 
trimony, was  inflamed  with  a  thirst  of  revenge.  This  injured 
youth,  confederating  with  three  others,  stabbed  the^yr  , 
emperor  in  presence  of  his  court  and  army,  on  the 
banks  of  the  river  Rus,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Switzerland^**. 
No  sovereign  was  ever  less  regretted.  He  did  not  want  valour, 
or  abilities  ;  but  a  desire  of  aggrandising  his  family  influenced 
his  whole  conduct,  and  made  him  violate  every  public  and 
private  tie. 

The  imperial  throne  continued  vacant  for  seven  months  after 
the  assassination  of  Albert.  At  length  the  electors  assembled  at 
Frankfort,  and  chose  Henry  count  of  Luxemburg;  .  j.  j  .^qq 
who  was  crowned,  without  opposition,  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  Soon  afterward,  in  a  diet  at  Spire,  sentence  of  death 
was  pronounced  against  prince  John  for  the  murder  of  his  un- 
cle, the  late  emperor;  whose  sons,  at  the  same  time,  demanded 
the  investiture  of  Austria  and  the  other  hereditary  dominions  of 
their  father,  which  Henry  intended  to  seize.  They  obtained 
their  demand,  on  making  him  sensible,  that,  as  the  house  of 
Austria  had  already  sent  two  emperors  out  of  the  world,  it  might 
yet  prove  fatal  to  a  third,  if  he  did  not  desist  from  his  unjust 
pretensions^'. 

At  this  assembly  also  appeared  Elizabeth,  daughter  and  heir- 
ess of  Wenceslaus  king  of  Bohemia.  She  had  been  contracted 
to  John,  count  of  Luxemburg,  son  of  the  emperor ;  but  the 
marriage  had  been  delayed  under  different  pretences.  The 
princess  therefore  demanded,  that  the  contract  might  be  fulfilled, 
or  cause  shown  why  the  nuptials  should  not  be  solemnised;  and 
understanding  that  a  report  had  been  spread  to  the  disadvantage 
of  her  chastity,  she  repaired  to  the  emperor's  anti-chamber,  un- 
dressed herself  to  the  shift,  in  the  presence  of  the  ladies  there 
assembled,  and,  approaching  Henry  in  that  condition,  requested 
that  she  might  be  immediately  examined  by  matrons.  She  was 
accordingly  committed  to  the  inspection  of  some  experienced 
ladies  and  midwives,  who  unanimously  declared  her  an  unspot- 
ted virgin;  and,  in  consequence  of  their  testimony,  the  nuptials 
were  solemnised  with  great  magnificence,  in  presence  of  the 
electors  and  other  princes  and  noblemen  of  the  diet'^ 

10  Rebdorf.  ad  ann.  130S,  11  Hoiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  ^5.  10  Heiss,  lib.  ii.  cnp.  25. 


S52  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

This  is  a  point  on  which  our  modern  physicians  would  have 
had  many  consultations.  They  pretend  that  the  signs  of  virgi- 
nity are  altogether  precarious,  though  every  old  woman  affirms 
them  to  be  infallible.  And  fortunately  the  daughter  of  Wences- 
laus  was  judged  by  old  women ;  for  so  scrupulous  were  the 
bridegrooms  of  those  days  on  the  article  of  chastity,  that  the 
slightest  suspicion  in  regard  to  it  was  sufficient  to  obstruct  the 
marriage  or  ruin  the  happiness  of  a  couple  for  life. 

The  emperors,  from  the  time  of  Frederic  II.,  seemed  to  have 
lost  sight  of  Italy.  But  Henry  VII.,  as  soon  as  he  had  settled 
the  affairs  of  the  North,  resolved  to  re-establish  the  imperial  au- 
,„._.  thority  in  that  country.  With  this  view  a  diet  was 
'  convoked  at  Frankfort;  where  proper  supplies 
being  granted  for  the  emperor's  journey,  well  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Roman  Expedition,  he  set  out  for  Italy,  accompa- 
nied by  the  dukes  of  Austria  and  Bavaria,  the  archbishop  of 
Trieves,  the  bishop  of  Liege,  the  counts  of  Savoy  and  Flanders, 
with  other  noblemen,  and  the  militia  of  all  the  imperial  towns. 

Italy  was  still  divided  by  the  factions  of  the  Guelphs  and  Ghi- 
belines,  who  butchered  one  another  without  humanity  or  re- 
morse. But  their  contest  was  no  longer  the  same  :  it  was  not 
now  a  struggle  betw  een  the  empire  and  the  priesthood,  but  be- 
tween faction  and  faction,  inflamed  by  mutual  jealousies  and 
animosities.  Pope  Clement  V.  had  been  obliged  to  leave  Rome, 
which  was  distracted  by  the  anarchy  of  popular  government. 
The  Colonna  and  Ursini  families,  and  the  Roman  barons,  divi- 
ded the  city:  and  this  division  was  the  cause  of  the  long  abode  of 
the  popes  in  France,  as  we  shall  have  occasion  to  see  in  the 
history  of  that  kingdom ;  so  that  Rome  seemed  equally  lost  to 
the  popes  and  the  emperors.  Sicily  was  in  the  possession  of 
the  house  of  Arragon,  in  consequence  of  the  famous  massacre 
called  the  Sicilian  Vespers,  which  delivered  that  island  from  the 
tyranny  of  the  French,  as  will  be  afterw  ard  more  fully  related. 
Carobert,  king  of  Hungary,  disputed  the  kingdom  of  Naples 
with  his  uncle  Robert,  son  of  Charles  II.  of  the  house  of  Anjou. 
The  house  of  Este  had  established  itself  at  Ferrara  :  and  the 
Venetians  aimed  at  the  possession  of  that  country.  The  old 
league  of  the  Italian  cities  no  longer  subsisted.  It  had  been 
formed  with  no  other  view  than  to  oppose  the  emperors  ;  and 
since  they  had  neglected  Italy,  the  cities  were  wholly  employ- 
ed in  aggrandising  themselves  at  the  expense  of  each  other. 
The  Florentines  and  the  Genoese  made  war  upon  the  republic 
of  Fisa.  Every  city  was  also  divided  into  factions  within  itself; 
Florence  between  the  Blacks  and  the  Whites,  and  Milan  be- 
tween the  Visconti  and  the  Turriani. 

In  the  midst  of  these  troubles  Henry  VU.  appeared  in  Italy, 


LET.  XXXIX.  MODERN  EUROPE.  353 

and  caused  himself  to  be  crowned  king  of  Lombar-  ,  ^ , , 

dy  at  Milan.  The  Guelphs  had  concealed  the  old 
iron  crown  of  the  Lombard  kings,  as  if  the  right  of  reigning 
were  attached  to  a  particular  circlet  of  metal.  But  Henry,  con- 
temning such  a  thought,   ordered  a  new  crown  to  be  made, 
with  which  the  ceremony  of  inauguration  was  performed'^. 

Cremona  was  the  first  place  that  ventured  to  oppose  the  em- 
peror. He  reduced  it  by  force,  and  subjected  it  to  heavy  con- 
tributions. Parma,  Vicenza,  and  Placentia,  made  peace  with 
him  on  reasonable  conditions.  Padua  paid  a  hundred  thousand 
crowns,  and  received  an  imperial  officer  as  governor.  The  Ve- 
netians presented  Henry  with  a  large  sum  of  money,  an  impe- 
rial crown  of  gold  enriched  with  diamonds,  and  a  chain  of  very 
curious  workmanship.  Brescia  made  a  desperate  resistance, 
and  sustained  a  very  long  siege  ;  in  the  course  of  which  the 
emperor's  brother  was  slain,  and  his  army  diminished  to  such 
a  degree,  that  the  inhabitants  ventured  to  march  out,  under 
the  command  of  their  prefect,  Thibault  de  Drussati,  and  gave 
him  battle.  But  they  were  repulsed  with  great  loss,  after  an  ob- 
stinate engagement,  and  at  last  obliged  to  submit.  Their  city 
was  dismantled. 

From  Brescia  Henry  marched  to  Genoa,  where  he  was  re- 
ceived with  expressions  of  joy,  and  splendidly  en-  1312 
tertained.  He  next  proceeded  to  Rome,  where,  af-  *  * 
ter  much  bloodshed,  he  received  the  imperial  crown  from  the 
hands  of  the  cardinals.  Clement  V.,  who  had  originally  invited 
Henry  into  Italy,  growing  jealous  of  his  success,  had  leagued 
with  Robert  king  of  Naples  and  the  Ursini  to  oppose  his  en- 
trance into  Rome.  He  entered  it  in  spite  of  them,  by  the  as- 
sistance of  the  Colonna  party". 

Now  master  of  that  ancient  city,  Henry  appointed  a  gover- 
nor of  it ;  and  ordered,  that  the  cities  and  states  of  Italy  should 
pay  him  an  annual  tribute.  In  this  order  he  comprehended  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  to  which  he  was  preparing  to  enforce  his 
claim  of  superiority,  when  he  died  at  Benevento  of  a  ^,™  25 
poison  (as  it  is  commonly  supposed),  given  him  by  a    i^i^ 
Dominican  friar  in  the  consecrated  wine  of  the  sacra- 
ment**. 

During  the  last  years  of  the  reign  of  Henry  VII.,  who  was  a 
valiant  and  politic  prince,  the  knights  of  the  Teutonic  order 
aggrandised  themselves  by  making  war  upon  the  Pagans  of  the 
North.    They  possessed  themselves  of  Samogitia,  after  butch- 

13  Struv.  period  ix.  sect.  iv.  14  Struv.  ubi.  sup.— (Juspin.  Vit.  Hen.  VII. 

15  Cuspin.  Vit.  Hen,  VII. 

V©L.  I.  Y  y 


3^4  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

ering  all  the  inhabitants  that  refused  to  embrace  Christianity  ; 
they  took  Dantzic,  and  purchased  Pomerella  of  the  marquis  of 
Brandenburg.  But  while  the  order  was  making  these  acquisi*^ 
tions  in  Europe,  it  lost  all  its  possessions  in  Asia'*. 
The  affairs  of  France  now  claim  our  attention. 

16  Petit  tie  Duisburirh.  Chronic.  Prussix 


LETTER  XL. 


History  of  France  fnmi  the  Death  of  Louis  IX.  till  the  Acces- 
sion of  the  House  ofValois. 

YOU  have  already,  my  dear  Philip,  seen  the  Pious  Louis 
IX.  perish  on  the  coast  of  Africa,  in  a  second  expedition  against 
■^^  the  infidels.  The  most  remarkable  circumstance  in 
A.  D.  i  /  •  the  reign  of  his  son  Philip  in.  surnamed  the  Hardy, 
a  prince  of  some  merit,  but  much  inferior  to  his  father,  is  the 
interest  he  took  in  the  affairs  of  his  uncle  Charles  of  Anjou, 
king  of  Naples  and  Sicily.  This  circumstance  naturally  leads 
us  to  an  account  of  the  Sicilian  Vespers,  and  of  the  war  be- 
tween France  and  Arragon. 

Charles,  by  the  severity  of  his  government,  had  not  only  ren- 
dered himself  but  his  family,  odious  to  the  Sicilians  ;  and  the 
insolence  and  debauchery  of  the  French  troops  had  excited  an 
irreconcileable  aversion  against  the  whole  nation.  At  the  same 
time,  the  boundless  ambition  of  this  prince,  who  was  actually 
preparing  to  attack  the  Greek  emperor,  Michael  Palceologus, 
and  was  suspected  of  having  an  eye  to  the  German  empire, 
raised  a  general  jealousy  of  him  among  his  neighbours.  Of 
that  number  was  pope  Nicholas  III.,  who  particularly  dreaded 
Charles's  power  ;  and,  if  he  is  not  slandered  by  the  French  his- 
torians, contrived  the  scheme  of  his  humihation,  though  it  did 
not  take  effect  till  after  the  death  of  his  holiness.  It  was  con- 
ducted by  John  di  Procida,  a  Sicilian  nobleman,  who  had  se- 
cretly prepared  the  minds  of  his  countrymen  for  a  revolt ;  and 
an  accident  gave  it  birth. 

On  the  evening  of  P'.aster  day,  as  the  French  and  Sicilians 
I9fi9  ^^^'^^  go'"g  ^"  P'"oc^ssion  to  the  church  of  Montre- 
*  ale,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Palermo,  a  bride  hap- 
pened to  pass  with  her  train ;  when  one  Droguet,  a  Frenchman, 


LET.  XI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  355 

instantly  ran  to  her,  and  began  to  use  her  in  a  rude  manner, 
under  pretence  of  searching  for  concealed  arms.  A  young  Sici- 
lian, flaming  with  resentment,  stabbed  Droguet  to  the  heart ;  a 
tumult  ensued,  and  two  hundred  Frenchmen  were  slain  on  the 
spot.  The  enraged  populace  now  ran  to  the  city,  crying  aloud, 
♦'  Kill  the  French  !'' — and,  without  distinction  of  age  or  sex, 
murdered  every  person  of  that  nation  found  in  Palermo.  The 
same  fury  spread  itself  dirough  the  whole  island,  and  produced 
a  general  massacre.  The  enraged  conspirators,  brutally  cruel, 
did  not  even  spare  their  own  relatives,  but  ripped  up  women 
who  were  pregnant  by  Frenchmen,  and  dashed  the  half-formed 
infants  against  the  walls  ;  while  the  priests,  catching  the  gene- 
ral frenzy,  butchered  all  the  French  penitents'. 

Peter,  king  of  Arragon,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of 
Mainfroy,  the  former  usurper  of  Sicily,  supported  the  Sicilians 
in  their  rebellion,  and  openly  claimed  the  kingdom  in  right  of 
his  wife.  The  Sicilians  received  him  with  open  arms.  He  was 
crowned  at  Palermo ;  and  Charles  of  Anjou  was  obliged  to 
abandon  the  island,  after  having  besieged  Messina  for  six  weeks 
in  vain.  He  had  now  no  hopes  but  from  France,  where  the  no- 
bility in  general  were  well  aflfected'to  him,  and  readily  offered 
to  furnish  troops  for  his  support.  In  this  disposition  they  were 
encouraged  by  Philip.  Pope  Martin  IV.  was  also  entirely  in 
the  interest  of  Charles  ;  who  might  probably  have  recovered 
Sicily,  had  he  not  imprudently  agreed  to  decide  the  dispute 
with  Peter  by  single  combat. 

The  king  of  Arragon,  who  had  the  duel  very  little  at  heart, 
was  by  that  means  enabled  to  amuse  his  rival,  and  fix  his  own 
family  on  the  throne  of  Sicily,  which  became  a  separate  king- 
dom from  Naples.  In  the  mean  time,  the  pope  excommuni- 
cated Peter,  and  gave  his  dominions  to  any  of  the  younger  sons 
of  France  that  the  king  should  choose  to  name.  Philip,  flat- 
tered by  this  proposal,  declared  his  son  Charles  of  ^  jj  -1^283 
Valois  king  of  Arragon  and  Valentia,  and  count  of  *  * 
Barcelona.  He  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  numerous  army, 
in  order  to  realise  these  honours ;  and  he  furnished,  at  the  same 
time,  his  uncle  Charles  with  a  fleet  and  army  for  the  recovery 
of  Sicily.     Splendid  projects  !  which  proved  the  ruin  of  both. 

Charles  had  left  his  son  of  the  same  name  at  Naples,  with 
strict  orders  to  incur  no  risk  until  his  arrival  with  succours  from 
France.  But  that  young  prince,  provoked  by  the  Arragonese 
fleet,  sailed  out  with  the  force  under  his  command,  and  was  de- 
feated and  taken  prisoner  before  his  father's  return;  ^^  ^  ^^234, 
a  circumstance  which  so  much  affected  the  king,  that 

1  Giannone,Hist.  di  Napol.— Giov.  VHla^ii.— Spondan. 


356  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  r. 

he  is  said  to  liave  strangled  himself  with  a  halter — a  death  suf- 
ficiently mild  for  such  a  tyrants 

Meanwhile  the  French  army  under  the  command  of  Philip, 
had  penetrated  into  Catalonia,  and  laid  siege  to  Girona,  which 
made  a  gallant  defence.  I'he  king  of  Arragon,  being  in  the 
neighbourhood  with  a  small  army,  attacked  a  convoy  going  to 
the  French  camp,  and  received  a  mortal  wound.  Girona  sur- 
rendered ;  and  Philip  having  put  a  good  garrison  into  it,  dis- 
missed part  of  his  fleet,  which  had  been  principally  hired  from 
the  Italian  states.  Roger  di  Loria,  the  Arragonese  admiral, 
who  durst  not  attack  the  French  fleet  while  entire,  burned  and 
destroyed  it  when  divided,  seizing  all  the  money  and  provisions 
intended  for  the  support  of  the  army :  and  these  losses  sunk  so 
.Q  f.  -iqoi:  deeply  into  the  mind  of  Philip,  that  he  repassed 
'  *  the  Pyrenees,  and  died  a  few  days  after  at  Per- 

pignan^. 

Philip  III.  was  the  first  French  monarch  who  granted  letters 
of  nobility,  which  he  bestowed  on  Ralph  the  Goldsmith.  In  so 
doing,  he  only  restored  the  ancient  constitution  of  the  Franks, 
who,  being  all  of  one  blood,  were  esteemed  equally  noble,  and 
alike  capable  of  the  highest  offices.  The  notion  of  a  particular 
and  distinct  noblesse  took  its  rise  towards  the  close  of  the  second 
race,  when  many  of  the  oflficers  of  the  crown  had  usurj)ed,  and 
converted  into  hereditary  dignities,  the  oflEices  and  jurisdictions 
which  they  received  from  royal  favour*. 

The  reign  of  Philip  IV.  sumamed  the  Fair,  the  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Philip  the  Hardy,  forms  an  aera  in  the  history  of 
France,  by  the  civil  and  political  regulations  to  which  it  gave 
birth  ;  the  institution  of  the  supreme  tribunals,  called  Parlia- 
ments ;  and  the  formal  admission  of  the  commons,  or  third  es- 
tate, into  the  general  assemblies  of  the  nation.  How  the  French 
commons  came  afterwards  to  be  excluded  from  these  assemblies, 
we  shall  have  occasion  to  see  in  the  course  of  our  narration. 

The  first  care  of  Philip  was  to  compose  all  differences  with 
his  neighbours,  as  he  found  his  finances  exhausted :  and  this  he 
was  enabled  to  effect  by  the  mediation  of  Edward  I.  of  England, 
against  whom  he  afterwards  ungenerously  commenced  hostilities, 
while  that  monarch  was  engaged  in  a  war  with  Scotland.  Phi- 
lip also  attempted,  at  the  expense  of  much  blood  and  treasure, 
to  seize  Flanders,  when  the  count  was  an  ally  of  the  king  of 
England.  But  as  these  wars  were  neither  distinguished  by  any 
remarkable  event,  nor  followed  by  any  consequence  that  altered 
the  state  of  either  country,  I  shall  proceed  to  the  transactions 

2  Spondan.—Giannone,  Hist,  di  Xnpo'..  3  Nang.  Chron.  4  HenauH,  toni';  i 


lET.  XL.  MODERN  EUROPE.  357 

between  Philip  and  the  see  of  Rome,  and  the  extinction  of  the 
order  of  Knights  Templars. 

Pope  Boniface  VIII.  had  prohibited  the  clergy  in  general  from 
granting  any  aids  or  subsidies  to  princes  without  his  leave. 
Philip  IV.,  who  was  no  less  haughty  than  his  holiness,  and  very 
needy,  thought  the  clergy,  as  being  the  richest  order  of  the  state, 
ought  to  contribute  to  the  wants  of  the  crown,  when  the  situa- 
tion of  affairs  made  it  necessary,  and  without  any  application  to 
Rome;  he  therefore  encountered  the  pope's  bull  by  an  edict,  for- 
bidding any  of  the  French  clergy  to  send  money  abroad  without 
the  royal  permission.  This  was  the  first  cause  of  the  famous 
quarrel  between  Boniface  and  Philip;  and  the  insolence  of  a 
bishop  of  Pamiers  threw  things  into  a  still  greater  ferment. 

This  man,  named  Bernard  Saissetti,  who  had  rebelled  against 
the  king  in  his  diocese,  was  appointed  by  Boniface  legate  to  the 
French  court.  An  obnoxious  subject  thus  invested  ,  „^r> 

with  a  dignity  which,  according  to  the  see  of  Rome,  '  ' 
made  him  equal  to  the  sovereign  himself,  came  to  Paris  and 
braved  Philip,  threatening  his  kingdom  with  an  interdict.  A 
layman  who  had  behaved  in  such  a  manner  would  have  been 
punished  with  death ;  but  the  person  of  a  churchman  was  sa- 
cred; and  Philip  was  satisfied  with  delivering  this  incendiary 
into  the  hands  of  his  metropolitan,  the  archbishop  of  Narbonne, 
not  daring  to  treat  him  as  a  criminal. 

The  pope,  enraged  at  the  confinement  of  his  legate,  issued  a 
bull,  declaring  that  the  vicar  of  Christ  was  invested  with  full 
authority  over  the  kings  and  kingdoms  of  the  earth :  and  the 
chief  French  ecclesiastics  received,  at  the  same  time,  an  order 
from  his  holiness  to  repair  to  Rome.  A  French  archdeacon  car- 
ried this  bull  and  these  orders  to  the  king;  commanding  him, 
under  pain  of  excommunication,  to  acknowledge  the  pope  as 
his  temporal  sovereign.  This  insolence  was  answered  with  a 
moderation  little  suited  to  the  character  of  Philip.  He  contented 
himself  with  ordering  the  pope's  bull  to  be  thrown  into  the  fire, 
and  prohibiting  the  departure  of  the  bishops  from  the  kingdom. 
Forty  of  them,  however,  with  many  of  the  heads  of  religious 
orders,  went  to  Rome,  notwithstanding  the  king's  prohibition. 
For  this  trespass  he  seized  all  their  temporalities. 

While  Boniface  and  his  council  were  considering  the  conduct 
of  Philip,  and  by  means  of  his  confessor  brought  his  most  secret 
thoughts  under  review,  that  politic  prince  assembled  the  states 
of  his  kingdom.  They  acknowledged  his  independent  right  to 
the  sovereignty  of  France,  and  disavowed  the  pope's  claim.  It 
was  on  this  occasion  that  the  representatives  of  cities  were  first 
regularly  sum.moned  to  the  national  assembly. 


S5B  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Philip  was  now  at  full  liberty  to  treat  the  pope  as  an  open 
enemy.  He  accordingly  leagued  with  the  family  of  Colonna, 
and  sent  William  de  Nogaret,  a  celebrated  lawyer,  into  Italy, 
with  a  sum  of  money,  in  order  to  raise  troops,  A  body  of  des- 
paradoes  were  suddenly  and  secretly  collected,  with  whichWil- 
liam  and  Sciarra  Colonna  surprised  Boniface  at  x^nagni,  a  town 
in  his  own  territories,  and  the  place  of  his  birth,  exclaiming, 
"  Let  the  pope  die !  and  long  live  the  king  of  France  !"  Boni- 
face, however,  did  not  lose  his  courage.  He  dressed  himself  in 
his  cope  :  put  the  tiara  upon  his  head  ;  and,  holding  the  keys  in 
one  hand  and  the  cross  in  the  other,  presented  himself  with  an 
air  of  majesty  before  his  conquerors.  On  this  occasion,  it  is 
said,  Sciarra  had  the  brutality  to  strike  him,  crying  out,  "  Ty- 
rant, renounce  the  pontificate,  which  thou  hast  dishonoured." 
— "  I  am  pope,"  replied  Boniface  with  a  look  of  intrepidity, 
"  and  I  will  die  pope  V  This  gallant  behaviour  had  such  an 
effect  on  the  minds  of  the  inhabitants,  that  they  rose  against  his 
enemies,  and  rescued  him  from  their  hands.  But  Boniface  was 
so  much  affected  by  the  indignities  which  had  been  offered  him, 
that  he  did  not  long  survive*. 

The  next  pope,  Benedict  XL,  was  a  mild  and  good  man; 
and  being  desirous  of  using  his  power  for  the  promotion  of 
peace,  he  revoked  the  sentence  of  excommunication  which  his 
predecessor  had  fulminated  against  Philip  the  Fair.  He  also 
pardoned  the  Colonnas,  and  showed  a  great  disposition  to  reform 
that  corruption  which  had  spread  itself  through  the  dominions 
of  the  church.  But  these  proceedings  excited  the  hatred  of  his 
licentious  and  vindictive  countrymen,  who  suddenly  took  him 
,  np.  -  off  by  poison.  He  was  succeeded  by  Clement  V., 
'  who  being  a  Frenchman,  and  entirely  in  the  interest 
of  Philip,  fixed  his  residence  in  France.  By  means  of  this  pope 
the  French  monarch  united  the  city  of  Lyons  to  his  kingdom; 
but  although  this  was  considered  as  a  valuable  acquisition,  he 
had  occasion  for  the  assistance  of  Clement  in  an  affair  that  lay 
nearer  his  heart.  I  allude  to  the  suppression  of  the  order  of 
Knights  Templars.  That  religious  and  military  order,  which 
took  its  rise,  as  has  been  already  observed,  during  the  first  fer- 
vour of  the  crusades,  had  made  rapid  advances  in  credit  and 
authority,  and  had  acquired,  from  the  piety  of  the  faithful,  ample 
possessions  in  every  Christian  country,  but  more  especially  in 
France.  The  great  riches  of  those  knights,  and  other  concur- 
ring causes,  had  however  relaxed  the  severity  of  their  discipline. 
Convinced  by  experience,  by  fatigues,  and  by  dangers,  of  the 
folly  of  their  fruitless  expeditions  into  Asia,  they  chose  rather 

5  A.  Baillet,  Hist,  des  Deroelez  de  Boniface  VIII.  avee,  Philippe  le  Bel. 


LET.  XL.  MODERN  EUROPE.  359 

to  enjoy  in  ease  their  opulent  fortunes  in  Europe ;  and  being 
all  men  of  respectable  families,  they  scorned  the  ignoble  occu- 
pations of  a  monastic  life,  and  passed  their  time  wholly  in  the 
fashionable  amusements  of  hunting,  gallantry,  and  the  pleasures 
of  the  table.  By  these  means  the  Templars  had  in  a  great  mea- 
sure lost  that  popularity  which  first  raised  them  to  honour  and 
distinction.  But  the  immediate  cause  of  their  destruction  pro- 
ceeded from  the  cruel  and  vindictive  spirit  of  Philip  the  Fair. 

The  severity  of  the  taxes,  and  the  mal-administration  of  Phi- 
lip and  his  council  in  regard  to  the  coin,  which  they  had  repeat- 
edly altered  in  its  value,  occasioned  a  sedition  in  Paris.  The 
Knights  Templars  were  accused  of  being  concerned  in  the  tu- 
mult. They  were  rich,  as  has  been  observed  ;  and  Philip  was 
no  less  avaricious  than  vindictive.  He  determined  to  involve  the 
whole  order  in  one  undistinguished  ruin;  and  on  no  better  infor- 
mation than  that  of  two  knights  condemned  by  their  superiors 
to  perpetual  imprisonment  for  their  vices,  he  ordered  all  the 
Templars  in  France  to  be  committed  to  prison  on  one  day,  and 
imputed  to  them  such  enormous  and  absurd  crimes  as  are  suffi- 
cient of  themselves  to  destroy  all  the  credit  of  the  accusation. 
They  were  charged  with  robbery,  murder,  and  the  most  unnatu- 
ral vices  ;  and  it  was  pretended,  that  every  one  whom  they  re- 
ceived into  their  order  was  obliged  to  renounce  his  Saviour,  to 
spit  upon  the  cross,  and  to  join  to  this  impiety  the  superstition 
of  worshipping  a  gilded  head,  which  was  secretly  kept  at  one  of 
their  houses  at  Marseilles.  The  novice  was  also  said  to  be  ini- 
tiated by  many  infamous  rites,  which  could  serve  no  other  pur- 
pose than  to  degrade  the  order  in  his  eyes  :  and,  as  Voltaire 
justly  observes,  it  shows  a  very  imperfect  knowledge  of  man- 
kind, to  suppose  there  can  be  any  societies  that  support  them- 
selves by  the  badness  of  their  morals,  or  who  make  a  law  to 
enforce  the  practice  of  impudence  and  obscenity.  Every  socie- 
ty endeavours  to  render  itself  respectable  to  those  who  are  de- 
sirous of  becoming  members  of  it. 

Absurd,  however,  as  these  accusations  appear,  above  one  hun- 
dred knights  were  put  to  the  rack,  in  order  to  extort  from  them 
a  confession  of  their  guilt.  The  more  obstinate  perished  in  the 
hands  of  their  tormentors.  Several,  in  the  violence  of  their  ago- 
nies, acknowledged  whatever  was  desired  of  them.  Forged  con- 
fessions were  imputed  to  others;  and  Philip,  as  if  their  guilt  had 
now  been  certain,  proceeded  to  a  confiscation  of  all  I'lw 

their  treasures.  But  no  sooner  were  these  unhappy 
men  relieved  from  their  tortures  than  they  disavowed  their  forced 
confessions,  exclaimed  against  the  forgeries,  justified  the  inno- 


360  THE  HISTORY  OF  parti. 

cence  of  their  order,  and  appealed  to  the  many  gallant  actions 
performed  by  them  as  a  full  apology  for  their  conduct. 

Enraged  at  this  disappointment,  and  thinking  himself  bound 
in  honour  to  proceed  to  extremities,  Philip  ordered  fifty-four 
Templars,  whom  he  branded  as  relapsed  heretics,  to  perish  by 
the  punishment  of  fire  in  his  capital.  Great  numbers  expired, 
after  a  like  manner,  in  different  parts  of  the  kingdom:  and  when 
the  tyrant  found  that  the  perseverance  of  those  unhappy  victims, 
in  justifying  to  the  last  their  innocence,  had  made  deep  impres- 
sion on  the  minds  of  the  people,  he  endeavoured  to  overcome  the 
constancy  of  the  Templars  by  new  inhumanities.  John  de  Mo- 
lay,  the  grand-master  of  the  order,  and  another  great  officer, 
„ .  <P  brother  to  the  sovereign  of  Daujjhine,  were  conduct- 
A.  D.  1  Jl  .  ^j  ^^  ^  scaffold, erected  before  the  church  of  Notre- 
Dame  at  Paris.  A  full  pardon  was  offered  them  on  one  hand  ;  a 
fire  destined  for  their  execution  was  shown  them  on  the  other. 
But  these  gallant  noblemen  persisted  in  the  protestation  of  their 
own  innocence  and  that  of  their  order ;  and,  as  the  reward  of 
their  fortitude,  they  were  instantly  hurried  into  the  flames  by 
the  public  executioner". 

In  all  this  barbarous  injustice,  Clement  V.  fully  concurred; 
and,  by  the  plenitude  of  his  apostolic  power,  in  a  general  coun- 
cil at  Vienne,  without  examining  a  single  witness  or  making 
any  inquiry  into  tl^  truth  of  facts,  he  abolished  the  whole  order. 
The  Templars  all  over  Europe  were  thrown  into  prison  ;  their 
conduct  underwent  a  strict  scrutiny,  and  the  power  of  their  ene- 
mies still  pursued  and  oppressed  them.  But  no  where,  except 
in  France,  were  the  smallest  traces  of  their  guilt  pretended  to 
be  found.  Some  countries  sent  ample  testimony  of  their  piety 
and  morals  :  but,  as  the  order  was  now  annihilated,  their  lands 
in  France,  Italy,  England,  and  Germany,  were  given  to  the 
Knights  Hos|>italers.  In  Spain,  they  were  given  to  the  knights 
of  Calatrava,  an  order  established  to  combat  the  Moors^. 

Philip,  soon  after  the  suppression  of  this  order,  revived  his 
quarrel  with  the  count  of  Flanders,  whose  dominions  he  again 
unsuccessfully  attempted  to  unite  to  the  crown  of  France.  The 
failure  of  that  project,  together  with  some  domestic  misfortunes, 
threw  him  into  a  languishing  consumption,  which  carried  him 
N    f  90  T?  1 4  °^  ^"  ^^^  thirtieth  year  of -his  reign,  and  the  for- 

°^  *     *  '  ty-seventh  of  his  age.  He  certainly  was  a  prince 

of  great  talents  ;  and,  notwithstanding  his  vices,  France  ought 
to  reverence  his  memory.     By  fixing  the  parliaments,  or  su- 

6  Puteau,  Hist.  Ae  la  Condamnat.  des  Templiers. — Nic.  Gartler.  Hist.  Templar. — 
Steph.  Baluz.    Vit.  Pontif.  Avenion. 

7  Id  ibid. — Rymer,  vol.  iii.     Vertot,  Hist,  des  Chev.  de  Malthe,  tome  li. 


LET.  XI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  561 

preme  courts  of  judicature,  he  secured  the  ready  execution  of 
justice  to  all  his  subjects  ;  and,  though  his  motive  for  admitting 
the  third  estate  into  the  national  council  might  not  be  the  most 
generous,  he  by  that  measure  put  it  in  the  power  of  the  French 
nation  to  have  established  a  free  government. 

Louis  X.,  surnamed  Hutiii  or  the  Wrangler,  the  son  and  suc- 
cessor of  Philip  the  Fair,  began  his  reign  with  an  act  of  injus- 
tice. At  the  instigation  of  his  uncle,  the  count  of  Valois,  he 
caused  his  prime  minister  Marip;ni  to  be  executed,  ,  _,  - 

4.     C  4.       1   J       •  J  .     A.  D.  1315. 

on  account  oi  many  pretended  crimes,  and  magic 
among  the  rest;  but  in  reality  on  account  of  his  supposed  riches, 
which  were  confiscated  to  the  crown.  But  the  acquisition  of  the 
effects  of  Marigni  and  his  reputed  accomplices  not  being  suffi- 
cient for  the  king's  wants,  he  extorted  money  from  the  nobility, 
under  various  pretences:  he  levied  a  tenth  upon  the  clergy:  he 
sold  enfranchisements  to  the  slaves  employed  in  cultivating  the 
royal  domains:  and  when  they  would  not  purchase  their  free- 
dom, he  declared  them  free,  and  levied  the  mo-  y  g  o  i  qic  . 
ney  by  force*.    He  died,  like  his  father,  after  an  ' 

unsuccessful  attempt  upon  Flanders. 

On  the  death  of  Louis  X.,  a  violent  dispute  arose  in  regard  to 
the  succession.  The  king  had  one  daughter  by  his  first  wife 
Margaret  of  Burgundy,  and  left  his  queen,  Clemence  of  Hun- 
gary, pregnant.  Clemence  was  brought  to  bed  of  a  son,  who 
lived  only  eight  days.  It  had  long  been  a  prevailing  opinion^ 
that  the  crown  of  France  could  never  descend  to  a  female  ;  and 
as  nations,  in  accounting  for  principles  which  they  regard  as 
fundamental,  and  as  peculiar  to  themselves,  are  fond  of  ground- 
ing them  on  primary  laws  rather  than  on  blind  custom,  it  had 
been  usual  to  derive  this  maxim  (though,  according  to  the  best 
antiquaries  falsely)  from  a  clause  in  the  Salian  Code,  the  body 
of  laws  of  an  ancient  tribe  among  the  Franks.  In  consequence 
of  this  opinion,  and  precedents  founded  en  it,  Philip  V.,  sur- 
named the  Long,  brother  to  Louis  X.,  was  proclaimed  king; 
and  as  the  duke  of  Burgundy  made  some  opposition,  and  as- 
serted the  right  of  his  niece,  the  states  of  the  kingdom,  by  a 
solemn  and  deliberate  decree,  excluded  her,  and  13 17 

declared  all  females  for  ever  incapable  of  succeed- 
ing to  the  crown  of  France^  The  wisdom  of  this  decree  is 
too  evident  to  need  beitig  pointed  out.  It  not  only  prevents 
those  evils  which  necessarily  proceed  from  female  caprices  and 
tender  partialities,  so  apt  to  make  a  minister  from  love  and 
degrade  him  from  whim,  but  is  attended  with  this  peculiar  ad- 

8  Le  Gendre.— Diipleix.  9  Mezeraj-.— Da  Tillet.— Henftult. 

Vol.  L  .  Z  z 


362  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i^. 

vantage,  that  a  foreigner  can  never  become  sovereign  of  France 
by  marriage  ;  a  circumstance  always  dangerous,  and  often  pro- 
ductive of  the  most  fatal  revolutions. 

The  reigns  of  Philip  the  long  and  his  brother  Charles  the 
Fair,  were  short:  nor  did  any  memorable  event  occur  under  the 
sway  of  either.  Charles  left  only  one  daughter,  and  conse- 
quently no  heir  to  the  crown;  but,  as  his  queen  was  pregnant, 
nno  Philip  de  Valois,  the  next  male  heir,  was  appointed 
^*  ^*  *  regent,  with  a  declared  right  of  succession,  if  the 

issue  should  prove  female.  The  queen  of  France  was  deliver- 
ed of  a  daughter:  the  regency  ended;  aiid  Philip  de  Valois  as- 
cended the  throne  a  France. 

Tiiis  prince  was  ccusin-german  to  the  deceased  king,  and 
incontestably  the  nearest  male-heir  descended  fr(  m  a  male : 
but  Edward  III.,  as  we  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  see,  as- 
sertet^  the  superiority  of  his  own  claim.  In  the  mean  time,  I 
mu.-it  make  you  acquainted  with  the  more  early  part  of  the  reign 
of  that  illustrious  monarch. 


LETTER  XLI. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  England,  Scotland,  F7-ance,  and  Spam,  during 
the  Reign  of  Ed-ward  III.  -  ^ 

THE  reign  of  Edward  III.,  my  dear  Philip,  opens  a  wide 

field  of  observation,  and  involves  whatever  is  great  or  interest- 

.  „27  ing  Jr»  ^he  history  of  Europe  during  that  period. 

*     *  *  But  before  we  enter  on  the  foreign  transactions  of 

this  prince,  I  must  inform  you  of  the  domestic ;  and,  for  this 
purpose,  some  recapitulation  may  be  necessary. 

You  have  already  been  informed  of  the  murder  of  the  second 
Edward,  by  the  inhuman  emissaries  of  Roger  Mortimer,  the 
queen's  gallant ;  and  you  may  easily  suppose  that  he  and  Isa- 
bella were  then  the  objects  of  public  odium.  Conscious  of  this, 
they  subjected  to  their  vengeance  whomsoever  they  feared,  in 
order  to  secure  their  usurped  power.  The  earl  of  Kent,  the 
young  king's  uncle,  was  in iquitously  condemned  and  executed; 
the  earl  of  Lancaster  was  thrown  into  prison  ;  and  others  of  the 
nobility  were  prosecuted  under  different  pretences^ 

These  abuses  could  not  long  escape  the  observation  of  a  prince 
of  so  much  discernment  as  young  Edward,  nor  fail  to  rouse  his 
active  spirit  against  the  murderer  of  his  father,  and  the  disho- 

1  W.  Heming. — T.  V/alsinghani. 


IBT.  XLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  363 

nourer  of  his  mother.  But  he  was  besieged  in  such  a  manner 
by  the  creatures  of  Mortimer,  that  it  became  necessary  to  con- 
duct the  project  of  bringing  that  felon  to  justice  with  as  much 
secrecy  and  caution  as  if  he  had  been  forming  a  con-  -  ^-^ 

spiracy  against  his  sovereign.  He  communicated 
his  intentions,  however,  to  some  of  the  nobles,  who  readily  en- 
tered into  his  views ;  and  they  surprised  the  usurper  in  the  cas- 
tle of  Nottingham,  and  dragged  him  from  an  apartment  adjoin- 
ing to  that  of  the  queen,  while  she,  in  the  most  pathetic  manner, 
implored  her  son  to  spare  the  gentle  Mortimer  !  A  parliament 
was  immediately  summoned  for  his  condemnation;  and  he  was 
sentenced  to  die,  from  the  supposed  notoriety  of  his  crimes, 
without  any  form  of  trial.  He  perished  by  the  hauvls  of  the 
hangman,  at  the  Elmes,  near  London  :  and  the  queen  was  con- 
fined, during  life,  to  her  house  at  Risings ;  where  she  languish- 
ed out  twenty  five  years  of  sorrow  rather  than  of  penitence*. 

Edward,  having  now  taken  the  reins  of  government  into  his 
own  hands,  applied  himself,  with  industry  and  judgment,  to  re- 
dress all  those  grievances  which  had  either  proceeded  from  want 
of  authority  in  the  crown,  or  the  late  abuses  of  it.  ,„^, 

He  issued  writs  to  the  judges,  enjoining  them  to  *  * 
administer  justice,  without  paying  any  regard  to  the  arbitrary  or- 
ders of  the  great :  and  as  thieves,  murderers,  and  criminals  of 
all  descriptions,  had  multiplied  to  an  enormous  degree  during 
the  public  convulsions,  and  were  openly  protected  by  the  pow- 
erful barons,  who  made  use  of  them  against  their  enemies,  the 
king  began  seriously  to  remedy  the  evil,  after  exacting  from 
the  peers  a  solemn  promise  in  parliament,  that  they  would 
break  otf  all  connexion  with  such  malefactors^  The  ministers 
of  justice,  animated  by  his  example,  employed  the  utmost  di- 
ligence in  discovering,  pursuing,  and  punishing  criminals : 
and  the  disorder  was  by  degrees  corrected. 

In  proportion  as  the  government  acquired  authority  at  home, 
it  became  formidable  to  the  neighbouring  nations  ;  and  the  am- 
bitious spirit  of  Edward  sought  and  soon  found  an  occasion  of 
exerting  itself.  The  wise  and  valiant  Robert  Bruce,  king  of 
Scotland,  who  had  recovered  by  arms  the  independence  of  his 
country,  and  fixed  it  by  treaty,  was  now  dead,  and  had  left 
David  his  son  a  minor,  under  the  guardianship  of  Randolph 
earl  of  Murray,  the  companion  of  his  victories.  About  this 
time  Edward  Baliol,  son  of  John,  formerly  crowned  king  of 
Scotland,  was  discovered  in  a  French  prison  by  lord  Beau- 
mont, an  English  baron,  who,  in  the  right  of  his  wife,  claimed 
the  earldom  of  Buchan  in  Scodand ;  and  who,  deeming  Baliol 

2  Knighton .—Walsingham.  3  Cotton's  Abridgment, 


364  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

a  proper  instrument  for  his  purpose,  procured  him  his  Hberty, 
and  persuaded  him  to  assert  his  claim  to  the  Scottish  crown. 

Many  other  English  noblemen,  who  had  obtained  estates  dur- 
ing the  subjection  of  Scotland,  were  in  the  same  situation  with 
Beaumont.  They  also  saw  the  utility  of  Baliol,  and  began  to 
think  of  recovering  their  possessions  by  arms :  and  they  applied 
to  Edward  for  his  concurrence  and  assistance.  The  king  was 
ashamed  to  avow  their  enterprise.  He  apprehended  that  vio- 
lence and  injustice  would  every  where  be  imputed  to  him,  if  he 
should  attack  with  superior  force  a  minor  king,  and  a  brother- 
in-lav. ,  whose  independent  title  had  been  solemnly  acknowledg- 
ed :  but  he  secretly  encouraged  Baliol  in  his  claim,  connived  at 
A  D  1'?'32  ^'^  assembling  forces  in  the  North,  and  gave 
*  countenance  to  the  nobles  who  were  disposed  to 
join  him.  Near  three  thousand  men  were  assembled,  with 
whom  Baliol  and  his  adherents  landed  on  the  coast  of  Fife. 

Scotland  was  now  in  a  very  different  state  from  that  in  which 
it  had  appeared  under  the  victorious  Robert.  Besides  the  loss 
of  that  great  monarch,  whose  genius  and  authority  preserved 
entire  the  whole  political  fabric,  and  maintained  union  among 
the  unruly  barons,  lord  Douglas,  impatient  of  rest,  had  gone 
over  to  Spain  in  a  crusade  against  the  Moors,  and  there  perish- 
ed in  battle.  The  earl  of  Murray,  long  declining  through  years 
and  infir unities,  had  lately  died,  and  was  succeeded  in  the  re- 
gency by  Donald  earl  of  Mar,  a  man  much  inferior  in  talents ; 
so  that  the  miliary  spirit  of  the  Scots,  though  still  unbroken, 
was  left  vvitliout  an  able  guide.  Baliol  had  valour  and  activity, 
and  his  followers,  being  firmly  united  by  their  common  object, 
drove  back  the  Scots  who  opposed  his  landing.  He  marched 
into  the  heart  of  the  country  ;  and  with  his  small  party  defeat- 
ed an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men,  under  the  earl  of  Mar,  of 
whom  twelve  thousand  are  said  to  have  been  slain"*. 

Baliol,  soon  after  this  victory,  made  himself  master  of  Perth, 
and  was  crowned  at  Scone.  Scotland  was  thus  easily  conquer- 
ed ;  but  Baliol  lost  the  kingdom  by  a  revolution  assudden  as 
that  by  which  he  had  acquired  it.  His  imprudence,  or  his  ne- 
cessities, prompting  him  to  dismiss  the  majority  of  his  English 
followers,  he  was  unexpectedly  attacked  near  Annan  by  Sir 
Archibald  Douglas,  and  other  chieftains  of  Bruce's  party.  He 
was  routed  :  his  brother  John  Baliol  was  slain;  and  he  himself 
was  chased  into  England  in  a  miserable  condition\ 

In  this  extremity,  Baliol  again  had  recourse  to  the  English 
monarch,  without  whose  assistance  he  could  neither  recover 
nor  keep  possession  of  his  throne.    He  offered  to  acknowledge 

i  HeiDing.— Walsinghara.  5  Knight.— Buchanan. 


LET.  xLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  365 

Edward's  superiority;  and  to  renew  the  homage  for  ,  „^„ 

Scotland ;  and  to  espouse  the  princess  Jane,  if  the 
pope's  consent  could  be  obtained  for  dissolving  her  marriage 
with  David  Bruce,  which  was  not  yet  consummated.     Ambi- 
tious of  retrieving  the  important  superiority  relinquished  by 
Mortimer  during  his  minority,  Edward  willingly  accepted  the 
offer,  and  put  himself  at  the  head  of  a  powerful  army,  in  order 
to  reinstate  Baliol  on  his  throne.     The  Scots  met  him  with  an 
army  more  numerous,  but  less  united,  and  worse  supplied  with 
arms  and  provisions.  A  battle  was  fought  at  Halidown-  r  ,    ,  q 
hill,  near  Berwick,  where  about  twenty  thousand  of  '^  ^ 
the  Scots  fell,  and  the  chief  nobility  were  either  killed  or  taken 
prisoners^. 

After  this  fatal  blow,  the  Scottish  nobles  had  no  resource  but 
in  submission.  Baliol  was  acknowledged  king  by  a  parliament 
assembled  at  Edinburgh  ;  the  superiority  of  England  was  again 
recognised  ;  many  of  the  Scottish  barons  swore  fealty  to  Ed- 
ward, who,  leaving  a  considerable  body  of  troops  with  Baliol 
to  complete  the  conquest  of  the  kingdom,  returned  ,  ^„q 

to  England  with  the  remainder  of  his  army.     But  ^'  °* 
the  English  forces  had  no  sooner  retired  than  the  Scots  revolt 
ed  from  Baliol,  and  returned  to  their  former  allegiance  under 
Bruce.     Edward  was  again  obliged  to  assemble  an  army,  and 
to  march  into  Scodand.    The  Scots,  taught  by  ex-  .  „^- 

perience,  withdrew  to  their  hills  and  fastnesses.  He  ^'  ^'  ^*'*^^' 
destroyed  the  houses,  and  ravaged  the  estates,  of  those  whom 
he  called  rebels.  But  this  severity  only  confirmed  them  in 
their  antipathy  to  England  and  to  Baliol;  and  being  now  ren- 
dered desperate,  they  soon  reconquered  their  coun-  „„^ 
try  from  the  English.  Edward  again  made  his  ap-  ^*  °"  ^'^'^"• 
pearance  in  Scotland,  and  with  like  success.  He  found  every 
thing  hostile  in  the  kingdom,  except  the  spot  on  which  he  was 
encamped  ;  and  although  he  marched  uncontrolled  over  the  low 
countries,  the  nation  itself  seemed  farther  than  ever  from  being 
broken  or  subdued.  Besides  being  supported  by  their  pride 
or  anger,  passions  difficult  to  tame,  the  Scots  were  encouraged 
amidst  all  their  calamities,  with  promises  of  relief  from  France : 
and  as  a  war  was  now  likely  to  break  out  between  that  king- 
dom and  England,  they  had  reason  to  expect  a  division  of  the 
force  which  had  so  long  harassed  and  oppressed  them^ 

These  transactions  naturally  bring  us  back  to  Edward's 
claim  to  the  crown  of  France;  on  which  depended  the  most  me- 
morable events,  not  only  of  this  long  and  active  reign,  but  of 
the  whole  English  and  French  history,  during  more  than  a  cen- 

6  Mon.  Malmesb.— Walfsingh.      7  Ryraer,  vol.  ir.— Lelatid'a  Collect,  vol.  ii.—Heming 


366  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

tury.  His  pretensions  were  weak  and  ill-founded.  He  admit- 
ted the  general  principle,  that  females  could  not  inherit  the 
crown  of  France.  But,  in  so  doing,  he  only  set  aside  his  mo- 
ther's right,  to  establish  his  own;  for  although  he  acknowledg- 
ed females  incapable  of  inheriting,  he  asserted  that  males  de- 
scending from  females  were  liable  to  no  such  objection,  but 
might  claim  by  right  of  propinquity.  This  plea,  however,  was 
not  only  more  favourable  to  Charles  king  of  Navarre,  descend- 
ing from  a  daughter  of  Louis  X,,  but  contrary  to  the  establish- 
ed rules  of  succession  in  every  European  country.  Edward's 
claim  was  therefore  disregarded,  and  the  title  of  Philip  of  Va- 
lois  was  generally  acknowledged*. 

But  although  the  youthful  and  ambitious  mind  of  Edward 
had  rashly  entertained  this  false  idea,  he  would  not,  in  support 
of  his  claim,  engage  in  immediate  hostilities  with  so  powerful  a 
monarch  as  Philip  VI.  On  the  contrary,  he  went  to  Amiens, 
and  did  homage  for  Gulenne".  By  that  compliance  he  indi- 
rectly acknowledged  Philip's  title  to  the  crown  of  France.  His 
own  claim  indeed  was  so  unreasonable,  and  so  thoroughly  dis- 
avowed by  the  French,  that  to  insist  on  it  was  no  better  than  to 
pretend  to  the  violent  conquest  of  the  kingdom  ;  and  it  proba- 
bly would  not  have  been  farther  thought  of,  had  not  some  in- 
cidents afterwards  arisen  which  excited  an  animosity  between 
the  two  kings. 

Robert  of  Artois,  a  prince  of  great  talents  and  credit,  who 
had  married  Philip's  sister,  had  fallen  into  disgrace  at  the  court 
of  France.  His  brother-in-law  not  only  abandoned  him,  but 
,  „„-  prosecuted  him  with  violence.  He  came  over  to 
A.  D.  /.  £nglaBd,  and  was  favourably  received  by  Edward. 
Now  resigning  himself  to  all  the  movements  of  rage  and  re- 
venge, he  endeavoured  to  revive  in  the  mind  of  the  English 
monarch  his  supposed  title  to  the  crown  of  France ;  and  even 
flattered  him  that  it  was  not  impossible  for  a  prince  of  his  va- 
lour and  abilities  to  render  this  claim  effectual.  "  I  made  Philip 
de  Valois  king  of  France,"  added  he  :  "  and  with  your  assist- 
ance, I  will  depose  him  for  his  ingratitude^"." 

Edward  was  the  more  disposed  to  listen  to  such  suggestions, 
as  he  had  reason  to  complain  of  Philip's  conduct  with  regard  to 
Guienne,  and  was  also  displeased  at  the  encouragement  given 
by  that  prince  to  the  Scots.  Resentment  gradually  filled  the 
breasts  of  both  monarchs,  and  made  them  incapable  of  hearken- 
ing to  any  terms  of  accommodation.  Philip  thought  himself 
bound  by  policy  to  assist  the  Scots;  and  Edward  pretended  that 

8  Froissard,  tome  i.  D'Ach.  Spicileg.  vol.  iii.  9  Bymer,  vol.  iv, 

10  Froissard,  liv.  i. — Mem.  de  Robert  d' Artois. 


LET.  XLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  ^67 

he  must  renounce  all  claim  to  generosity,  if  be  shduld  withdraw 
his  protection  from  Robert  of  Artois.  Alliances  were  formed 
on  both  sides,  and  great  preparations  were  made  for  war. 

On  the  side  of  England  appeared  the  count  of  Hainault  (the 
king's  father-in-law),  the  duke  of  Brabant,  the  archbishop  of 
Cologne,  the  duke  of  Gueldres,  the  marquis  of  Juliers,  and  the 
count  of  Namur.  These  princes  could  supply,  either  from  their 
own  states,  or  from  the  bordering  countries,  great  numbers  of 
warlike  troops :  and  nothing  seemed  requisite  to  make  Edward's 
alliance  in  that  quarter  truly  formidable  but  the  accession  of 
Flanders,  which  he  obtained  by  means  somewhat  extraordinary. 

The  Flemings,  the  first  people  in  the  north  of  Europe  that 
successfully  cultivated  arts  and  manufactures,  began  now  to 
emerge  from  that  state  of  vassalage,  or  rather  slavery,  into 
which  the  common  people  had  been  universally  thrown  by  the 
abuses  of  the  feudal  polity  ;  and  the  lower  class  of  men  among 
them  had  risen  to  a  degree  of  riches  unknown  elsewhere  to  those 
of  their  station  in  that  comparatively  barbarous  age.  It  was 
impossible  for  such  men  not  to  resent  any  act  of  tyranny  ;  and 
acts  of  tyranny  were  likely  to  be  practised  by  a  sovereign  and 
nobility  accustomed  to  domineer.  They  had  risen  in  tumults; 
they  had  insulted  the  nobles,  and  driven  their  earl  into  France. 

In  every  such  revolution  there  is  some  leader,  to  whose  gui- 
dance the  people  blindly  deliver  themselves ;  and  on  his  charac- 
ter depends  the  happiness  or  misery  of  those  who  have  put  them- 
selves under  his  care  :  for  every  such  man  has  it  in  his  power 
to  be  a  despot :  so  narrow  are  the  boundaries  between  liberty 
and  slavery.  The  present  Flemish  demagogue  was  James  van 
Arteveld,  a  brewer  of  Ghent,  who  governed  the  people  with  a 
more  absolute  sway  than  had  been  assumed  by  any  of  their  law- 
ful sovereigns.  He  had  placed  and  displaced  the  magistrates 
at  pleasure.  He  was  constantly  attended  by  a  guard,  who,  on 
the  least  signal  from  him,  instantly  assassinated  any  man  that 
happened  to  fall  under  his  displeasure.  He  had  a  multitude  of 
spies  in  all  the  towns  of  Flanders  ;  and  it  was  immediate  death 
to  give  him  the  smallest  umbrage.  This  was  the  man  to  whom 
Edward  addressed  himself  for  bringing  over  the  Flemings  to 
his  interest^^ 

Proud  of  advances  from  so  great  a  prince,  and  sensible  that 
the  Flemings  were  naturally  inclined  to  maintain  connexions 
with  the  English,  on  account  of  the  advantages  of  .    j,    1 330 
trade,  their  leader  embraced  the  cause  of  Edward, 
and  invited  him  over  to  the  Low  Countries.  The  king  repaired 

It  Froissard.  liv  i. 


368  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

to  Flanders,  attended  by  several  of  his  nobility,  and  a  body  of 
English  forces  ;  but  before  the  Flemings,  who  were  vassals  of 
France,  would  take  up  arms  against  their  liege  lord,  Edward 
was  obliged  to  assume  the  title  of  king  of  France,  and  to  chal- 
lenge their  assistance  for  dethroning  Philip  de  Valois,  the  usur- 
per of  his  throne*^  This  step,  which  was  taken  by  the  advice 
of  Arte  veld,  as  he  knew  it  would  produce  an  irreconcileable 
breach  between  the  two  monarchs  (an  additional  motive  for 
joining  the  cause  d"  Edward),  gave  rise  to  that  animosity  which 
the  English  and  French  nations,  but  more  especially  the  former, 
have  ever  since  borne  against  each  other — an  animosity  which 
had,  for  some  centuries,  so  visible  an  influence  on  all  their  trans- 
actions, and  which  still  continues  to  inflame  the  heart  of  many 
an  honest  Englishman. 

Let  philosophers  blame  this  prejudice  as  inconsistent  with  the 
liberality  of  the  human  mind  ;  let  moralists  mourn  its  severity, 
and  weak  politicians  lament  its  destructive  rage.  You,  my  dear 
Philip,  as  a  lover  of  your  country,  will  ever,  I  hope,  revere  a 
passion  that  has  so  often  given  victory  to  the  arms  of  England, 
and  humbled  her  haughty  rival ;  which  has  preserved,  and 
continues  to  preserve,  the  independence  of  Great  Britain  ! 

The  French  monarch  made  great  preparations  against  the  at- 
tackfrom  the  English ;  and  his  foreign  alliances  were  both  more 
natural  and  powerful  than  those  which  were  formed  by  his  anta- 
gonist. The  king  of  Navarre,  the  duke  of  Bretagne,  the  count 
of  Bar,  were  entirely  in  the  interest  of  Philip  :  and,  on  the 
side  of  Germany,  he  was  favoured  by  the  king  of  Bohemia,  the 
palatine  of  the  Rhine,  the  dukes  of  Lorraine  and  Austria,  the  bi- 
looq  shop  of  Liege,  the  counts  of  Deuxponts,  Vaude- 

*  mont  and  Geneva.  A  mighty  army  was  brought 
into  the  field  on  each  side.  Conferences  and  mutual  defiances, 
however,  were  all  that  the  first  campaign  produced  ;  and  Ed- 
ward, distressed  for  want  of  money,  was  obliged  to  disband 
his  army,  and  return  to  England^^ 

But  this  illustrious  prince  had  too  high  a  spirit  to  be  discou- 
raged by  the  first  difficulties  of  an  undertaking.     He  was  anx~ 
1  '540  '^"^  ^°  retrieve  his  honour  by  more  successful  and 

*  more  gallant  enterprises ;  and  the  next  season  prov- 
ed somewhat  more  fortunate.  The  English,  under  the  command 
of  Edward,  gained  an  important  advantage  over  the  French  by 
T        c)A    sea.     Two  hundred  and  thirty  French  ships  were 

*  taken,  and  above  twenty  thousand  Frenchmen  were 
killed,  with  two  of  their  admirals.     The  lustre  of  this  victory 

12  W.  Heming. — Walsingham. — Eyraer,  vol.  v.        13  Froissard,  ubi  sup. — Walsingham, 


LET.  XLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  369 

increased  the  king's  reputation  among  his  allies,  who  assembled 
their  forces  with  expedition,  and  joined  the  English  army;  and 
Edward  marched  to  the  frontiers  of  France  at  the  head  of  a 
Iiundred  thousand  men.  The  French  monarch  had  collected  an 
army  still  more  numerous  ;  yet  he  continued  to  adhere  to  the 
prudent  resolution  he  had  formed  of  putting  nothing  to  hazard, 
thus  hoping  to  weary  out  the  enemy.  This  conduct  had  in  some 
measure  the  desired  eifect.  Edward,  fatigued  with  fruitless 
sieges,  and  irritated  at  the  disagreeable  prospect  that  lay  before 
him,  challenged  Philip  to  decide  their  claims  to  the  crown  of 
France  by  single  combat,  by  an  action  of  one  hundred  against 
one  hundred,  or  by  a  general  engagement.  Philip  replied  with 
his  usual  coolness,  that  it  did  not  become  a  vassal  to  challenge 
his  liege  lord ;  and  Edward  found  it  necessary  to  conclude  a 
truce  for  one  year". 

This  truce  would  in  all  probability  have  been  converted  into 
a  solid  peace,  and  Edward  would  have  dropped  his  claim,  had 
not  an  unexpected  circumstance  opened  to  him  more  promising 
views,  and  given  his  enterprising  genius  full  opportunity  to  dis- 
play itself.  The  count  de  Montfbrt,  the  heir  male  of  Bretagne, 
had  seized  that  duchy  in  opposition  to  Charles  of  Blois,  the 
French  king's  nephew,  who  had  married  the  daughter  of  the 
late  duke.  Sensible  that  he  could  expect  no  favour  ,  „.. 

from  Philip,  Montfort  made  a  voyage  to  England, 
on  pretence  of  soliciting  his  claim  to  the  earldom  of  Richmond, 
which  had  devolved  to  him  by  his  brother's  death ;  and  then 
oflfering  to  do  homage  to  Edward,  as  king  of  France,  for  the 
Breton  duchy,  he  proposed  a  close  alliance. 

Little  negotiation  was  necessary  to  conclude  a  treaty  between 
two  princes  connected  by  their  immediate  interests.  But  the 
captivity  of  the  count  de  Montfort,  which  happened  soon  after, 
seemed  to  put  an  end  to  all  the  advantages  which  might  naturally 
have  been  expected  from  such  an  alliance.  The  affairs  of  Bre- 
tagne, however,  were  unexpectedly  retrieved  by  Jane  of  Flan- 
ders, countess  of  Montfort,  the  most  extraordinary  woman  of 
her  time.  Roused  by  the  captivity  of  her  husband  from  those 
domestic  cares  to  which  she  had  hitherto  confined  herself,  she 

boldly  undertook  to  support  the  fallen  fortunes  of  ^nAn 

1       r"     -1        ci  PI  1  A.  D.  1342. 

lier  lamily.  one  went  trom  place  to  place,  encou- 
raging the  garrisons,  providing  them  with  every  thing  necessary 
for  subsistence,  and  concerting  the  proper  plans  of  defence;  and 
after  having  put  the  whole  province  in  a  good  posture,  she  shut 
herself  up  in  Hennebonne,  where  she  waited  with  impatience  the 
arrival  of  those  succours  which  Edward  had  promised  her, 

14  II.  (]e  Avesb, — Ad.  de  Muiim. — Froissard. 

Vol.  I.  3  A 


570  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Charles  of  Blois,  anxious  to  make  himself  master  of  this  im- 
jiortant  fortress,  and  still  more  to  get  possession  of  the  person 
of  the  countess,  sat  down  before  the  place  with  a  great  army, 
and  conducted  the  attack  with  indefatigable  industry.  The  de- 
fence was  no  less  vigorous.  The  besiegers  were  repulsed  in 
every  assault.  Frequent  sallies  were  made  by  the  garrison  ; 
and  the  countess  herself  being  the  most  forward  on  all  occasions, 
every  one  was  ashamed  not  to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost.  The 
reiterated  attacks  of  the  besiegers,  however,  had  at  length  made 
several  breaches  in  the  walls ;  and  it  was  apprehended  that  a 
general  assault,  which  was  dreaded  every  hour,  might  bear  down 
the  garrison.  It  became  necessary  to  treat  of  a  capitulation  ; 
and  the  bishop  of  Laon  was  already  engaged  in  a  conference  on 
that  subject  with  Charles  of  Blois,  when  the  countess,  who  had 
mounted  a  high  tower,  and  was  anxiously  looking  toward  the 
sea  for  relief,  descried  some  sails  at  a  distance.  "  Behold  the 
"  succours  !"  exclaimed  she  ; — "  the  English  succours  ! — No 
"  capitulation. '^  They  consisted  of  six  thousand  archers,  and 
some  cavalry,  under  the  command  of  Sir  Walter  Manny,  one  of 
the  bravest  captains  of  England ;  and  having  entered  the  har- 
bour and  inspired  fresh  courage  into  the  garrison,  immediately 
sallied  forth,  beat  the  besiegers  from  their  posts,  and  obliged 
them  to  decamp'*. 

Notwithstanding  this  success,  the  troops  under  sir  Walter 
Manny  were  found  insufficient  for  the  support  of  the  countess  of 
Montfort,  who  was  still  in  danger  of  being  overpowered  by  num- 
bers. Edward  therefore  sent  over  a  reinforcement  under  Robert 
of  Artois,  and  afterwards  went  to  her  assistance  in  person.  Ro- 
bert was  mortally  wounded  in  the  defence  of  Vannes;  and  Ed- 
,  rt^r.   ward  concluded  a  truce  of  three  years,  on  honour- 

*  able  terms,  for  himself  and  the  countess. 

This  truce,  however,  was  of  much  shorter  duration  than  the 

terms  specified  in  the  articles,  and  each  monarch  endeavoured 

to  throw  on  the  other  the  blame  of  its  infraction.  The  English 

l'^4.4  Parliament  entered  warmly  into  the  quarrel,  advised 

*  the  king  not  to  be  amused  by  a  fraudulent  truce, 
and  granted  him  supplies  for  the  renewal  of  hostilities.  The  earl 
uf  Derby  was  sent  over  for  the  protection  of  Guienne,  where  he 
behaved  with  great  gallantry;  and  Edward  invaded  Normandy 

134r  ^^'th  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men.  He  took  se- 
'  veral  towns,  and  ravaged  the  whole  province,  car- 
rying his  incursions  almost  to  the  gates  of  Paris.  At  length, 
Philip  advanced  against  him  at  the  head  of  about  ninety  thou- 
sand men:  and  Edward,  afraid  of  being  surrounded  in  the  coun- 
try, retreated  towards  Flanders^^ 

15  FroissaH,  riv.  i.  16  R.  de  Avesb. — Froissard,  ubi  sup. 


LET.  XLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  371 

In  this  retreat  happened  the  famous  passage  of  the  Somnie, 
which  was  followed  by  the  still  more  celebrated  battle  of  Cressy. 
When  Edward  approached  the  Somme,  he  found  all  the  bridges 
either  broken  down  or  strongly  guarded.  Twelve  thousand  men, 
under  the  command  of  Godemar  deFaye,  were  stationed  on  the 
opposite  bank  :  and  Philip  was  advancing  on  him,  at  the  same 
time,  from  behind.  In  this  extremity,  he  was  informed  of  a 
place  that  was  fordable  :  he  hastened  thither,  but  saw  de  Faye 
ready  to  obstruct  his  passage.  A  man  of  less  resolution,  or 
greater  caution  and  coolness,  would  have  hesitated:  Edward  de- 
liberated not  a  moment,  but  threw  himself  into  the  river,  at  the 
head  of  his  troops,  drove  the  French  from  their  station,  and  pur- 
sued them  to  a  distance  on  the  plain.  Philip  and  his  forces  ar- 
rived at  the  ford,  when  the  rear-guard  of  the  English  army  were 
passing  ;  and  the  rising  of  the  tide  alone  prevented  the  incensed 
monarch  from  following  them.  On  the  lapse  of  so  few  moments 
depended  the  fate  of  Edward  !  and  these,  by  his  celerity,  were 
turned  from  ruin  into  victory  !  Yet  if  he  had  been  unfortunate  in 
his  passage,  or  if  the  French  army  had  arrived  somewhat  soon- 
er, how  many  pretended  philosophers  would  have  told  us  that 
he  was  an  inconsiderate  prince,  and  the  attempt  would  have 
been  branded  as  absurd  ! — So  much,  my  dear  Philip,  does  the 
reputation  of  events  depend  on  success,  and  the  characters  of 
men  on  the  situations  in  which  they  are  engaged. 

Edward  by  his  fortunate  passage  gained  some  ground  of  the 
enemy,  as  Philip  was  obliged  to  take  his  route  by  the  bridge  of 
Abbeville;  but  he  still  saw  the  danger  of  precipitating  his  march 
over  the  plains  of  Picardy,  and  of  exposing  his  rear  to  the  in- 
sults of  the  numerous  cavalry,  in  which  the  French  camp  aboun- 
ded. He  therefore  embraced  the  prudent  resolution  of  waiting 
the  arrival  of  the  enemy,  and  chose  his  ground  advantageously 
near  the  village  of  Cressy,  where  he  drew  up  his  army  in  excel- 
lent order.  The  first  line  was  commanded  by  the  prince  of 
Wales,  commonly  called  the  Black  Prince,  from  the  colour  of 
his  armour;  the  second  by  the  earls  of  Arundel  and  Northamp- 
ton ;  and  the  king  himself  took  the  direction  of  the  third.  The 
French  army,  which  now  consisted  of  above  a  hundred  thousand 
men,  was  also  formed  into  three  lines;  but,  as  Philip  had  made 
a  hasty  and  confused  march  from  Abbeville,  the  troops  were  fa- 
tigued and  disordered.  The  first  line,  pardy  consisting  of  fifteen 
thousand  Genoese  cross-bow  men,  was  commanded  by  Doria  and 
Grimaldi ;  the  second  was  led  by  the  count  d'Alengon  ;  and  the 
king  in  person  was  at  the  head  of  the  third.  The  bat-  *  ^^ 
tie  began  about  three  o'clock,  and  continued  till  to-  °* 
wards  evening,  when  the  French  fled  with  precipitation.  Almost 


372  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  n 

forty  thousand  of  their  number  were  slain,  among  whom  were 
many  of  the  principal  nobihty,  twelve  hundred  knights,  and 
fourteen  hundred  gentlemen.  On  his  return  to  the  camp,  Ed- 
ward embraced  and  congratulated  the  prince  of  Wales,  who  had 
distinguished  himself  in  a  remarkable  manner.  ^'  My  brave 
*'  son  !"  cried  he,  "  persevere  in  your  honourable  course.  You 
"  are  my  son  ;  for  valiantly  you  have  acquitted  yourself  to-day. 
"  You  have  shown  yourself  worthy  of  empire^^" 

This  victory  is  partly  ascribed  to  some  pieces  of  artillery, 
which  Edward  is  said  to  have  planted  in  his  front,  and  which 
gave  great  alarm  lo  the  enemy^^ ;  but  we  cannot  suppose  they 
did  much  execution.  The  invention  was  yet  in  its  infancy  ;  and 
cannon  were  at  first  so  clumsy,  and  of  such  difficult  manage- 
ment, that  they  were  rather  encumbrances  than  those  terrible  in- 
struments of  desolation  which  we  now  behold  them.  They  had 
never  before  been  used  on  any  memorable  occasion  in  Europe. 
This  may,  therefore,  be  regarded  as  the  sera  of  one  of  the  most 
important  discoveries  that  have  been  made  among  men  ;  a  dis- 
covery which  changed  by  degrees  the  whole  military  science, 
and  of  course  many  circumstances  in  the  political  government 
of  Europe  ;  which  has  brought  nations  more  on  a  level ;  has 
made  success  in  war  a  matter  of  calculation;  and,  though  seem- 
ingly contrived  for  the  destruction  of  mankind,  and  the  over- 
throw of  empires,  has  in  the  issue  rendered  battles  less  bloody, 
and  conquests  less  frequent,  by  giving  greater  security  to 
states,  and  interesting  the  passions  of  men  less  in  the  struggle 
for  victory. 

A  weak  mind  is  elate  with  the  smallest  success  ;  a  great  spi- 
rit is  litde  aft'ected  by  any  turn  of  fortune.  Edward,  instead  of 
expecting  that  the  victory  of  Cressy  would  be  immediately  fol- 
lowed by  the  total  subjection  of  the  disputed  kingdom,  seemed 
rather  to  moderate  his  views.  He  prudently  limited  his  ambi- 
tion to  the  conquest  of  Calais  ;  by  which  he  hoped  to  secure 
such  an  easy  entrance  into  France,  as  might  afterwards  open 
the  way  to  more  considerable  advantages.  He  therefore  march- 
ed thither  with  his  victorious  army,  and  presented  himself  be- 
fore the  place. 

In  the  mean  time  David  Bruce,  king  of  Scotland,  who  had 
returned  from  a  long  residence  in  France,  was  strongly  solicited 
by  his  ally  to  invade  the  northern  counties  of  England.  He  ac- 
cordingly assembled  a  great  army,  and  carried  his  ravages  as 
p.  .  -  far  as  Durham.  He  was  there  met  by  queen  Philippa, 
at  the  head  of  a  body  of  twelve  thousand  men,  which 
<jhe  committed  to  the  command  of  lord  Percy.  A  fierce  engage- 

17  Froissarc],  lib.  i. — Walsing.—Avesb.  18  ViUani,  )ib.  xii. 


LET.  XT.T.  MODERN  EUROPE.  S73 

ment  ensued  ;  and  the  Scots  were  broken  and  chased  oft  the 
field  with  great  slaughter.  Fifteen  thousand  of  them  were 
slain  ;  and  the  king  w  as  taken  prisoner,  with  many  of  his  chief 
nobles*^. 

As  soonasPhilippa  had  secured  her  royal  prisoner,  she  cross- 
ed the  sea  at  Dover,  and  was  received  in  the  English  camp  be- 
fore Calais  with  all  the  eclat  due  to  her  rank,  her  merit,  and  her 
success.  This  was  the  age  of  chivalry  and  gallantry.  Edward's 
courtiers  excelled  in  these  accomplishments  no  less  than  in  po- 
licy and  war;  and  the  extraordinary  qualities  of  the  women  of 
those  times,  the  necessary  consequence  of  respectful  admiration, 
form  the  best  apology  for  the  superstitious  devotion  which  was 
then  paid  to  the  softer  sex.  Calais  was  taken,  after  .  _  _ 

a  blockade  of  almost  twelve  months.  The  inhabi- 
tants were  expelled;  and  it  was  peopled  with  English  subjects, 
and  made  the  staple  of  wool,  leather,  tin,  and  lead;  the  four 
chief  commodities  of  England,  and  the  only  ones  for  which 
there  was  yet  any  demand  in  foreign  markets.  A  truce  was  soon 
afterwards  concluded  with  France,  through  the  mediation  of  the 
pope's  legate,  and  Edward  returned  in  triumph  to  England^'. 

Here  a  few  observations  seem  necessary.  The  great  success 
of  Edward  in  his  foreign  wars  had  excited  a  strong  emulation 
among  the  English  nobility;  and  their  animosity  against  France, 
and  respect  to  their  prince,  had  given  a  new  and  more  useful 
direction  to  that  ambition,  which  had  so  often  been  turned  by 
the  turbulent  barons  against  the  crown,  or  which  discharged  its 
fury  on  their  fellow-subjects.  This  prevailing  j  ,q  iqi;n 
spirit  was  further  promoted  by  the  institution  of  *  ' 
the  military  order  of  the  Garter,  in  emulation  of  some  orders  of 
knighthood,  of  a  like  nature,  which  had  been  established  in 
different  parts  of  Europe. — A  story  prevails,  though  not  sup- 
ported by  ancient  authority,  that  Edward's  mistress,  commonly 
supposed  to  be  the  countess  of  Salisbury,  dropped  her  garter 
at  a  court  ball:  that  the  king  stooped  and  took  it  up;  when, 
observing  that  some  of  his  courtiers  smiled,  as  if  they  had  sus- 
pected another  intention,  he  held  up  the  trophy,  and  called  out, 
Honi  soit  qui  mal  y  pense:  "  Evil  to  him  that  evil  thinks." — 
And  as  every  incident  of  gallantry  in  those  times  was  magnified 
into  a  matter  of  importance,  he  instituted  the  order  of  the  Gar- 
ter in  commemoration  of  this  event,  though  not  without  political 
views,  and  gave  those  words  as  the  motto  of  the  order.  Frivo- 
lous as  such  an  origin  may  seem,  it  is  perfectly  suitable  to  the 
rnanoers  of  that  age;  and,  as  a  profound  historian  remarks,  it 
is  difficult  by  any  other  means  to  account  either  for  the  seeming- 

19  R.  ite  Avensb.— Enight.— Froissard,  ubi  sup.  20  Knight.— Froissard. 


374  THE  lilSTOKY  OF  paut  i. 

ly  unmeaning  terms  of  the  motto,  or  the  peculiar  badge  of  the 
garter,  which  appears  to  have  no  reference  to  any  purpose,  ei- 
ther of  mihtary  use  or  ornamental. 

A  clamp,  however,  was  suddenly  thrown  over  the  triumphant 
festivity  of  the  English  court,  by  a  destructive  pestilence,  which 
about  this  time  invaded  Britain,  after  having  desolated  a  great 
portion  of  the  earth.  It  made  its  appearance  first  in  the  north 
of  Asia  ;  encircled  that  vast  continent ;  visited  Africa ;  made 
its  progress  from  one  end  of  Europe  to  the  other  ;  and  is  com- 
puted to  have  swept  away  near  a  third  of  the  inhabitants  in  eve- 
ry country  through  which  it  passed.  Above  fifty  thousand  per- 
sons are  said  to  have  perished  by -it  in  London  alone.  This  grie- 
vous calamity,  more  than  the  pacific  disposition  of  the  princes, 
tended  to  prolong  the  truce  between  England  and  France. 

During  this  truce  Philip  de  Valois  died,  without  being  able 
A  99  ^o  re-establish  the  affairs  of  France,  which  his  unsuc- 
°'  *  cessful  war  with  England  had  thrown  into  great  dis- 
order. This  monarch  had,  during  the  first  years  of  his  reign, 
obtained  the  appellation  oi Fortunate ^  and  acquired  the  character 
of  Prudent:  but  he  ill  maintained  either  the  one  or  the  other  ; 
less  indeed  from  his  own  fault,  than  because  he  was  overmatch- 
ed by  the  superior  fortune  and  genius  of  Edward.  But  the  in- 
cidents in  the  reign  of  his  son  John  gave  the  French  cause  to 
regret  even  the  calamitous  times  of  Philip.  John  was  distin- 
guished by  many  virtues,  but  particularly  by  a  scrupulous  hon- 
our and  fidelity.  He  was  not  deficient  in  personal  courage;  but  as 
he  wanted  that  masterly  prudence  and  foresight  which  his  diffi- 
cult situation  required,  his  kingdom  was  at  the  same  time  dis- 
turbed by  intestine  commotions,  and  oppressed  by  foreign  wars. 

The  principal  author  of  these  calamities  was  Charles  king  of 
Navarre,  surnamed  the  Bad,  and  whose  conduct  fully  entitled 
him  to  that  appellation.  He  was  descended  from  males  of  the 
royal  blood  of  France.  His  mother  was  daughter  of  Louis  X., 
and  he  had  himself  married  a  daughter  of  the  reigning  king; 
but  these  ties,  which  ought  to  have  connected  him  with  the 
throne,  gave  him  only  greater  power  to  shake  and  overthrow  it. 
He  secretly  entered  into  a  eorrespondence  with  the  king  of  En- 
gland; and  he  seduced,  by  his  address,  Charles,  afterwards  sur- 
named the  Wise,  the  eldest  son  of  the  king  of  France,  and  the 
first  who  bore  the  title  of  Dauphin,  by  the  union  of  the  province 
of  Dauphine  with  the  dominions  of  the  crown.  The  young 
prince,  however,  became  sensible  of  the  danger  and  folly  of  such 
connexions,  and  promised  to  make  atonement  for  the  offence  by 
the  sacrifice  of  his  associates.  In  concert  with  his  father,  he  ac- 

21  Uume's  Hist,  of  England,  chap.  xv. 


lET.  XII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  375 

cordingly  invited  the  king  of  Navarre,  and  other  noblemeii  of 
the  party,  to  a  feast  at  Rouen,  where  they  were  betrayed  into  the 
hands  of  John.  Some  of  the  most  obnoxious  were  i^ftc: 

immediately  led  to  execution,  and  the  king  of  Na- 
varre was  thrown  into  prison.  But  this  stroke  of  severity  in 
the  French  monarch,  and  the  treachery  in  the  dauphin,  was  far 
from  proving  decisive  in  restoring  the  royal  authority.  Philip 
of  Navarre,  brother  to  Charles  the  Bad,  and  Geoffrey  d'Har- 
court,  put  all  the  towns  and  castles  belonging  to  that  prince  in  a 
posture  of  defence;  and  they  had  immediate  recourse  to  England 
in  this  desperate  extremity^^ 

The  truce  between  the  two  kingdoms,  which  had  been  ill 
observed  on  both  sides,  had  now  expired ;  so  that  Edward  was 
at  liberty  to  support  the  French  malcontents.  The  war  was 
renewed ;  and  after  a  variety  of  fortunes,  but  chiefly  in  favour 
of  the  English,  an  event  happened  which  nearly  proved  fatal 
to  the  French  monarchy. 

The  prince  of  Wales,  encouraged  by  the  success  of  the  first 
campaign,  took  the  field  with  an  army  of  only  iqt^fi 

twelve  thousand  men;  and  with  that  small  body  he  *  * 
ventured  to  penetrate  into  the  heart  of  France.  John,  provok- 
ed at  the  insult  offered  him  by  this  incursion,  collected  an  army 
of  sixty  thousand  combatants,  and  advanced  by  hasty  marches 
to  intercept  his  enemy.  The  prince,  not  aware  of  John's  near 
approach,  lost  some  days  on  his  march,  before  the  castle  of  Re- 
niorantin,  and  thereby  gave  the  French  monarch  an  opportunity 
of  overtaking  him.  The  pursuers  came  within  sight  o  ^  .q 
at  Maupertuis,  near  Poictiers  ;  and  young  Edward,  '^ ' 
sensible  that  his  retreat  was  now  become  impracticable,  prepar- 
ed for  battle  with  all  the  courage  of  a  hero,  and  all  the  prudence 
of  an  experienced  general.  No  degree  of  skill  or  courage,  how- 
ever, could  have  saved  him,  had  the  king  of  France  known  how 
to  make  use  of  his  present  advantages.  John's  superiority  of 
number  might  have  enabled  him  to  surround  the  English  camp, 
and,  by  intercepting  all  provisions,  to  reduce  the  prince  to  the 
necessity  of  surrendering  at  discretion.  But  the  impatient  ar- 
dour of  the  French  nobilit)/  prevented  this  idea  from  striking 
any  of  the  commanders  ;  so  that  they  immediately  took  mea- 
sures for  the  assault,  with  full  assurance  of  victory.  But  they 
were  miserably  deceived  in  their  expectations.  The  English  ad- 
venturers received  them  with  the  most  heroic  valour,  put  their 
army  to  flight,  and  look  their  king  prisoner. 

The  black  prince  was  reposing  himself  after  the  toils  of  battle, 
wheii  he  was  informed  of  the  fate  of  the  French  monarch.  John 

22  Fi'oissard,  liv.  i. 


376  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  r. 

had  long  refused  to  surrender  himself  to  anyone  but  his  "  cousin 
the  prince  of  Wales."  Here  commences  the  real  and  unexam- 
pled heroism  of  young  Edward — the  triumph  of  humanity  and 
moderation  over  insolence  and  pride,  in  the  heart  of  the  young 
warrior,  elated  by  as  extraordinary  and  as  unexpected  success  as 
had  ever  crowned  the  arms  of  any  commander.  He  came  forth 
to  meet  the  captive  king  with  all  the  marks  of  regard  and  sym- 
pathy; administered  comfort  tohimamidst  his  misfortunes;  paid 
him  the  tribute  of  praise  due  to  his  valour;  and  ascribed  his  own 
victory  merely  to  the  blind  chance  of  war,  or  to  a  superior  Pro- 
vidence which  controls  all  the  efforts  of  human  force  and  pru- 
dence. He  ordered  a  repast  to  be  prepared  in  his  tent  for  the 
royal  prisoner ;  and  he  himself  served  at  the  captive's  table,  as 
if  he  had  been  one  of  his  retinue.  All  his  father's  pretensions 
to  the  crown  of  France  were  now  buried  in  oblivion.  John  in 
captivity  received  the  honours  of  a  king,  which  were  refused  to 
him  when  seated  on  the  throne  of  Clovis.  His  misfortunes,  not 
his  right,  were  respected:  and  the  French  prisoners,  conquered 
by  this  elevation  of  mind,  more  than  by  the  English  arms,  burst 
into  tears  of  admiration;  which  were  only  checked  by  the  reflec- 
tion, that  such  exalted  heroism  in  an  enemy  must  make  him  dou- 
bly dangerous  to  the  independence  of  their  native  country'^'. 

The  prince  conducted  his  royal  prisoner  to  Bourdeaux;  and, 
,  „£.-  after  concluding  a  truce  for  two  years,  brought  him 
'  over  lo  England.  Here  the  king  of  France,  besides 
the  generous  treatment  which  he  received,  had  the  melancholy 
consolation  of  meeting  a  brother  in  aifliction.  The  king  of  Scot- 
land had  remained  above  ten  years  a  captive  in  the  hands,  of 
Edward,  whose  superior  genius  and  fortune  had  thus  reduced 
the  two  neighbouring  potentates,  with  whom  he  was  engaged 
in  war,  to  the  condition  of  prisoners  in  his  capital.  Finding, 
however,  that  the  conquest  of  Scotland  was  not  promoted  by 
the  captivity  of  its  sovereign,  Edward  consented  to  restore 
David  to  his  liberty,  in  consideration  of  the  payment  of  one 
hundred  thousand  marks^". 

The  captivity  of  the  French  monarch,  joined  to  the  preceding 
disorders  of  the  kingdom,  had  produced  an  almost  total  dissolu- 
tion of  civil  authority,  and  occasioned  the  most  horrible  and  de- 
structive violences  ever  experienced  in  any  age  or  country.  The 
dauphin,  who  was  in  his  twentieth  year,  had  assumed  the  reins 
of  government;  but,  although  he  was  endowed  with  an  excellent 
judgment,- he  possessed  not  experience  or  ability  sufficient  to 
remedy  the  prevailing  evils.   In  order  to  obtain  supplies,  he  as- 

23  Froissard,  IJv.  i.  24  Rymer,  vol.  vi. 


LET.  xLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  Z77 

sembled  the  states  of  the  kingdom.  But  the  mem-  i  q^jR 

bers  of  that  assembly,  instead  of  supporting  his  ad- 
miaistration,  were  themselves  seized  with  the  spirit  of  licenti- 
ousness: and  they  demanded  limitations  of  the  regal  power,  the 
punishment  of  past  malversations,  and  the  liberty  of  the  king  of 
Navarre.  Marcel,  chief  magistrate  of  Paris,  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  unruly  populace  ;  and,  from  the  violence  and  teme- 
rity of  his  character,  pushed  them  to  commit  the  most  criminal 
outrages  against  the  royal  authority.  They  detained  the  dau- 
phin in  a  kind  of  captivity  :  they  murdered  in  his  presence  Ro- 
bert de  Clermont,  and  John  de  Conflans,  mareschals  of  France  : 
they  threatened  the  other  ministers  with  the  like  fate;  and  when 
Charles,  who  had  been  obliged  to  temporise  and  dissemble, 
made  his  escape  from  their  hands,  they  openly  erected  the 
standard  of  rebellion.  The  other  cities  of  the  kingdom,  in  imi- 
tation of  the  capital,  shook  off  the  dauphin's  authority,  took 
the  government  into  their  own  hands,  and  spread  the  contagion 
into  every  province.  The  wild  state  of  nature  seemed  to  be 
renewed  in  the  bosom  of  society  :  every  man  was  thrown  loose 
and  independent  of  his  fellow-citizens. 

The  nobles,  whose  inclinations  led  them  to  adhere  to  the 
crown,  and  to  check  these  tumults,  had  lost  all  their  influence. 
The  troops,  who,  from  the  want  of  pay,  could  no  longer  be  re- 
tained in  discipline,  throwing  off  all  regard  to  their  officers, 
sought  the  means  of  subsistence  by  pillage  and  robbery  ;  and, 
associating  with  them  all  the  disorderly  people,  with  whom  that 
age  abounded,  infested  every  quarter  of  the  kingdom  in  nume- 
rous bodies.  They  desolated  the  open  country  ;  plundered  and 
burned  the  villages  ;  and  by  cutting  off  all  means  of  communi- 
cation or  subsistence,  reduced  to  necessity  even  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  fortified  towns. 

The  peasants,  formerly  oppressed,  and  now  left  unprotected 
by  their  masters,  became  desperate  from  their  present  misery ; 
and,  rising  in  arms,  carried  to  extremity  those  disorders  which 
had  arisen  from  the  sedition  of  the  citizens  and  disbanded  sol- 
diers. The  gentry,  hated  for  their  tyranny,  were  exposed  to 
the  violence  of  popular  rage  ;  and,  instead  of  meeting  with  the 
respect  due  to  their  rank,  became  only,  on  that  account,  the 
objects  of  more  wanton  insult  to  the  mutinous  rustics.  They 
were  hunted  like  wild  beasts,  and  put  to  the  sword  without 
mercy.  Their  castles  were  consumed  with  fire,  and  levelled 
with  the  ground ;  while  their  wives  and  daughters  were  sub- 
jected to  violation,  and  then  murdered. 

A  body  of  nine  thousand  of  these  savage  boors  broke  into 

Vol.  I.  3  B 


3^8  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Meaux,  where  the  wife  of  the  dauphin,  the  duchess  of  Orleans, 
and  above  three  hundred  other  ladies,  had  taken  shelter.  The 
most  brutal  treatment  and  fatal  consequences  were  apprehended 
by  this  fair  and  helpless  company  :  when  the  count  de  Foix 
and  the  captal  de  Buche,  with  the  assistance  of  only  sixty 
knights,  animated  with  the  true  spirit  of  chivalry,  flew  to  the 
rescue  of  the  ladies,  and  beat  off  the  brutal  and  rapacious  pea- 
sants with  great  slaughter^  ^ 

Amidst  these  disorders  the  king  of  Navarre  made  his  escape 
from  prison,  and  presented  a  dangerous  leader  to  the  furious 
malcontents.  He  revived  his  pretensions  to  the  crown  of 
France  :  but  in  all  his  operations  he  acted  more  like  a  captain 
of  banditti  than  one  who  aspired  to  be  the  head  of  a  regular  go- 
vernment, and  who  was  engaged  by  his  station  to  aim  at  the 
re-establishment  of  order  in  the  community.  All  the  French, 
therefore,  who  wished  to  restore  peace  to  their  desolated  coun- 
try, turned  their  eyes  towards  the  dauphin  ;  who,  though  not 
remarkable  for  his  military  talents,  daily  gained  by  his  pru- 
dence and  vigilance  the  ascendant  over  his  enemies.  The  tur- 
bulent Marcel  was  slain  in  attempting  to  deliver  Paris  to  the 
king  of  Navarre.  The  capital  immediately  returned  to  its  du- 
ty ;  the  most  considerable  bodies  of  the  mutinous  peasants 
were  dispersed  or  put  to  the  sword  ;  some  bands  of  military 
robbers  underwent  the  same  fate,  and  France  began  to  re-as- 
sume the  appearance  of  civil  governments^ 

Edward  seemed  to  have  an  opportunity  of  greatly  extending 
his  conquests,  during  the  confusion  in  the  dauphin's  affairs ;  but 
his  hands  were  tried  by  the  truce;  and  the  state  of  the  English 
finances  made  a  cessation  of  arms  necessary.  The  truce,  how- 

1  qcq  ever,  had  no  sooner  expired  than  he  again  invaded 
*  France.    He  ravaged  the  country  without  opposi- 
tion ;  pillaged  many  towns,  and  levied  contributions  upon 
others ;  but  finding  that  his  army  could  not  subsist  in  a  kingdom 
wasted  by  foreign  and  domestic  enemies,  he  prudendy  conclu- 

,  ^ -p^  ded  the  peace  of  Bretigni,  which  promised  essential 
"^*  *  "*  *  advantages  to  his  crown.  It  was  stipulated,  that 
John  should  pay  three  millions  of  crowns  of  gold  for  his  ran- 
som :  that  Edward  should  for  ever  renounce  all  claim  to  the 
crown  of  France,  and  to  the  provinces  of  Normandy,  Maine, 
Touraine,  and  Anjou,  possessed  by  his  ancestors  ;  in  exchange 
for  which  he  should  receive  the  provinces  of  Poictou,  Saint- 
onge,  I'Agenois,  Perigord,  the  Limosin,  Quercy,  and  other  dis- 
tricts in  that  quarter,  together  with  Calais,  Guisnes,  Montreuil, 
and  the  country  of  Ponthieu,  on  the  other  side  of  France ;  and 

25  Froissard,  liv.  i.— St.  Palaye  surl'Ancienne  Chevalerie.         26  Froissaid,  ubi  sup. 


LET.  xLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  379 

that  the  sovereignty  of  these  provinces,  as  well  as  of  Guienne, 
should  be  vested  in  the  crown  of  England  without  homage  to 
France". 

In  consequence  of  this  treaty,  the  king  of  France  was  resto- 
red to  his  liberty  ;  but  many  difficulties  arising  with  respect  to 
the  execution  of  some  of  the  articles,  he  took  the  honourable 
resolution  of  coming  over  to  England  in  order  to  i'^61 

adjust  them.  His  council  endeavoured  to  dissuade 
him  from  this  design,  which  they  represented  as  rash  and  impo- 
litic ;  and  insinuated,  that  he  ought  to  elude  as  far  as  possible 
the  execution  of  so  disadvantageous  a  treaty.  "  Though  jus- 
"  tice  and  good  faith,"  replied  John,  *^  were  banished  from  the 
"  rest  of  the  earth,  they  ought  still  to  retain  their  habitation  in 
"  the  breasts  of  princes  !"  And  he  accordingly  came  over  to 
his  former  lodgings  in  the  Savoy,  where  he  soon  »  M  q  i  if^A 
after  died'^^  P       ' 

John  was  succeeded  on  the  French  throne  by  his  son,  Charles 
v.,  a  prince  educated  in  the  school  of  adversity,  and  well  quali- 
fied, by  his  prudence  and  experience,  to  repair  the  losses  which 
the  kingdom  had  sustained  from  the  errors  of  his  predecessors. 
Contrary  to  the  practice  of  all  the  great  princes  of  those  times, 
who  held  nothing  in  estimation  but  military  courage,  he  seems 
to  have  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim,  never  to  appear  at  the  head 
of  his  armies.  He  was  the  first  European  monarch  that  showed 
the  advantage  of  policy  and  foresight  over  a  rash  and  precipi- 
tate valour. 

Before  Charles  could  think  of  counterbalancing  so  great  a 
power  as  England,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  remedy  the  ma- 
ny disorders  to  which  his  own  kingdom  was  exposed.  He  ac- 
cordingly turned  his  arms  against  the  king  of  Navarre,  the  great 
disturber  of  France  during  that  age ;  and  he  defeated  that 
prince,  and  reduced  him  to  terms,  by  the  valour  and  conduct  of 
Bertrand  du  Guesclin,  one  of  the  most  accomplished  captains  of 
those  times,  whom  Charles  had  the  discernment  to  choose  as 
the  instrument  of  his  victories.  He  also  settled  the  ,„qc 

affairs  of  Bretagne,  by  acknowledging  the  title  of    *     * 
Montfort,  and  receiving  homage  for  the  duchy.  But  much  was 
yet  to  be  done. 

On  the  conclusion  of  the  peace  of  Bretigni,  a  multitude  of  ad- 
venturers, who  had  served  in  the  war,  refused  to  lay  down  their 
arms,  or  relinquish  a  course  of  life  to  which  they  were  accus- 
tomed. They  even  associated  themselves  with  the  banditti,  who 
were  already  inured  to  the  habits  of  rapine  and  violence,  and, 
under  the  name  of  Companies  and  Companions^  became  a  terror 

27  Rymer,  vol.  vi.  28  Froissard,  ubi  sup. 


380  THE  HISTORY  OF  taut  i. 

to  the  peaceable  inhabitants.  Some  English  and  Gascon  gen- 
tlemen of  character  were  not  ashamed  to  take  the  command  of 
these  ruffians,  whose  number  amounted  to  near  forty  thousand, 
and  who  bore  the  appearance  of  regular  armies  rather  than 
bands  of  robbers^'.  As  Charles  was  not  able  by  force  to  redress 
so  enormous  a  grievance,  he  was  led  by  necessity,  and  by  the 
turn  of  his  character,  to  correct  it  by  policy  ;  to  discover  some 
method  of  discharging  into  foreign  countries  this  dangerous 
and  intestine  evil.  And  an  occasion  now  offered. 

Alphonso  XI.  king  of  Castile,  who  took  Algezira  from  the 
Moors,  after  a  siege  of  above  nineteen  months,  had  been  suc- 
ceeded, in  1350,  by  his  son  Peter  I.  surnamed  the  Cruel.  This 
perfidious  and  profligate  tyrant  began  his  reign  with  the  murder 
of  his  father's  mistress,  Leonora  de  Gusman  :  many  of  his  no- 
bles fell  victims  to  his  fury  ;  he  put  to  death  his  cousin,  and  one 
of  his  natural  brothers,  from  groundless  jealousy;  and  he  caused 
his  queen,  Blanche  de  Bourbon,  of  the  royal  blood  of  France,  to 
be  thrown  into  prison,  and  afterwards  poisoned,  that  he  might 
enjoy  in  quiet  the  embraces  of  Mary  de  Padilla,  of  whom  he 
was  violently  enamoured. 

Henry,  count  of  Trastamara,  Peter's  natural  brother,  alarm- 

A  D  1366  ^^  ^^  ^^^  ^^^^  °^  ^'^  family,  and  dreading  his  own, 
*  took  arms  against  the  king ;  but,  having  failed  in 
the  attempt,  he  fled  into  France,  where  he  found  the  minds  of 
men  inflamed  against  Peter,  on  account  of  the  murder  of  the 
French  princess.  He  asked  permission  of  Charles  to  enlist  the 
Companies  in  his  service,  and  to  lead  them  into  Castile  against 
his  brother.  The  French  monarch,  charmed  with  the  project, 
employed  du  Guesclin  in  negotiating  with  the  leaders  of  these 
banditti.  The  treaty  was  soon  concluded  ;  and  du  Guesclin, 
having  completed  his  levies,  led  the  army  first  to  Avignon,  where 
the  pope  then  resided,  and  demanded,  sword  in  hand,  absolution 
for  his  ruffian  soldiers,  who  had  been  excommunicated,  and  the 
sum  of  two  hundred  thousand  livres  for  their  subsistence.  The 
first  was  readily  promised;  but  some  difficulty  being  made  with 
respect  to  the  second,  du  Guesclin  replied,  "  My  fellows,  I  be- 
"  lieve,  may  make  a  shift  to  do  without  your  absolution;  but  the 
"  money  is  absolutely  necessary."  His  holiness  now  extorted 
from  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  and  its  neighbourhood  the  sum 
of  one  hundred  thousand  livres,  and  offered  it  to  Guesclin.  "  It 
"  is  not  my  purpose,"  said  that  generous  warrior,  "  to  oppress 
**  the  innocent  people.  The  pope  and  his  cardinals  can  spare 
"  me  double  the  sum  from  their  own  pockets.  I  therefore  insist 
*'  that  this  money  be  restored  to  the  owners  :  and  if  they  should 

S9  Froissard,  ubi  sup. 


LET.  xLi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  381 

"  be  defrauded  of  it,  I  will  myself  return  from  the  other  side  of 
"  the  Pyrenees,  and  oblige  you  to  make  restitution."  The  pope 
found  the  necessity  of  submitting,  and  paid  from  his  own  trea- 
sury the  sum  demanded^".  Thus  hallowed  by  the  blessings, 
and  enriched  by  the  spoils  of  the  church,  du  Guesclin  and  his 
army  proceeded  on  their  expedition. 

A  body  of  experienced  and  hardy  soldiers,  conducted  by  so 
able  a  general,  easily  prevailed  over  the  king  of  Castile,  whose 
subjects  vvere  ready  to  join  the  enemy  against  their  oppressor. 
Peter  fled  from  his  dominions,  took  shelter  in  Gui-  ,  „  __ 

enne,  and  craved  the  protection  of  the  Black  Prince, 
whom  the  king  of  England  had  invested  with  the  sovereignty  of 
the  ceded  provinces,  under  the  title  of  the  principality  of  Aqui- 
taine.  The  prince  promised  his  assistance  to  the  dethroned 
monarch  ;  and  having  obtained  his  father's  consent,  he  levied 
an  army,  and  set  out  on  his  enterprise. 

The  first  loss  which  Henry  of  Trastamara  suffered  from  the 
interposition  of  the  prince  of  Wales  was  the  recal  of  the  Com- 
panies from  his  service  :  and  so  much  reverence  did  they  pay  to 
the  name  of  Edward,  that  great  numbers  of  them  immediately 
withdrew  from  Spain,  and  enlisted  under  his  standard.  Henry 
however,  beloved  by  his  new  subjects,  and  supported  by  the  king 
of  Arragon,  was  able  to  meet  the  enemy  with  seventy  thousand 
men,  far  beyond  the  number  of  those  commanded  by  the  Black 
Prince  ;  yet  du  Guesclin,  and  all  his  experienced  officers,  ad- 
vised him  to  delay  a  decisive  action  ;  so  high  was  their  opinion 
of  the  valour  and  conduct  of  the  English  hero  !  But  Henry, 
trusting  to  his  numbers,  ventured  to  give  Edward  battle  on  the 
banks  of  the  Ebro,  near  Najara,  where  he  was  defeated  with  the 
loss  of  above  ten  thousand  men,  and  du  Guesclin  and  other  of- 
ficers of  distinction  became  prisoners.  All  Castile  submitted  to 
the  victor  :  Peter  was  restored  to  the  throne  ;  and  Edward  re- 
turned to  Guienne  with  his  usual  glory  ;  having  not  only  over- 
come one  of  the  greatest  generals  of  the  age,  but  restrained  the 
most  blood-thirsty  tyrant  from  executing  vengeance  on  his  pri- 
3oners^\ 

But  this  gallant  warrior  had  soon  reason  1o  repent  of  his  con- 
nexions with  Peter,  who  was  so  ungrateful  as  to  refuse  the  sti- 
pulated pay  to  the  English  forces.  Edward  therefore  abandoned 
him  to  his  fate.  As  he  soon  renewed  his  tyranny  over  his  sub- 
jects, their  animosity  was  roused  against  him;  and  du  Guesclin, 
having  been  restored  to  liberty,  re-appeared  with  Henry  at  the 
head  of  a  body  of  intrepid  warriors.  They  were  joined  by  the 
Spanish  malcontents,  and  having  no  longer  the  superior  genius 

30  Hist,  de  Guesclin.  31  Froijsard,  liv.  i. 


382  THE  iiidiuixi    ux-  parti. 

and  fortune  ot  the  Black  Prince  to  encounter,  they  gained  a  com- 
,  n^Q  plete  victory  over  Peter  in  the  neighbourhood  of  To- 
'  ledo.  The  tyrant  took  refuge  in  a  castle,  where  he 
was  soon  after  besieged  by  the  victors,  and  made  prisoner  in  en- 
deavouring to  escape.  He  was  conducted  to  his  brother,  against 
whom  he  is  said  to  have  rushed,  in  a  transport  of  rage,  disarmed 
as  he  was.  Henry  slew  him  with  his  own  hand,  in  resentment 
of  his  cruelties  ;  and,  though  a  bastard,  was  honoured  with  the 
crown  of  Castile,  n^hich  he  transmitted  to  his  posterity^^ 

The  Black  Prince  had  involved  himself  so  much  in  debt  by 
his  Spanish  expedition,  that  he  found  it  necessary,  on  his  return, 
to  impose  on  his  principality  a  new  tax,  which  some  of  the  nobi- 
lity paid  with  extreme  reluctance,  and  to  which  others  absolute- 
ly refused  to  submit.  They  carried  their  complaints  to  the  king 
of  France,  as  their  lord  paramount ;  and,  as  the  renunciations 
agreed  to  in  the  treaty  of  Bretigni  had  never  been  made,  Charles 
seized  this  opportunity  to  renew  his  claim  of  superiority  over 
the  English  prov incests.  In  this  resolution  he  was  encouraged 
by  the  declining  years  of  King  Edward,  and  the  languishing 
state  of  his  son's  health  :  he  therefore  summoned  the  prince  to 
appear  in  his  court  at  Paris,  and  justify  his  conduct  towards  his 
vassals.  Young  Edward  replied,  that  he  would  come  to  Paris, 
but  it  should  be  at  the  head  of  sixty  thousand  men.  War  was 
renewed  between  France  and  England,  and  with  singular  re- 
verse of  fortune.  The  low  state  of  the  prince's  health  not  per- 
mitting him  to  exert  his  usual  activity,  the  French  were  victo- 
rious in  almost  every  action  ;  and  when  he  was  obliged,  by  his 
,  rt^-^  increasing  infirmities,  to  throw  up  the  command, 
*  and  return  to  his  native  country,  the  afiairs  of  the 
English  on  the  continent  were  almost  entirely  ruined.  They 
were  deprived  in  a  few  years  of  all  their  ancient  possessions  in 
France,  except  Bourdeaux  and  Bayonne,  and  of  all  their  con- 
quests, except  Calais^*. 

These  misfortunes  abroad  were  followed  by  the  decay  of  the 
king's  authority  at  home.  This  was  chiefly  occasioned  by  his 
extravagant  attachment  to  Alice  Perrers,  a  young  lady  of  wit 
and  beauty,  whose  influence  over  him  had  given  such  general 
disgust  as  to  become  the  object  of  parliamentary  remonstrance. 
From  the  indolence  naturally  attending  on  years  and  infirmities, 
Edward  had  also  resigned  the  administration  into  the  hands  of 
his  son,  the  duke  of  Lancaster,  whose  unpopular  manners  and 
proceedings  weakened  extremely  the  aff*ections  of  the  English  to 

32  Froissaid,  liv.  i.— Mariana,  lib.  xvii.  S3  Walsingliam.— Froissard,  ubi  sup. 

34  Froissard. 


lET.xLT.  MODERN  EUROPE.  383 

T        R    i'^7fi    their  sovereign.  Meanwhile  the  prince  of  Wales 
'  *  died  ;  leaving  behind  him  a  character  adorned 

with  every  eminent  virtue,  and  which  would  throw  lusti'e  on  the 
most  shining  period  of  ancient  or  modern  history.  The  king 
survived  that  melancholy  incident  only  about  twelve  months. 
He  expired  in  the  sixty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  and  x  ^,  ,  „_„ 
the  fifty-first  of  his  reign  ;  one  of  the  longest  and  "  ' 

most  glorious  in  the  English  annals.  His  latter  days  were  in- 
deed somewhat  obscured  by  the  infirmities  and  the  follies  of  old 
age  ;  but  he  was  no  sooner  dead,  than  the  people  of  England 
were  sensible  of  their  irreparable  loss;  and  he  is  still  considered 
as  the  greatest  and  most  accomplished  prince  of  his  time. 

The  domestic  government  of  Edward  was  even  more  worthy 
of  admiration  than  his  foreign  victories.  By  the  prudence  and 
vigour  of  his  administration,  England  enjoyed  a  longer  time  of 
interior  peace  and  tranquillity  than  it  had  been  blest  with  in  any 
former  period,  or  than  it  experienced  for  many  ages  after.  He 
gained  the  affections  of  the  great,  yet  curbed  their  licentiousness: 
His  afiable  and  obliging  behaviour,  his  munificence  and  genero- 
sity, inclined  them  to  submit  with  pleasure  to  his  dominion:  his 
valour  and  conduct  contributed  to  render  them  successful  in 
most  military  enterprises  ;  and  their  unquiet  spirits,  directed 
against  a  public  enemy,  had  no  leisure  to  breed  those  private 
feuds  to  which  they  were  naturally  so  much  disposed.  This  in- 
ternal tranquillity  was  the  chief  benefit  that  England  derived 
from  Edward's  continental  expeditions:  and  the  miseries  of  the 
reign  of  his  successor  made  the  nation  fully  sensible  of  the  va- 
lue of  the  blessing. 

But  before  I  speak  of  the  administration  of  Richard  H.  the 
unhi4)py  son  of  the  Black  Prince,  I  must  carry  forward  the  af- 
fairs cf  the  German  empire.  At  present,  however,  it  will  be 
proper  lo  observe,  that  the  French  monarch,  Charles  V.,  whose 
prudent  conduct  had  acquired  him  the  surname  of  Wise^  died 
in  the  year  1380,  while  he  was  attempting  to  expel  the  Eng- 
lish from  the  few  places  which  they  still  retained  in  France, 
and  left  his  kingdom  to  a  minor  son  of  the  same  name,  so  that 
England  and  France  were  now  both  under  the  government  of 
minors  ;  and  both  experienced  the  misfortunes  of  a  turbulent 
and  divided  regency. 


684  THE  HISTORY  OF  part,  i, 

LETTER  XLII. 


Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies,  from  the  Election 
of  Louis  of  Bavaria  to  the  Death  of  Charles  IF. 

WE  now,  my  dear  Philip,  approach  that  aera  in  the  history 
of  the  German  empire,  when  the  famous  constitution  called  the 
Golden  Bull  was  established  ;  which,  among  other  points,  set- 
tled the  number  and  the  rights  of  the  electors,  as  yet  uncertain, 
and  productive  of  many  disorders. 

Henry  VII.,  as  you  have  already  seen,  strenuously  laboured 
to  recover  the  sovereignty  of  Italy  ;  but  he  died  before  he  was 
able  to  accomplish  his  purpose.  His  death  was  followed  by  an 
interregnum  of  about  fourteen  months;  which  were  employed  in 
the  intrigues  of  Louis  of  Bavaria,  and  of  Frederic  the  Hand- 

.  „,  .    some,  duke  of  Austria.  Louis  was  elected  by  the 
^'  °*  '  majority  of  the  princes;  but  Frederic,  being  chosen 

and  supported  by  a  faction,  disputed  the  empire  with  him.    A 
furious  civil  war;  which  long  desolated  both  Italy  and  Germany, 

nio  was  the  consequence  of  this  opposition.  At  last  the 
A.  .  iji  .  ^^^^  competitors  met  near  MuldorfT,  and  agreed  to 
decide  their  important  dispute  by  thirty  champions,  fifteen  against 
fifteen.  The  champions  accordingly  engaged  in  presence  of  both 
armies,  and  fought  with  such  fury,  that  in  a  short  time  not  one 
of  them  was  left  alive.  A  general  action  followed,  in  which  the 
Austrian3  were  worsted.  But  this  victory  was  not  decisive. 
Frederic  soon  repaired  his  loss,  and  even  ravaged  BavarJa. 
009  The  Bavarian  assembled  a  powerful  army,  in  order 
A.  D.  13J2.  ^^  oppose  his  rival ;  and  the  battle  of  Vechivis,  in 
which  the  duke  of  Austria  was  taken  prisoner,  fixed  the  im- 
perial crown  on  the  head  of  Louis  V.* 

During  the  course  of  these  struggles  was  fought,  between  the 
Swiss  and  Austrians,  the  memorable  battle  of  Morgart ;  which 
established  the  liberty  of  Switzerland;  as  the  victory  of  Mara- 
thon had  formerly  done  that  of  Greece;  and  Attic  eloquence  on- 
ly was  wanting  to  render  it  equally  famous.  Sixteen  hundred 
Swiss,  from  the  cantons  of  Uri,  Schwitz,  and  Underwald,  defeat- 
ed an  army  of  twenty  thousand  Austrians,  in  passing  the  moun- 
tains near  Morgart,  in  1315,  and  drove  them  out  of  the  country 
with  terrible  slaughter.  The  alliance  into  which  these  three 
cantons  had  entered  for  the  term  often  years,  was  now  convert- 

1  Avent.  Annal,  Boior.  lib.  vil. 


LET.  XLii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  385 

ed  into  a  perpetual  league;  and  the  other  cantons  occasionally 
joined  in  it*. 

Louis  V.  had  no  sooner  humbled  the  duke  of  Austria  than 
a  new  antagonist  started  up  : — he  had  the  pope  to  encounter. 
The  reigning  pontiiF  at  that  time  was  John  XXII.,  who  had 
been  elected  at  Lyons  in  1316,  by  the  influence  of  Philip  the 
Long,  king  of  France.  John  was  the  son  of  a  cobler,  and  one 
of  those  men  who,  raised  to  power  by  chance  or  merit,  are 
haughty  in  proportion  to  the  meanness  of  their  birth.  He  had 
not  hitherto,  however,  interfered  in  the  aftairs  of  the  empire  ; 
but,  now  he  set  himself  up  as  its  judge  and  master.  ,  „^^ 

He  declared  the  election  of  Louis  void  :  he  main- 
tained that  it  was  the  right  of  the  sovereign  pontiff  to  examine 
and  confirm  the  election  of  emperors,  and  that  the  government, 
during  a  vacancy,  belonged  to  him;  and  he  commanded  the  Ba- 
varian, by  virtue  of  his  apostolic  power,  to  lay  aside  the  impe- 
rial ensigns,  until  he  should  receive  permission  from  the  holy 
see  to  re-assume  them^. 

Several  attempts  w  ere  made  by  Louis  to  soothe  the  pope's 
spirit,  but  in  vain  :  the  proud  pontiff  was  inflexible,  and  would 
listen  to  no  reasonable  conditions.  The  emperor,  therefore, 
jealous  of  the  independence  of  his  crown,  endeavoured  to 
strengthen  his  interest  both  in  Italy  and  Germany.  He  conti- 
nued the  government  of  Milan  in  the  familyof  the  Visconti,  who 
were  rather  masters  than  magistrates  of  that  city  ;  and  he  con- 
ferred the  government  of  Lucca  on  Castruccio  Castruccani,  a 
celebrated  captain,  whose  life  is  pompously  written  by  Machi- 
avel.  The  German  princes  were  chiefly  in  his  interest,  and  no 
less  jealous  than  he  of  the  dignity  of  the  empire. 

Enraged  at  such  firmness,  pope  John  excommunicated  and 
deposed  the  emperor,  and  endeavoured  to  procure  i  qo'j 

the  election  of  Charles  the  Fair,  king  of  France. 
But  this  attempt  miscarried  None  of  the  German  princes, 
except  Leopold  of  Austria,  came  to  the  place  appointed  for  an 
interview  with  the  French  monarch  ;  and  the  imprudent  and 
ambitious  Charles  returned,  chagrined  and  disappointed,  into 
his  own  dominions^. 

Thus  freed  from  a  dangerous  rival,  Louis  marched  into  Italy, 
in  order  to  establish  his  authority  in  that  country.  i'597 

He  was  crowned  at  Milan,  and  afterwards  at  Rome; 
where  he  ordered  the  following  proclamation  to  be  made  three 
times  by  an  Augustine  friar  :  "  Is  there  any  one  who  will  de- 
**  fend  the  cause  of  the  priest  of  Cahors,  who  calls  himself  pope 

2  Simler,  de  Repab.  Helvetic.  3  Steph.  Baluzii  Vit.  Pontif.  ATegion.  vol.  i. 

4  Vitlani,  lib.  ix. 

Vol.  L  3  C 


386  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

1  '^28  "  J°^"^" — And  no  person  appearing,  sentence  was 

*  immediately  pronounced  against  his  holiness.  He 
was  declared  a  heretic,  deprived  of  all  his  dignities,  and  deli- 
vered over  to  the  secular  power,  in  order  to  suffer  the  punish- 
ment of  fire;  and  a  Neapolitan  friar  was  created  pope  under  the 
name  of  Nicholas  V'. 

But  Louis,  notwithstanding  this  mighty  parade,  was  soon 

obliged,  like  his  predecessors,  to  quit  Italy,  in  order  to  quell  the 

troubles  of  Germany;  and  pope  John,  though  a  refugee  on  the 

banks  of  the  Rhone,  recovered  his  authority  in  Rome.  The  Im- 

-  „„^  perialists  were  expelled  from  the  city;  and  the  em- 

*  peror's  pope  was  carried  to  Avignon,  where,  with  a 
rope  about  his  neck,  he  publicly  implored  forgiveness  of  his 
rival,  and  ended  his  days  in  a  prison*. 

The  emperor,  in  the  mean  time,  remained  in  peace  at  Mu- 
nich, having  settled  the  affairs  of  Germany.  But  he  still  lay 
under  the  censures  of  the  church,  and  the  pope  continued  to 
solicit  the  princes  of  the  empire  to  revolt  from  him.  Louis  was 
1  T^4,  preparing  to  assemble  a  general  council  in  order  to 
*     *  *  depose  his  holiness  a  second  time,  when  the  death  of 

John  precluded  the  necessity  of  such  a  measure,  and  relieved  the 
emperor  from  all  dread  of  the  spiritual  thunder.  This  turbulent 
pope,  who  first  invented  the  taxes  for  dispensations  and  mortal 
sins,  died  immensely  rich.  He  was  succeeded  in  the  papacy  by 
Benedict  XII.,  who  seemed  desirous  of  treading  in  the  steps  of 
his  predecessor,  and  confirmed  all  the  bulls  which  had  been 
issued  by  John  against  the  emperor.  But  Louis  had  now  affairs 
of  greater  importance  to  engage  his  attention  than  those  fulmi- 
nations.  John  of  Luxemburg,  second  son  of  the  king  of  Bohe- 
mia, had  married  Margaret,  surnamed  Great-Mouth,  heiress  of 
Carinthia;  and  that  princess  accusing  her  husband  of  impoten- 
cy,  the  bishop  of  Frisingen  dissolved  the  marriage,  and  she 
espoused  the  margrave  of  Brandenburg,  son  of  the  emperor, 
who  readily  consented  to  a  match  which  added  Tyrol  and  Carin- 
thia to  the  possessions  of  his  family.  This  marriage  produced 
a  war  between  the  houses  of  Bavaria  and  Bohemia,  which  last- 
.-,,,-  ed  only  one  year,  but  occasioned  abundance  of 
bloodshed  ;  and  the  parties  came  to  an  extraordi- 
nary accommodation.  John  of  Luxemburg  confessed  that  his 
wife  had  reason  to  forsake  him,  renounced  all  claim  to  her,  and 
ratified  her  marriage  with  the  margrave  of  Brandenburg^. 

This  affair  being  settled,  Louis  exerted  all  his  endeavours  to 
appease  the  domestic  troubles  of  the  empire,  which  were  still 

5  Baluz.  ubi  supra.  6  Baluz.  Vit.  Pontif.  Avenion,  7  Hist,  de  Luxetnboutg. 


LET.  xLii,  MODERN  EUROPE.  387 

kept  alive  by  the  intrigues  of  the  pope ;  and  notwithstanding  all 
the  injuries  and  insults  he  had  sustained,  he  made  several  at- 
tempts towards  an  accommodation  with  the  holy  see.  But  these 
negotiations  being  rendered  ineffectual  by  the  influence  of 
France,  the  princes  of  the  empire,  ecclesiastical  as  iT'ift 

well  as  secular,  assembled  at  Frankfort,  and  esta- 
blished that  famous  constitution,  by  which  it  was  irrevocably 
decided,  "  that  the  imperial  dignity  might  be  conferred  by  a 
"  plurality  of  the  suffrages  of  the  electoral  college,  without  the 
•'  consent  of  the  holy  see;  that  the  pope  had  no  superiority  over 
"  the  emperor  of  Germany,  nor  any  right  to  approve  or  reject 
"  his  election ;  and  that  to  maintain  the  contrary  was  high  trea- 
"  son."  They  also  refuted  the  absurd  claim  of  the  popes  to 
the  government  of  the  empire  during  a  vacancy;  and  declared, 
that  this  right  appertained,  by  ancient  custom,  to  the  count 
palatine  of  the  Rhine. 

Germany  now  enjoyed  for  some  years,  what  it  had  seldom 
known,  the  blessings  of  peace,  which  was  again  interrupted  by 
the  court  of  Avignon.  Benedict  XII.  was  succeeded  „.^ 

in  the  papacy  by  Clement  VI.,  a  native  of  France, 
who  was  so  haughty  and  enterprising  as  to  affirm  that  his  "  pre- 
decessors did  not  know  what  it  was  to  be  popes.''  He  began 
his  pontificate  with  renewing  all  the  bulls  issued  against  Louis; 
with  naming  a  vicar-general  of  the  empire  in  Lombardy,  and 
endeavouring  to  make  all  Italy  shake  off  the  emperor's  authority. 

Louis,  still  desirous  of  an  accommodation  with  the  holy  see, 
amidst  all  these  acts  of  enmity,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  court 
of  Avignon.  But  the  terms  prescribed  by  the  pope  were  so 
unreasonable,  that  they  were  rejected  with  disdain  by  a  diet  of 
the  empire.  Clement,  highly  incensed  at  this  instance  of  disre- 
gard, fulminated  new  excommunications  against  ,  „.. 
the  emperor.  "  May  the  wrath  of  God,"  says  the 
enraged  pontiff  in  one  of  his  bulls,  "  and  of  St.  Peter  and  St. 
"  Paul,  crush  him  in  this  world,  and  in  that  which  is  to  come  ! 
"  May  the  earth  open  and  swallow  him  alive  ;  may  his  memory 
"  perish,  and  all  the  elements  be  his  enemies ;  and  may  his 
"  children  fall  into  the  hands  of  his  adversaries,  even  in  the 
"  sight  of  their  father'!" 

Clement  also  issued  a  bull  for  the  election  of  an  emperor  ; 
and  Charles  of  Luxemburg,  margrave  of  Moravia,  (afterwards 
known  by  the  name  of  Charles  IV.)  son  and  heir  of  John,  king 
of  Bohemia,  having  made  the  necessary  concessions  to  his  ho- 
O  t  1 1  1  '\/L7  ^'"^^s*  ^^^^  elected  king  of  the  Romans  by  a  fac- 
11,        /•  ^JQj^^  Louis,  however,  maintained  his  authority 

8  Heiss,  Uv.  ii.  chap.  26.  9  Annal.  de  I'Emp.  tome  i. 


388  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

till  his  death,  which  happened  soon  after  the  election  of  his  ri- 
val; when  Charles,  rather  by  his  money  than  his  valour,  se- 
cured the  imperial  throne. 

While  these  events  occurred  in  Germany,  a  singular  scene 
was  exhibited  in  Italy.  Nicholas  Rienzi,  a  private  citizen  of 
Rome,  but  an  eloquent,  bold,  enterprising  man,  and  a  patriot, 
seeing  that  city  abandoned  by  the  emperors  and  the  popes,  set 
himself  up  as  the  restorer  of  the  Roman  liberty  and  the  Roman 
power.  Proclaimed  tribune  by  the  people,  and  put  in  posses- 
sion of  the  Capitol,  he  declared  all  the  inhabitants  of  Italy  free, 
and  denizens  of  Rome.  But  these  convulsive  struggles  of  long- 
expiring  freedom,  like  many  others,  proved  ineftectual.  Rienzi, 
who  styled  himself  "  the  severe  though  merciful  Deliverer  of 
"  Rome,  the  zealous  Assertor  of  the  Liberties  of  Italy,  and  the 
*'  Lover  of  all  Mankind,"  as  he  attempted  to  imitate  the  Grac- 
chi, met  the  same  fate,  being  murdered  by  the  patrician  fac- 
tion'". 

A  scene  no  less  extraordinary  was  about  this  time  exhibited 
at  Naples.  The  kingdoms  of  Naples  and  Sicily  still  continued 
to  be  ruled  by  foreigners.  Naples  was  governed  by  the  house 
of  France,  and  Sicily  by  that  of  Arragon.  Robert  of  Anjou,  son 
of  Charles  the  Lame,  though  he  failed  in  his  attempt  to  recover 
possession  of  Sicily,  had  rendered  Naples  a  flourishing  king- 
dom. He  died  in  1343,  and  left  his  crown  to  Joan  his  grand- 
daughter, who  had  married  her  cousin  Andrew,  brother  to  Lou- 
is of  Anjou,  king  of  Hungary;  a  match  which  seemed  to  ce- 
ment the  happiness  and  prosperity  of  that  house,  but  proved  the 
source  of  all  its  misfortunes.  Andrew  pretended  to  reign  in  his 
own  right;  and  Joan,  though  but  eighteen  years  of  age,  insist- 
ed that  he  should  only  be  considered  as  the  queen's  husband. 
A  Franciscan  friar,  called  Brother  Robert,  by  whose  advice  An- 
drew was  wholly  governed,  lighted  up  the  flames  of  hatred  and 
discord  between  the  royal  pair;  and  the  Hungarians,  of  whom 
Andrew's  court  was  chiefly  composed,  excited  the  jealousy  of 
the  Neapolitans,  who  considered  them  as  barbarians.  It  was 
therefore  resolved  in  a  council  of  the  queen's  favourites,  that 
Andrew  should  be  put  to  death.  He  was  accordingly  strangled 
in  his  wife's  antichamber:  and  Joan  married  the  prince  of  Ta- 
rentum,  who  had  been  publicly  accused  of  the  murder  of  her 
husband,  and  was  well  known  to  have  been  concerned  in  that 
bloody  deed.     How  strong  a  presumption  of  her  own  guilt ! 

The  king  of  Hungary,  lamenting  his  brother's  fate,  solemnly 
denounced  vengeance  against  the  queen.    Having  repaired  to 

10  Id.  ibid. 


IBT.  xLii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  389 

Rome,  he  accused  her,  in  form,  before  the  tribune  Rienzi ;  who, 
during  the  existence  of  his  transitory  power,  belield  several 
kings  appealing  to  his  tribunal,  as  was  customary  in  the  times 
of  the  ancient  republic.  Rienzi,  however,  declined  giving  his 
decision  ;  a  moderation  by  which  he  at  least  gave  one  example 
of  his  prudence  :  and  Louis  advanced  towards  Naples,  carry- 
ing with  him  a  black  standard,  on  which  were  painted  the  most 
striking  circumstances  of  Andrew's  murder.  He  ordered  a 
prince  of  the  blood,  and  one  of  the  accomplices  in  the  crime,  to 
be  beheaded.  Joan  and  her  husband  fled  into  Provence ;  where 
finding  herself  utterly  abandoned  by  her  subjects,  she  visited 
pope  Clement  VI.,  at  Avignon,  a  city  of  which  she  was  sove- 
reign, as  Countess  of  Provence,  and  which  she  sold  to  that  pon- 
tiff, together  with  its  territories,  for  eighty  thousand  florins  in 
gold,  which,  a  celebrated  historian  tells  us,  were  never  paid. 
Here  she  pleaded  her  cause  before  the  pope,  and  was  acquitted. 
But  perhaps  the  desire  of  possessing  x\vignon,  had  some  in- 
fluence upon  the  judgment  of  his  holiness. 

Clement's  kindness  did  not  stop  here.  In  order  to  engage 
Louis  to  quit  Naples,  he  proposed  that  Joan  should  pay  him  a 
sum  of  money  :  but,  as  ambition  or  avarice  had  no  share  in  the 
king's  enterprise,  he  generously  replied,  "  I  am  not  come  hither 
to  sell  my  brother's  blood,  but  to  revenge  it!"  and 
as  he  had  partly  effected  his  purpose,  he  went  away 
satisfied,  though  the  kingdom  of  Naples  was  in  his  power". 
Joan  recovered  her  dominions,  only  to  become  more  wretched. 
Of  her  unhappy  fate  I  shall  afterwards  have  occasion  to  speak. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  affairs  of  the  emperor  Charles  IVw 
When  this  prince,  who  was  equally  distinguished  by  his  weak- 
ness and  pride,  had  settled  the  affairs  of  Germany,  he  went  to 
receive  the  imperial  crown  at  Rome,  where  he  be-  .^r-r- 

11-  -11      •  .1  r  A.   D.   1355. 

naved  in  a  manner  more  pusillanimous  than  any  ot 
his  predecessors.  The  ceremony  was  no  sooner  performed  than 
he  retired  without  the  walls,  in  consequence  of  an  agreement 
which  he  had  made  with  the  pope  ;  though  the  Romans  came 
to  offer  him  the  government  of  their  city,  as  his  hereditary 
right,  and  entreated  him  to  re-establish  their  ancient  liberty. 
He  told  the  deputies  he  would  deliberate  on  the  i)roposal.  But, 
being  apprehensive  of  some  treachery,  he  retired  in  the  even- 
ing, under  pretence  of  going  to  take  the  diversion  of  hunting. 
And  he  afterwards  ratified  and  confirmed  many  promises  ex- 
torted from  him  by  Clement  VI.,  very  much  to  the  prejudice 
of  the  empire  in  Italy'^ 

11  Giov.  Villani,  lib.  xii,  12  Fleiiry.  tome  xx.  liv.  96. 


390  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt.  i. 

The  poet  Petrarch,  so  highly  celebrated  for  his  love- verses, 
,  ^  e  -  wrote  a  letter  to  Charles  upon  this  occasion,  in  which 
'  are  found  these  spirited  words  :  "You  have  then 
"  promised  upon  oath  never  to  return  to  Rome ! — Whatshame- 
*'  ful  conduct  in  an  emperor,  to  be  compelled  by  a  priest  to  con- 
'^  tent  himself  with  the  bare  title  of  Ccesar,  and  to  exile  himself 
'<  for  ever  from  the  habitation  of  the  Caesars!  to  be  crovvned 
"  emperor,  and  then  prohibited  from  reigning,  or  acting  as  head 
"  of  the  empire  ! — What  an  insult  upon  him  who  ought  to  com- 
•'  mand  the  universe,  to  be  no  longer  master  of  himself,  and  be 
"  subservient  to  his  own  vassal"?" 

This  emperor  seemed  to  have  entirely  renounced  the  poli- 
tics of  his  predecessors ;  for  he  not  only  discouraged  and  re- 
jected the  proffers  of  the  Ghibelines,  but  affected  to  treat  them 
as  enemies  to  religion,  and  actually  supportefl  the  Guelphs. 
By  these  means  he  procured  the  favour  of  #16  pope  and  his  de- 
pendants, who  flattered  him  with  the  most  fulsome  adulation  ; 
but  tht  Italians,  in  general,  viewed  him  with  contempt,  and  the 
l^te^  part  of  the  towns  attached  to  the  empire  shut  their 
gates  against  him.  At  Cremona  he  was  obliged  to  wait  two 
liours  without  the  walls  before  he  received  the  answer  of  the 
magistrates  ;  who,  at  last,  only  permitted  him  to  enter  as  a  sim- 
ple stranger,  without  arms  or  retinue". 

Charles  made  a  more  respectable  figure  after  his  return  to 
Germany.  The  number  of  electorates  had  been  fixed  since  the 
time  of  Henry  VII.,  more  by  custom  than  by  laws,  but  not  the 
number  of  electors.  The  duke  of  Bavaria  presumed  that  he  had 
a  right  to  elect  as  well  as  the  count  Palatine,  the  elder  branch 
of  their  family  ;  and  the  younger  brothers  of  the  house  of  Saxo- 
ny believed  themselves  entitled  to  vote  as  well  as  the  elder. 
The  emperor  resolved  to  settle  those  points,  that  due  subordina- 
tion might  take  place,  and  future  elections  be  conducted  with- 
out confusion  or  disorder.  For  this  purpose  he  ordered  a  diet 
to  be  assembled  at  Nuremberg,  where  the  famous  constitu- 
tion called  the  Golden  Bull  was  established,  in  the  presence 
and  with  the  consent  of  all  the  princes,  bishops,  abbots,  and 
the  deputies  of  the  imperial  cities. 

The  style  of  that  celebrated  charter  partakes  strongly  of  the 
spirit  of  the  times.  It  begins  with  an  apostrophe  to  Satan,  an- 
ger, pride,  luxury  ;  and  it  says,  that  it  is  necessary  the  number 
of  electors  should  be  seven,  in  order  to  oppose  the  seven  mortal 
sins.  It  speaks  of  the  fall  of  the  angels,  of  a  heavenly  paradise, 
of  Pompey,  and  of  Cassar ;  and  it  asserts,  that  the  government 

1 3  De  Vit.  Solit.  lib.  ii.  1  i  Bane,  vol.  ii.— Spond.  Contin.^Baron.  vol.  i. 


LET.xMi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  0^1 

of  Germany  is  founded  on  the  three  theological  virtues,  •on  the 
Trinity.  The  seven  electors  were  the  archbishops  of  Mentz, 
Cologne,  and  Treves,  the  king  of  Bohemia,  the  count  Palatine, 
the  duke  of  Saxony,  and  the  margrave  of  Brandenburg. 

The  imperial  dignity,  which  of  itself  then  conferred  little  real 
power,  never  showed  more  of  that  lustre  which  dazzles  the  eyes 
of  the  people  than  on  the  publication  of  this  edict.  The  three 
ecclesiastical  electors,  all  three  arch-chancellors,  appeared  in 
the  procession  with  the  seals  of  the  empire ;  the  archbishop  of 
Mentz  carried  that  of  Germany,  the  elector  of  Cologne  that  of 
Italy,  and  the  archbishop  of  Treves  that  of  Gaul,  though  the 
empire  now  possessed  nothing  in  Gaul,  except  a  claim  to  emp- 
ty homage  for  the  remains  of  the  kingdom  of  Provence  and  the 
principality  of  Dauphine.  How  little  power  Charles  had  ia 
Italy,  we  have  already  seen.  Besides  granting  to  the  pope  all 
the  lands  claimed  by  the  holy  see,  he  left  the  family  of  Visconti 
in  the  quiet  possession  of  Milan  and  the  whole  province  of 
Lombardy,  which  they  had  usurped  from  him,  and  suffered  the 
Venetians  to  retain  Padua,  Vicenza,  and  Verona".  I  must 
now  take  notice  of  the  ceremonial. 

The  duke  of  Luxemburg  and  Brabant,  who  represented  the 
king  of  Bohemia,  as  great  cup-bearer,  delivered  to  the  emperor 
his  drink,  which  was  poured  from  a  golden  flagon  into  a  cup  of 
the  same  metal;  the  duke  of  Saxony,  as  grand-marshal,  appear- 
ed with  a  silver  measure  filled  with  oats  ;  the  elector  of  Bran- 
dendurg  presented  the  emperor  and  empress  with  water  to  wash 
in  a  golden  ewer,  placed  in  a  golden  basin  ;  and  the  count  Pa- 
latine served  up  the  victuals  in  golden  dishes,  in  presence  of  all 
the  great  officers  of  the  empire*^. 

The  latter  part  of  the  reign  of  Charles  IV.  was  distinguished 
by  no  remarkable  transaction  except  the  sale  of  the  imperial  ju- 
risdictions in  Italy  ;  which  were  alternately  resumed  and  sold. 
Charles,  who  was  reputed  a  good  prince,  but  a  weak  ,„_g 

emperor,  was  succeeded  in  all  his  possessions  and 
dignities  by  his  son  Wenceslaus,  whom  I  shall  afterward  have 
occasion  to  mention. — We  must  now  proceed  to  the  affairs  of 
England  ;  remarking  by  the  way,  that  Charles  IV.  was  an  en  ■ 
rourager,  of  learning  and  founded  the  university  of  Prague, 

15  Barre,  vol.  ii. — Spond.  Contin.  Baron,  vol.  i 
13  Heiss,  liv.  ii.  chap.  2" 


392  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

LETTER  XLIII. 

History  of  En^land^Jrom  the  Death  of  Edward  III.  to  the  Ac- 
cession  of  Henry  V.  with  some  Account  of  the  Affairs  of  Scot- 
land. 

AFTER  seeing  England  victorious  over  France  and  Spain, 
.  „__   you  have  seen  her,  my  dear  Philip,  nearly  stripped 

*  of  all  her  possessions  on  the  continent,  and  Edward 
III.  expiring  with  much  less  glory  than  had  distinguished  the 
more  early  periods  of  his  reign.  His  successor,  Richard  II., 
son  of  the  Black  Prince,  was  little  able  to  recover  what  had  been 
lost  through  the  indisposition  of  his  father,  and  the  dotage  of  his 
grandfather.  Happy  would  it  have  been  for  him,  and  for  his 
people,  if  he  could  have  ruled  his  own  kingdom  with  judgment. 

Richard  was  certainly  a  weak  prince  ;  but  his  weakness  was 
not  immediately  perceived  or  felt  by  the  nation.  At  his  acces- 
sion he  was  a  boy  of  eleven  years  of  age,  from  whom  consequent- 
ly little  could  be  expected.  The  habits  of  order  and  obedience, 
which  the  nobles  had  acquired  under  the  sway  of  the  third  Ed- 
ward, still  influenced  them  ;  and  the  authority  of  Richard's 
three  uncles,  the  dukes  of  Lancaster,  York,  and  Glocester,  suf- 
ficed to  repress  for  a  time  that  turbulent  spirit  which  the  great 
barons  were  so  ready  to  indulge  during  a  weak  reign.  The  dif- 
ferent characters  of  those  three  princes  rendered  them  also  a 
counterpoise  to  each  other  ;  so  that  there  appeared  no  new  cir- 
cumstance in  the  domestic  situation  of  England  which  could 
endanger  the  public  peace,  or  give  any  immediate  apprehen- 
sions to  the  lovers  of  their  country. 

But  this  flattering  prospect  proved  delusive.  Discontents  and 
dissensions  soon  arose  among  all  orders  of  men.  The  fiirst  tu- 
mult was  of  the  popular  kind.  War  had  been  carried  on  between 
France  and  England,  after  the  death  of  Edward  III. ;  but  in  so 
languid  a  manner  as  served  only  to  exhaust  the  finances  of  both 
kingdoms.  In  order  to  repair  the  expenses  of  these  fruitless  ar- 
,„o-    maments,  the  P'.nglish  parliament  found  it  necessary 

*  to  impose  a  poll-tax,  of  three  groats  a  head,  oa 
every  person,  male  and  female,  above  fifteen  years  of  age.  The 
inequality  and  injustice  of  this  tax  were  obvious  to  the  meanest 
capacity  ;  and  the  rigorous  manner  in  which  it  was  levied  made 
it  yet  more  grievous.  The  great  body  of  the  people,  many  of 
u  horn  were  still  in  a  state  of  slavery,  became  severely  sensible 
of  the  unequal  lot  which  fortune  had  assigned  to  them  in  the  dis- 
tribution of  her  favours.     They  looked  up  to  the  first  origin  of 


lET.  XLiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  393 

mankind  from  one  common  stock,  their  equal  rights  to  liberty, 
and  to  all  the  benefits  of  nature.  Nor  did  they  fail  to  reflect  on 
the  tyranny  of  artificial  distinctions,  and  on  the  abuses  which 
had  arisen  from  the  degradation  of  the  more  considerable  part 
of  the  species,  and  the  aggrandisement  of  a  few  individuals^ 

"  When  Adam  delv'd,  and  Eve  span, 
"  Where  then  was  the  gentleman  ?" 

was  their  favourite  distich  :  and  although  these  verses,  when 
misapplied,  strike  at  the  foundation  of  all  society,  they  contain 
a  sentiment  so  flattering  to  the  sense  of  primitive  equality,  en- 
graven in  the  hearts  of  all  men,  as  never  to  be  repeated  without 
some  degree  of  approbation. 

When  the  discontents  of  the  populace  were  thus  prepared,  the 
insolence  of  a  tax-gatherer,  and  the  spirit  of  a  Kentish  black- 
smith, blew  them  into  a  flame.  While  the  smith  was  at  work, 
the  collector  appeared,  and  demanded  payment  for  his  daughter. 
The  father  replied,  that  she  was  below  the  age  prescribed  by 
the  statute:  the  tax-gatherer  affirmed  that  she  was  a  full-grown 
woman,  and  in  proof  of  his  assertion  attempted  an  indecency, 
which  incensed  the  smith  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  knocked  the 
ruffian  dead  with  his  forge-hammer.  The  by-standers  applaud- 
ed the  action,  and  exclaimed  that  it  was  full  time  for  the  people 
to  take  vengeance  on  their  tyrants,  and  assert  their  native 
rights.  They  flew  to  arms  :  the  flame  of  sedition  spread  from 
coimty  to  county  :  and  before  the  government  had  the  least 
intimation  of  the  danger,  the  disorder  had  grown  beyond  all 
control  or  oppositi(Mi. 

These  mutinous  peasants,  who  nearly  amounted  to  the  num- 
ber of  one  hundred  thousand,  assembled  on  Blackheath  under 
Wat  Tyler  the  smith  (or,  as  some  say,  a  tiler)  and  Jack  Straw  ; 
and  sent  a  message  to  the  king,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  the 
Tower,  that  they  desired  a  conference  with  him.  Richard  pas- 
sed down  the  river  in  a  barge  for  that  purpose  ;  but,  on  ap- 
proaching the  shore,  he  discovered  such  symptoms  of  tumult 
and  insolence  that  he  judged  it  prudent  to  return.  Finding, 
however,  that  the  Tower  would  be  no  security  against  the  law- 
less multitudes,  and  aflilicted  at  the  ravages  and  cruelties  of  the 
rioters,  who  had  broken  into  the  city  of  London,  plundered  the 
merchants,  and  cut  oflfthe  heads  of  all  the  gentlemen  they  could 
seize ;  the  young  king  found  it  necessary  to  go  out  and  ask  their 
demands.  They  required  a  general  pardon  ;  the  abolition  of 
slavery;  freedom  of  commerce  in  market-towns,  without  toll  or 

1  Frolssard,  lib  ii. — Walsingham. — Knighton. 

Vol.  I.  3  D 


394  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

imposts ;  and  a  fixed  rent  on  lands,  instead  of  the  services  due  by 
villanage.  These  requests  were  not  unreasonable  :  but  the  be- 
haviour of  Wat  Tyler,  who,  in  making  his  demands,  frequently- 
brandished  his  sword  in  a  menacing  manner,  so  incensed  Wil- 
liam Walworth,  the  mayor  of  London,  that  he  lifted  up  his 
mace,  or,  as  others  say,  his  spear,  and  gave  Tyler  a  violent 
blow  which  brought  him  to  the  ground,  where  he  was  instantly 
pierced  through  the  body  by  another  of  the  king's  train.  The 
mutineers,  seeing  their  leader  fail,  prepared  for  revenge  ;  and 
the  king  and  his  whole  company  must  have  perished  on  the 
spot,  had  not  Richard  discovered  an  extraordinary  presence  of 
naind  in  that  extremity.  He  ordered  his  attendants  to  stop,  ad- 
vanced alone  towards  the  enraged  multitude,  and,  accosting 
them  with  an  affable  and  intrepid  countenance,"  What,  my  good 
**  people,"  said  he,  "  is  the  meaning  of  this  commotion  ?  Be 
"  not  concerned  for  the  loss  of  your  leader.  I  am  your  king  : 
"  I  will  become  your  leader  ;  follow  me  into  the  field,  and  you 
*'  shall  have  whatever  you  desire."  Overawed  hf  the  royal 
presence,  they  implicitly  followed  him  :  and  he  peaceably  dis- 
missed them,  after  the  grant  of  their  demands^. 

This  conduct  of  a  prince  who  w  as  not  fifteen  years  of  age, 
raised  great  expectations  in  the  nation  ;  but,  in  proportion  as 
the  king  advanced  in  years,  they  gradually  vanished,  and  his 
want  of  capacity,  or  at  least  of  solid  judgment,  appeared  in  eve- 
ry measure  which  he  adopted-  His  first  expedition  was  against 
,  ^^r  Scotland,  into  which  he  marched  at  the  head  of  an 
'  army  of  sixty  thousand  men.  The  Scots  did  not  ven- 
ture to  resist  so  great  a  force  :  they  abandontpl,  without  scruple, 
their  rugged  territory  to  be  ravaged  by  the  enemy,  and  made 
an  incursion  into  the  more  fertile  provinces  of  England,  where 
they  collected  a  rich  booty.  Richard,  however,  wandered 
over  a  great  part  of  the  comparatively  barren  kingdom  of 
Scodand,  and  led  his  army  back  into  England,  without  taking 
vengeance  on  the  enemy  for  their  devastations^  His  impati- 
ence to  return  and  enjoy  his  usual  pleasures  and  amusements 
over-balanced  every  higher  consideration,  and  made  even  re- 
venge a  motive  too  feeble  to  detain  him. 

Richard,  like  most  weak  princes,  now  resigned  himself  vi'holly 
to  the  direction  of  a  favourite,  Robert  de  Vere,  earl  of  Oxford, 
a  young  nobleman  of  dissolute  manners,  whom  he  loaded  with 
riches,  with  titles,  and  with  dignities.  He  first  created  him 
marquis  of  Dublin,  and  afterwards  duke  of  Ireland,  with  a  par- 
liamentary grant  of  the  sovereignty  of  that  kingdom  for  life. — 

2  Fioissard,  liv.  ii. — Walsingham. — Knighton. — The  grants,  except  that  of  panic:, 
were  afterwards  revoked.  3  Walsingham. — Froissard. 


i-ET.  XLiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  395 

The  usual  (and  too  often  just)  complaints  against  the  insolence 
of  favourites  were  soon  loudly  echoed  and  greedily  received  in 
all  parts  of  England.  A  civil  war  was  the  consequence  :  the 
rovalists  were  defeated  :  and  Richard  was  obliored  ,  ^.o^- 

^   "       ■         1  •         .1      1        J       r  A.  D.  1387. 

to  resign  the  government  into  the  hands  oi  a  coun- 
cil of  fourteen,  appointed  by  the  Parliament.    The  duke  of 

Glocester  accusing:  five  of  the  kini?'*s  ministers  of       ^    ,„oo 
•     .  1    "^  1  111-1.      A.  D.  1388. 

treason  against  the  state,  they  were  declared  guilty ; 

and  as  many  of  them  as  could  be  seized  were  executed.  The 

duke  of  Ireland  made  his  escape  beyond  sea,  as  did  Michael 

de  la  Pole,  earl  of  Suffolk,  who  had  discharged  the  office  of 

chancellor.  Both  died  abroad. 

It  might  naturally  be  expected  that  Richard,  thus  reduced  to 
a  state  of  slavery  by  his  subjects,  and  unable  to  defend  his  ser- 
vants from  the  resentment  of  his  uncles,  would  remain  long  in 
subjection,  and  never  recover  the  royal  power  without  the  most 
violent  struggles  ;  but  the  event  proved  otherwise.  In  the  fol- 
lo'ving  year  he  was  apparendy  reconciled  to  his  uncles,  and 
exercised  the  regal  authority  in  its  full  extent. 

After  these  domestic  disturbances  were  composed,  and  the 
government  restored  to  its  natural  state,  there  passed  an  inter- 
val of  eight  years  distinguished  by  no  remarkable  event ;  during 
which  the  king  brought  himself  into  the  lowest  degree  of  per- 
sonal contempt,  even  while  his  government  appeared  in  a  great 
measure  unexceptionable.  Addicted  to  vulgar  pleasures,  he 
spent  his  whole  time  in  feasting  and  jollity  ;  and  dissipated  in 
idle  show,  or  lavished  upon  favourites  of  no  reputation,  that  re- 
venue which  the  people  expected  to  see  him  employ  in  under- 
takings calculated  for  the  public  honour  and  advantage. 

The  duke  of  Glocester  soon  perceived  the  opportunities, 
which  this  dissolute  conduct  of  his  nephew  afforded  him,  of  in- 
sinuating himself  into  the  affections  of  the  nation  ;  and  he  now 
aimed  at  popularity  as  the  ladder  to  the  throne.  He  seldom 
appeared  at  court  or  in  the  council :  he  never  declared  his  opi- 
nion but  to  testify  his  disapprobation  of  the  measures  embraced 
by  the  king  and'his  favourites  ;  and  he  courted  the  friendship 
of  every  man  whom  disappointment  or  private  resentment  had 
renderedanenemy  to  the  administration.  Richard,^  ^  ^^97 
suspecting  his  ambitious  views,  ordered  him  to  be  *  ' 
arrested,  and  carried  over  to  Calais,  where  he  was  soon  after 
murdered".  The  royal  vengeance  fell  also,  though  with  differ- 
ent degrees  of  severity,  on  the  earls  of  Arundel  and  Warwick, 
the  supposed  accomplices  of  the  duke,  and  on  the  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  Arundel's  brother,  \i4io  was  banished.  Arundel 

4  Cotton's  Abridgment. 


396  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

himself  was  beheaded,  and  Warwick  was  doomed  to  perpetual 
confinement  in  the  Isle  of  Man^ 

1  '^08       ^^^  destruction  of  the  duke  and  the  supporters 

'  of  his  party  was  followed  by  a  misunderstanding 
among  those  noblemen  who  had  joined  in  the  prosecution  ;  and 
the  duke  of  Hereford,  in  particular,  w  ent  so  far  as  to  accuse 
the  duke  of  Norfolk  in  parliament  of  having  spoken  "  many 
"  slanderous  words  of  the  king."  Norfolk  denied  the  charge, 
imputed  wilful  falsehood  to  Hereford,  and  offered  to  prove  his 
own  innocence  by  duel.  The  challenge  was  accepted  ;  the 
time  and  place  of  the  combat  were  appointed,  and  the  whole 
nation  seemed  anxious  for  the  event.  But  when  the  two  cham- 
pions appeared  in  the  field,  accoutred  for  the  fight,  the  king 
interposed,  to  prevent  both  the  present  effusion  of  blood  and 
the  future  consequences  of  the  quarrel.  He  stopped  the  duel, 
by  the  advice  of  the  parliamentary  commissioners  appointed 
to  regulate  the  combat ;  and,  by  the  same  authority,  he  order- 
ed both  the  peers  to  leave  the  kingdom*^.  Hereford  was  ba- 
nished for  ten  years,  and  Norfolk  for  life. 

This  sentence  seems  to  have  been  impartial ;  but  it  surely 
was  not  equitable,  as  both  the  dukes  were  condemned  without 
being  convicted  of  any  crime.  It  was  also  unpopular.  Richard's 
conduct  in  this  affair  was  considered  as  a  mark  of  the  pusil- 
lanimity of  his  temper  :  and  the  weakness  and  fluctuation  of 
his  counsels,  at  least,  appear  on  no  occasion  more  evident. 
The  duke  of  Hereford,  being  a  man  of  great  prudence  and  self- 
command,  behaved  with  such  humility  after  his  condemnation, 
that  the  king  promised  to  shorten  the  term  of  his  exile  by  four 
years,  and  also  granted  him  letters  patent,  empowering  him,  if 
any  inheritance  should  accrue  to  him  during  the  interval,  to 
crrter  into  immediate  possession.  But  this  nobleman,  who  was 
the  eldest  son  of  John  of  Gaunt,  duke  of  Lancaster,  had  no 
sooner  left  the  kingdom,  than  Richard's  jealousy  of  the  power 
and  riches  of  that  family  revived  ;  and  he  became  sensible,  that 
by  Gloucester's  death  he  had  only  removed  a  counterpoise  to 
the  Lancastrian  interest,  which  was  now  even  formidable  to  the 
sovereign.  He  therefore  took  every  method  to  sully  abroad  the 
1  '^qq  reputation  of  the  duke  of  Hereford,  and  to  obstruct 

■  his  alliances,  by  representing  him  as  guilty  of  trea- 
sonable practices  ;  and,  when  the  father  died,  he  revoked  his 
letters  patent  to  the  son,  and  took  possession  of  the  family  estate^. 
These  instances  of  rapacity  and  severity,  and  the  circum- 
stances with  which  they  were  accompanied,  drew  upon  Richard 

5  Walsingharo. — Froissard,  lib.  iv. — Ryraer,  vol.  vii. 

6  Walsingham. — Pari.  Hist.  vol.  i.  7  Tyrrel,  vol.  iii.  from  the  Records. 


lET.  xLiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  397 

the  general  odium  of  the  people.  Hereford,  now  duke  of  Lan- 
caster, had  acquired  the  esteem  of  the  public  by  his  valour  and 
abilities.  He  was  connected  with  the  principal  nobility  by  blood, 
alliance,  or  friendship:  his  misfortunes  added  double  lustre  to 
his  merit 5  all  men  made  his  case  their  own ;  they  entered  into 
his  resentment;  and  they  turned  their  eyes  towards  him  as  the 
only  person  who  could  retrieve  the  lost  honour  of  the  nation,  or 
reform  the  abuses  of  ji-overnment. 

While  the  minds  of  men  were  thus  disposed,  Richard  went 
over  to  quell  an  insurrection  in  Ireland,  and  thereby  imprudent- 
ly afforded  his  exiled  cousin  an  opportunity  of  gratifying  the 
wishes  of  the  nation.  The  duke,  landing  at  Ravenspur  in  York- 
shire, was  joined  by  the  earls  of  Northumberland  and  Westmore- 
land, two  of  the  most  potent  barons  in  England  ;  and  the  mal- 
contents in  all  quarters  flew  to  arms.  He  solemnly  declared  that 
he  had  no  other  purpose  in  this  invasion  than  to  recover  the  du- 
chy of  Lancaster;  and  he  conjured  his  uncle,  the  duke  of  York, 
who  had  been  left  guardian  of  the  kingdom,  not  to  oppose  a 
loyal  and  humble  supplicant  in  the  recovery  of  his  patrimony. 
His  entreaties  had  the  desired  effect.  The  regent  embraced 
his  cause  ;  and  he  quickly  found  himself  master  of  England. 

Richard  no  sooner  received  intelligence  of  this  invasion  than 
he  hastened  from  Ireland  with  twenty  thousand  men  :  but  he 
could  not  confide  even  in  these;  and  he  was  soon  almost  entire- 
ly deserted.  In  this  extremity  he  fled  to  the  isle  of  Anglesey, 
where  he  proposed  to  embark  for  France,  and  there  wait  the  re- 
turn of  his  subjects  to  a  sense  of  their  duty.  But  before  he  had 
an  opportunity  of  carrying  this  scheme  into  execution,  the  earl 
of  Northumberland  waited  upon  him  from  the  rebellious  duke, 
with  the  strongest  professigns  of  loyalty  and  submission  ;  and 
Richard  was  so  credulous  as  to  put  himself  in  the  power  of  his 
enemy.  He  was  carried  about  in  an  abject  manner,  exposed  to 
the  insults  of  the  populace;  deposed,  imprisoned,  and  murder- 
ed^  And  the  duke  of  Lancaster  was  proclaimed  king,  c  ^  oq 
under  the  name  of  Henry  IV.  1  •       ' 

The  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Henry  IV.,  as  might  be  expect- 
ed from  the  manner  in  which  he  obtained  the  throne,  was  stain- 
ed by  many  acts  of  blood  and  violence.  The  opposers  of  his 
title  were  cruelly  punished  :  and  superstition  was  called  in  to 
swell  by  new  crimes  the  catalogue  of  victims.  While  a  subject. 
Henry  was  believed  to  have  strongly  imbibed  the  principles  of 
WicklifFe,  a  secular  priest  educated  at  Oxford,  who,  during  the 

8  He  died  on  the  6iti  of  January,  1400.  The  Monk  of  Evesham  says,  that  he  was  starved 
to  death  :  but  otiiers,  among  whom  we  may  mention  the  anonymous  author  of  a  curious  ma- 
nuscript in  the  library  of  the  late  king  of  France,  affirm  that  he  was  killed  by  Kxton  and 
other  ruffians  with  the  stroke  of  a  battle-axe. 


S'98  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

reigns  of  Edward  III.  and  Richard  II.,  preached  the  doctrine 
of  reformation  ;  but  finding  himself  possessed  of  the  throne  by 
so  precarious  a  title,  this  politic  prince  thought  superstition  a 
necessary  engine  of  public  authority.  There  had  hitherto  been 
no  penal  laws  enacted  against  heresy  in  England:  Henry,  there- 
fore, who  could  easily  sacrifice  his  principles  to  his  interest,  un- 
derstanding that  the  clergy  called  loudly  for  the  punishment  of 
the  disciples  of  Wickliffe,  whose  learning  and  genius  had  in 
son>e  measure  broken  the  fetters  of  prejudice,  resolved  to  pro- 
cure the  favour  of  the  church  by  the  most  effectual  of  all  me- 
thods, by  gratifying  her  vengeance  on  those  who  presumed  to 
A  D  1401  ^'^P'J^^  h^*" ''^^3li't>'lJty.  A  law  was  accordingly  en- 
acted, that  any  heretic  who  relapsed,  or  refused  to 
abjure  his  opinions,  should  be  delivered  over  to  the  secular  arm 
by  the  bishop  or  his  commissaries,  and  be  committed  to  the 
flames  by  the  civil  magistrate,  before  the  whole  peopled  This 
"weapon  did  not  long  remain  unemployed  in  the  hands  of  the 
clergy.  William  Sautre,  a  clergyman  in  London,  had  been  con- 
demned by  the  convocation  of  Canterbury  :  his  sentence  was 
ratified  by  the  house  of  peers:  and  the  unhappy  sectary  suffered 
the  punishment  of  fire,  because  he  could  not  think  as  the  church 
directed. — What  a  fatal  prelude  to  future  horrors,  proceeding 
from  the  same  source  ! 

But  all  the  prudence  and  precaution  of  Henry  could  not 
shield  him  from  numerous  alarms.  He  was  threatened  from 
France,  with  an  invasion,  which  was  only  prevented  by  the  dis- 
orders in  that  kingdom ;  and  the  revolution  in  England  was 
speedily  followed  by  an  insurrection  in  Wales.  OvvenGlendour, 
or  Glyndourdwy,  descended  from  the  ancient  princes  of  that 
country,  had  become  obnoxious  on  account  of  his  attachment  to 
Richard;  and,  Reginald,  lord  Grey  of  Ruthyn,  who  was  closely 
connected  with  the  new  king,  and  who  enjoyed  a  great  fortune 
i:i  the  marches  of  Wales,  thought  the  opportunity  favourable 
lor  oppressing  his  neighbour,  and  taking  possession  of  his  estate. 
Glendour,  provoked  at  the  injustice,  and  still  more  at  the  indig- 
nity, recovered  possession  by  the  sword.  Henry  sent  assistance 
to  lord  Grey ;  the  Welsh  took  part  with  Glendour  :  a  tedious 
and  troublesome  war  was  kindled,  which  Glendour  long  sustain- 
ed by  his  valour  and  activity,  aided  by  the  natural  strength  of 
the  country  and  the  untamed  spirit  of  the  inhabitants. 

The  Scots  were  tempted  by  these  disorders  to  make  incursions 
into  England ;  and  Henry,  desirous  of  chastising  them,  con- 
ducted an  army  as  far  to  the  northward  as  Edinburgh.     But 

9  2  Hen.  IV.  c  7. 


tET.  XLiii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  39? 

finding  that  the  Scots  would  neither  submit  nor  give  him  battle, 
he  returned  without  effecting  any  thing  of  consequence.  In  the 
succeeding  year,  however,  Archibald  earl  of  Douglas,  who,  at 
the  head  of  twelve  thousand  men,  had  made  an  irruption  into  the 
northern  counties,  was  overtaken  by  the  earl  of  Northumberland 
on  his  return,  at  Homeldon  on  the  borders  ofo  .  .  i^/^n 
England,  where  a  fierce  battle  ensued,  and  the  P  *  ' 
Scots  were  totally  routed.  Douglas  himself  was  taken  prison- 
er ;  as  were  the  earls  of  Angus,  Murray,  Orkney,  and  many 
others  of  the  nobility  and  gentryi°. 

When  Henry  received  intelligence  of  this  victory,  he  sent  or- 
ders to  the  victorious  earl  not  to  ransom  his  prisoners  ;  a  privi- 
lege which  that  nobleman  regarded  as  his  right  by  the  laws  of 
war.  The  king  intended  to  detain  them,  that  he  might  be  able, 
by  their  means,  to  make  an  advantageous  peace  with  Scotland. 
But  by  this  selfish  policy  he  gave  great  disgust  to  the  fiimily  of 
Percy.  The  impatient  spirit  of  the  earl's  son  Henry,  common- 
ly known  by  the  name  of  Hotspur,  and  the  factious  disposition 
of  the  earl  of  Worcester,  younger  brother  to  the  powerful  peer, 
inflamed  his  discontent;  and  the  disputable  title  of  Henry  tempt- 
ed these  bold  associates  to  seek  revenge,  by  overturning  that 
throne  which  they  had  contributed  to  establish.  The  earl  en- 
tered into  a  correspondence  with  Glendour  :  he  set  the  carl  of 
Douglas  at  liberty,  and  formed  an  alliance  with  that  martial 
chieftain.    But,  when  war,  was  readv  to  break  out,  ,  ,_  _ 

he  was  seized  with  a  sudden  illness,  at  Berwick ;     '     ' 
and  young  Percy,  taking  the  command  of  the  troops,  march- 
ed towards  Shrewsbury  to  join  Glendour. 

The  king  had  happily  a  small  army  on  foot  with  which  he  in- 
tended to  act  against  the  Scots  ;  and  knowing  the  importance  of 
celerity  in  all  civil  wars,  he  instantly  hurried  down,  to  give  bat- 
tle to  the  rebels.  He  approached  Percy  near  Shrewsburv,  be- 
fore that  nobleman  was  joined  by  Glendour  ;  and  the  policy  of 
one  leader,  and  impatience  of  the  other,  made  them  t  , 
hasten  to  a  general  engagement.  The  armies  were  ^  ' 
nearly  equal  in  number,  consisting  of  about  twelve  thousand  men 
each  ;  and  we  scarcely  find  any  battle  in  those  ages  where  the 
shock  was  more  terrible  or  more  constant.  Henry  exposed  his 
person  to  all  the  dangers  of  the  fight ;  and  the  prince  of  Wales, 
his  gallant  son,  whose  military  achievements  became  afterwards 
so  famous,  and  who  here  performed  his  noviciate  in  arms,  sig- 
nalised himself  in  a  remarkable  manner.  Percy  supported  that 
renown  which  he  had  acquired  in  many  a  bloody  combat ;  and 
Douglas,  his  ancient  enemy,  and  now  his  friend,  still  appeared 

10  Walsingliain.— C'iron.  Otterbouri»e. 


400  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i. 

his  rival  amid  the  horror  and  confusion  of  the  fight.  This  no- 
bleman performed  feats  of  valour  which  are  almost  incredible. 
He  seemed  determined  that  the  king  of  England  should  fall 
that  day  by  his  arm.  He  sought  him  all  over  the  field  :  and  as 
Henry  had  accoutred  several  officers  in  the  royal  garb,  in  order 
to  encourage  his  troops,  the  sword  of  Douglas  rendered  that  ho- 
nour fatal  to  many.  But  while  the  armies  were  contending  in 
this  furious  manner,  the  death  of  Hotspur,  accomplished  by  an 
unknown  hand,  decided  the  victory.  The  royalists  prevailed, 
with  the  slaughter  of  three  thousand  of  their  foes". 

The  earl  of  Northumberland  had  levied  a  fresh  army,  and 
was  on  his  march  to  join  his  son :  but  being  opposed  by  the  earl 
of  Westmoreland,  and  hearing  of  the  defeat  at  Shrewsbury,  he 
dismissed  his  forces,  and  came  with  a  small  retinue  to  the  king 
at  York.  He  pretended  that  his  sole  intention  in  arming  was  to 
mediate  between  the  parties.  Henry  thought  proper  to  admit 
the  apology,  and  even  granted  him  a  pardon  for  his  offence. 
The  other  rebels  seem  to  have  been  treated  with  equal  lenity, 
except  the  earl  of  Worcester,  lord  Kinderton,  and  sir  Richard 
Vernon;  who  perished  by  the  hands  of  the  executioner'^ 

The  suppression  of  this  rebellion  did  not  deter  Scrope,  arch- 
bishop of  York,  lord  Bardolf,  and  Mowbray,  from  concerting 
IJO'?   another;  but  the  scheme  was  discovered  before  it 
*  was  ripe  for  execution,  and  the  archbishop  was  be- 
headed. Northumberland  also  was  concerned  in  these  intrigues, 
ld.nft   ^^^  made  his  escape  into  Scotland;  whence  return- 
ing to  commit  new  disorders,  he  was  slain  at  Bram- 
bam,  with  lord  Bardolf.  The  defeat  of  Glendour,  and  the  sub- 
mission of  the  Welsh,  which  happened  soon  after,  freed  Henry 
1400  f'^o""'  ^^^  his  domestic  enemies :   and  a  fortunate 
^'     '  •  event  which  had  thrown  the  heir  of  the  Scottish 

crown  into  his  hands  rendered  him  also  secure  on  that  quarter. 

Robert  HI.  king  of  Scotland,  was  a  prince  of  slender  capa- 
city, and  extremely  innocent  and  inoffensive  in  his  conduct. 
But  Scotland,  at  that  time,  was  still  less  fitted  than  England  for 
cherishing  a  sovereign  of  such  a  character.  His  brother  the 
duke  of  Albany,  a  prince  of  a  boisterous  and  violent  disposition, 
had  assumed  the  government  of  the  state ;  and,  not  satisfied 
with  present  authority,  he  entertained  the  criminal  purpose  of 
destroying  the  king's  children,  and  of  acquiring  the  crown  to 
his  own  family.  He  threw  into  prison  his  nephew  David,  who 
there  perished  by  hunger;  and  James,  the  brother  of  this  prince, 
alone  stood  between  the  tyrant  and  the  throne.  Robert,  aware 
of  his  son's  danger,  resolved  to  send  him  into  France :  but  the 

11  Chron.  Otlerbourne. — Waisingham.  l^2  Walsingham.— Rymer,  vol.  viii. 


LET.XLiv.  MODERN  EUROPE.  40  J 

vessel  in  which  the  youth  embarked  was  taken  by  the  Enghsh; 
and  although  there  subsisted  at  that  time  a  truce  between  the 
two  kingdoms,  Henry  refused  to  restore  him  to  his  liberty^^ 
But  he  made  ample  amends  for  this  want  of  generosity  by  be- 
stowing on  James  an  excellent  education,  which  afterwards 
qualified  him,  when  he  mounted  the  throne,  to  reform,  in  some 
measure,  the  rude  and  barbarous  manners  of  his  native  country. 

The  remaining  part  of  Henry's  reign  was  chiefly  spent  in  re- 
gulating the  affairs  of  his  kingdom;  which  he  at  length  brought 
into  good  order,  by  his  valour,  prudence,  and  address.  In  his 
latter  years,  he  began  to  turn  his  eyes  towards  those  bright  pro- 
jects which  his  more  fortunate  son  conducted  so  successfully 
against  the  French  monarchy;  but  his  declining  health  prevent- 
ed him  from  attempting  to  put  them  in  execution.  Afflicted  for 
some  years  with  violent  fits,  which  deprived  him  for  a  time  of 
all  sensation,  and  threatened  his  existence,  he  was  carried  off  by 
one  of  them  at  Westminster,  in  the  forty-seventh  »|,  ^/^  ^  ^i  <> 
year  of  his  age,  and  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  '  ' 
reign".  He  was  considered  as  a  wise  prince  rather  than  a  good 
man ;  and  yet,  if  we  reflect  on  the  circumstances  in  which  he 
was  involved,  we  can  hardly  conceive  that  a  person  could  carry 
his  ambition  to  the  same  height,  and  transmit  a  throne  to  his 
posterity,  with  less  violence  to  humanity. 

We  should  now  examine  the  affairs  of  France  under  Charles 
VI.,  as  an  introduction  to  the  reign  of  Henry  V.  of  England, 
who  became  sovereign  of  both  kingdoms ;  but  we  must  first 
carry  forward  the  history  of  the  empire  and  the  church. 

\S  Buclian.  lib.  x. — Seotichronicon,  lib.  xv,  14  Walsingham. 


LETTER  XLIV. 


Of  the  German  Empire  andits  Dependencies,  from  the  Accession 
of  ffenceslaus  to  the  Death  of  Sigismund. 

THE  history  of  the  German  empire,  my  dear  Philip,  be- 
comes always  more  important  to  us,  in  proportion  as  we  ad- 
vance in  the  narration,  though  it  seemed  at  this  time  to  decline 
in  dignity  and  consequence.  We  now  approach  two  remark- 
able events  in  the  history  of  the  church;  the  great  schism  in  the 
West,  and  the  council  of  Constance. 
V  oL.  I.  3  E 


40iJ  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

Wenceslaus,  at  the  age  of  seventeen,  succeeded  his  father 
I  nyo   Charles  IV.  in  the  government  of  the  empire,  and 
*  on  the  throne  of  Bohemia,  when  the  church  was 
divided  by  one  of  those  violent  contests  so  disgraceful  to  Chris- 
tianity.    The  Italians  had  raised  to  the  pontificate  Urban  VI. 
w  ho  confirmed  the  election  of  the  new  emperor;  and  the  French 
had  chosen  Clement  VII.     During  this  schism  Wenceslaus 
appointed  Jadoc,  marquis  of  Moravia,  his  vicar-general  in  Italy; 
commanding  him  to  inquire  which  was  the  true  pope,  to  ac- 
knowledge and  protect  that  pontiff  whom  he  should  find  to  be 
canonically  elected,  and  to  expel  by  force  the  other,  who  had 
.^_Q   intruded  himself  into  the  chair.  He  also  held  a  diet 
'  at  Nuremberg,   and  afterward  one  at  Frankfort ; 
where,  the  affair  of  the  popes  being  examined.  Urban  was  ac- 
knowledged by  the  German  prelates,  and  the  princes   of  the 
empire  engaged  to  protect  him  in  the  papacy^ 

After  the  diet  of  Frankfort,  the  emperor  repaired  to  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  where  he  resided  sometime,  because  the  plague  raged 
in  Bohemia:  and  here  he  gav  e  himself  up  to  gross  debauchery, 
neglecting  the  afl'airs  of  the  empire  to  such  a  degree,  that  the 
princes  and  towns  of  Germany  were  obliged  to  enter  into  asso- 
ciations for  their  mutual  defence.  At  the  same  time  Italy  was 
torn  in  pieces  by  the  schism  in  the  church.  Clement,  who  had 
taken  Rome  from  his  rival,  was  expelled  in  his  turn  by  the  ci- 
tizens, and  afterwards  settled  at  Avignon,  the  former  residence 
of  the  French  pontiffs.  Urban  used  his  victory  like  a  tyrant. 
But  all  priests  in  power,  it  has  been  said,  are  tyrants.  The  fa- 
mous Joan,  queen  of  Naples,  of  whom  I  have  spoken  in  a  for- 
mer letter,  first  experienced  the  effects  of  Urban's  vengeance. 
This  princess,  who  had  imprudently  espoused  the  cause  of 
Clement,  had  been  four  times  married,  but  had  no  children  by 
any  of  her  husbands;  she  therefore  adopted  Charles  de  Duraz- 
zo,  the  regular  heir  to  her  kingdom,  and  the  only  remaining  de- 
scendant of  the  house  of  Anjou  in  Naples.  But  Durazzo,  un- 
willing to  wait  for  the  crown  till  the  natural  death  of  his  adop- 
.„„p.  tive  mother,  associated  himself  with  pope  Urban, 
^'  '  "^  *  who  crowned  him  king  of  Naples  at  Rome,  on  con- 
dition that  he  should  bestow  the  principality  of  Capua  on  Fran- 
cis Prignano,  nephew  to  his  holiness.  Urban  also  deposed 
Joan,  and  declared  her  guilty  of  heresy  and  high  treason. 

These  steps  being  taken,  the  pope  and  Durazzo  marched  to- 
wards Naples.    The  church  plate  and  ecclesiastical  lands  were 
,  „r,^    sold,  in  order  to  facilitate  the  conquest.     Joan,  on 
*  the  other  hand,  was  destitute  both  of  money  and 

1  Du  Puy,  Hist.  Gen.  du  Schisme,  &c.— Maimboiirg,  Hist,  du  Grand  Schiame  de  I'Dc- 
eident. 


LET.  XLIY,  MODERN  EUROPE.  40:^ 

troops.  In  this  extremity,  she  invited  to  her  assistance  Lonis 
of  Anjou  (brother  to  Charles  V.  of  France),  whom  she  had 
adopted  in  the  room  of  the  ungrateful  Durazzo  ;  but  he  arri\  ed 
too  late  to  defend  his  benefactress,  or  dispute  the  kingdom  with 
his  competitor.  The  pope  and  Durazzo  entered  Naples,  after 
having  defeated  and  taken  prisoner  Otho  of  Brunswick,  the 
queen's  husband.  All  resistance  now  appeared  to  be  fruitless, 
and  flight  alone  seemed  practicable.  But  even  in  this  the  unfor- 
tunate Joan  failed  :  she  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  usurper,  who 
to  give  some  colour  to  his  barbarity,  declared  himself  the  aven- 
ger of  the  murder  of  her  first  husband.  Louis  king  of  Hungary 
was  consulted  in  regard  to  the  fate  of  t^e  captive  queen.  He 
replied,  that  she  deserved  to  suffer  the  same  death  which  she 
had  inflicted  on  Andrew  ;  and  Durazzo,  ordered  her  to  be  smo- 
thered between  two  mattresses^  Thus  perished  the  ,  n^,^ 
famous  Joan  I.  queen  of  Naples,  who  was  cele- 
brated by  Petrarch  and  Boccace  :  and  whose  life,  character, 
and  catastrophe,  bear  a  striking  resemblance  to  those  of  the 
unfortunate  Mary  Stuart,  queen  of  Scodand. 

In  the  mean  time  Wenceslaus  continued  immersed  in  debau- 
chery, and  seemed  industrious  in  acquiring  the  implacable 
hatred  of  his  subjects  by  the  extraordinary  taxes  he  imposed, 
and  the  cruelties  which  he  exercised  upon  people  of  all  ranks. 
In  order  to  familiarise  himself  to  blood  and  carnage,  he  de- 
scended so  low  as  to  contract  an  intimacy  with  the  public 
executioner,  whom  he  distinguished  by  the  appellation  of  his 
gossip  ;  and  in  one  of  his  fits  of  intoxication,  he  is  said  to  have 
ordered  his  cook  to  be  roasted  alive^. 

On  account  of  these  atrocities,  and  of  the  sale  of  the  rights 
of  the  empire,  both  in  Italy  and  Germany,  the  electors,  assem- 
bled at  Laenstein  on  the  Rhine,  deposed  Wences-  14.00 
laus,  and  raised  Henry  of  Brunswick  to  the  impe- 
rial dignity ;  but  he  being  basely  murdered  by  count  Waldeck 
before  his  coronation,  they  elected  in  his  stead  Rupert  or  Ro- 
bert count  Palatine  of  the  Rhine. 

Wenceslaus  was  so  little  mortified  at  the  news  of  his  deposi- 
tion, that  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  when  he  received  the  in- 
telligence, "  I  am  pleased  at  being  delivered  from  the  burthen 
"  of  the  empire,  because  I  shall  have  more  leisure  to  apply  my- 
*'  self  to  the  government  of  my  own  kingdom  :"  and  it  must  be 
owned  that,  during  the  eighteen  years  which  he  afterwards 
reigned  in  Bohemia,  his  conduct  was  much  less  exceptionable. 
But  although  this  indolent  prince  was  so  unconcerned  at  the 
loss  of  the  empire,  he  appears  to  have  been  sensibly  affected 

2  Giannone,  Hist,  di  Nap.  3  Dubrav.  lib.  xxiii. — Annal.  de  I'Emp.  tome  i. 


404  THE  HISTORY  OB  paiit  i. 

by  some  of  its  probable  consequences,  though  certainly  of  less 
moment;  for  he  is  said  to  have  desired,  as  a  last  mark  of  the 
fidelity  of  the  imperial  cities,  that  thej'^  would  send  him  "  some 
butts  of  their  best  wine*." 

The  first  expedition  of  the  new  emperor  was  against  Galeaz- 
zo  Visconti,  whom  Wenceslaus  had  created  duke  of  Milan,  and 
who,  not  content  with  this  promotion,  endeavoured  by  force  of 
arms  to  obtain  possession  of  Florence,  Mantua,  Bologna,  and 
other  towns  and  countries.  To  secure  these  territories,  and  re- 
14.09  ^^^'^^  ^^^  imperial  authority  in  Italy,  Rupert 
marched  into  the  duchy  of  Milan  ;  but  Galeazzo 
was  so  well  provided  with  troops  and  military  stores,  that  the 
emperor  was  obligjed  to  return  to  Germany  without  success*. 

The  retreat  of  Rupert  left  the  field  open  to  Galeazzo,  who 
now  projected  nothing  less  than  the  complete  conquest  of  Italy; 
and  fortune  at  first  seemed  to  second  his  views.  He  made  him- 
self master  of  the  city  of  Bologna,  and  had  almost  reduced 
um  Florence,  when  he  was  attacked  by  a  malignant 
^'  ^'  '  fever,  which  at  once  put  an  end  to  his  life  and  his 

projects.  As  he  left  only  one  daughter,  who  was  not  of  age, 
an  opportunity  was  offered  to  Rupert  of  retrieving  the  affairs 
of  the  empire  in  Italy.  But  the  German  princes  were  so  little 
pleased  with  his  first  expedition,  that  they  would  not  grant  him 
supplies  for  a  second.  He  therefore  employed  himself  in  ap- 
peasing the  troubles  of  Germany,  and  aggrandising  his  own 
electorate;  to  which  he  added  several  lordships  of  Alsace, 
purchased  of  the  bishop  of  Strasburg*. 

During  the  sway  of  this  emperor,  Bohemia  was  involved  in 
disorder  by  the  preaching  of  John  Huss,  a  theologian  of  the 
university  of  Prague,  who  had  embraced  the  opinions  of  Wick- 
lifi'e,  and  was  excommunicated  by  the  pope.  The  publication 
of  this  sentence  was  followed  by  troubles  and  sedition.  Wen- 
ceslaus shut  himself  up  in  the  fortress  of  Visigrade,  and  John 
.  .,.p  Huss  retired  to  Hussenitz,  the  place  of  his  birth  ; 
where  he  appealed  from  the  judgment  of  the  pope 
to  the  Holy  Trinity,  and  wrote  to  the  cardinals,  offering  to  give 
an  account  of  his  faith,  even  at  the  hazard  of  fire,  before  the 
university  of  Prague,  and  in  the  jjresence  of  those  who  had  at- 
tended his  lectures  and  sermons^ 

The  Romish  church  not  only  suffered^from  these  innovations, 
but  also  continued  in  a  state  of  distraction  from  the  schism 
which  still  remained,  and  which  the  emperor  attempted  in  vain 
to  cement.  Gregory  XII.,  who  was  acknowledged  pope  in  Ita- 

4  Uan-f,  tome  vii.  5  Heiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  xxviii.  G  Bai-re.  toine  vii. 

7  Moshciin.  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  iii.  tt.  Auct.  cil.  in  loc. 


LET.  XXVI.  MODERN  EUROPE.  405 

ly,  convened  a  council  at  Aquileia,  to  which  he  invited  Rupert, 
and  other  Christian  princes,  to  heal  the  schism.  Benedict  XIII., 
who  was  owned  in  France,  convoked  a  council  at  Perpignan  : 
the  cardinals  held  a  similar  meeting  at  Pisa,  and  the  emperor 
ap|X)inted  a  diet  for  the  same  purpose  at  Frankfort ;  where,  af- 
ter long  debates,  the  opinions  of  the  assembly  were  divided  be- 
tween the  two  popes.  The  greater  part  of  the  archbishops,  pre- 
lates, and  princes,  es|X)Used  the  cause  of  the  cardinals  ;  but  the 
emperor,  the  archbishop  of  Treves,  the  duke  of  Bavaria,  and 
some  others,  declared  for  Gregory,  who  proposed  that  a  council 
should  be  holden  at  Udina  in  Friuli,  under  the  direction  of  Ru- 
pert, by  whose  decision  he  promised  to  abide.  The  emperor 
therefore  sent  an  archbishop,  two  bishops,  two  doctors,  and  his 
chancellor,  as  ambassadors  to  Pisa,  to  prove  by  learned  argu- 
ments, that  the  cardinals  ought  not  to  depose  Gregory.  But 
these  ambassadors  finding  that  they  could  make  no  converts  to 
their  opinion,  and  that  the  cardinals,  attached  to  Wenceslaus, 
would  not  even  acknowledge  their  master  as  emperor,  appealed 
from  the  assembly  of  Pisa  to  an  oecumenical  council.  The  car- 
dinals, however,  proceeded  to  the  deposition  of  the  two  popes, 
and  raised  to  the  apostolic  chair  a  native  of  the  island  of  Can- 
dia,  who  assumed  the  appellation  of  Alexander  V.  By  this 
measure  the  schism  was  increased,  as  three  popes  ruled  at  the 
same  time^ 

Rupert  died  soon  after  this  pious  negotiation,  t»^  ,  j.  14.10 
and  before  he  was  able  to  settle  the  affairs  of  the  ^  ' 
Holy  See.  He  was  succeeded,  after  a  disputed  election,  by  Si- 
gismund  (brother  to  the  deposed  Wenceslaus),  who  had  pro- 
cured the  Hungarian  crown  by  a  marriage  with  the  daughter 
of  king  Louis.  The  new  head  of  the  empire  was  a  prince  of 
experience  and  abilities,  whose  first  care  was  to  heal  the  wounds 
of  the  church.  For  that  purpose,  he  summoned  a  general  coun- 
cil at  Constance,  with  the  concurrence  of  pope  John  XXIII., 
successor  of  Alexander  V. 

At  this  council,  where  Sigismund  appeared  in  all  his  glory, 
were  present  a  great  number  of  cardinals,  prelates,  doctors ; 
more  than  a  hundred  sovereign  princes;  one  hun-  1414, 

dred  and  eight  counts  ;  two  hundred  barons  ;  and 
tv\  enty-seven  ambassadors  from  different  courts;  who  vied  with 
each  other  in  luxury  and  magnificence.  There  were  also  five 
hundred  players  on  instruments,  called  in  those  times  minstrels, 
and  seven  hundred  and  eighteen  courtezans,  who  were  protect- 
ed by  the  magistrates^. 

In  tlie  first  session,  it  was  maintained  that  nothing  could  so  ef- 

S  Id.  ibid.  9  Annal.  de  I'Emp.  tome  ii 


406  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

factually  contribute  to  re-establish  the  union  of  the  church  as  the 
resignation  of  the  competitors  for  the  papacy.  John,  who  pre- 
sided in  the  council,  assented  to  this  opinion,  and  promised  to 
renounce  his  title,  if  Gregory  and  Benedict  would  imitate  him 
in  that  act  of  self-denial.  This  declaration  was  no  sooner  made 
than  the  emperor  rose  from  his  chair,  and  ran  and  embraced  the 
feet  of  his  holiness,  applauding  his  Christian  resignation.  He 
1415  ^^^  ^^^°  solemnly  thanked  by  the  patriarch  of  An- 
*  tioch,  in  the  name  of  the  whole  council.  But  John 
afterwards  repented  of  this  condescension ;  and,  by  the  aid  of 
Frederic  duke  of  Austria,  fled  from  Constance  in  the  night, 
disguised  in  the  habit  of  a  postillion*". 

This  unexpected  retreat  at  first  disconcerted  the  council, 
which  John  declared  to  be  dissolved  in  consequence  of  his  seces- 
sion. But  the  members  at  length  agreed,  after  many  learned  ar- 
guments, that  a  council  was  superior  to  the  pope;  confirmed  the 
sentence  of  John's  deposition;  decreed  that  no  other  pope  should 
be  chosen  without  the  consent  of  the  council;  and  that  the  three 
competitors  should  be  for  ever  excluded  from  the  papacy.  Find- 
ing them  this  determined,  John  thought  proper  to  yield  to  the 
torrent  rather  than  incur  the  risque  of  worse  fortune  in  attempt- 
ing to  oppose  it.  He  acquiesced  in  the  sentence  of  the  council, 
and  renounced  the  p>ontificate.  Soon  after  this  resignation, 
Gregory  sent  a  legate  to  the  emperor  and  council  to  renounce 
his  title  in  the  same  manner ;  but  the  proud  Spaniard,  Peter 
de  Luna,  (Benedict  XIH.)  would  not  yield :  he  remained  ob- 
stinate to  the  last'^ 

The  affair  of  John  Huss  formed  the  next  subject  of  discussion. 
That  reformer  had  found  a  docile  pupil  and  an  able  associate  in 
Jerome  of  Prague,  who  propagated  the  new  doctrines  with  great 
warmth.  Both  had  been  summoned  to  appear  before  the  court 
of  Rome,  but  refused  to  obey  the  citation.  They  condescended, 
however,  to  attend  the  council  of  Constance  ;  and  Huss,  being 
provided  with  a  safe  conduct  from  the  emperor,  resolved  to  de- 
fend the  articles  of  his  faith.  The  assembly  seemed  inclined  to 
condemn  him  unheard ;  but  Sigismund  opposed  that  injustice. 
He  was  now  questioned,  and  accused  of  heresy  in  thirty-nine 
articles.  Some  of  these  he  denied,  and  some  he  offered  to  sup- 
port by  argument.  But  his  voice  was  drowned  by  the  clamours 
of  bigotry  ;  and,  on  refusing  to  abjure  all  the  articles,  he  was 
declared  a  propagator  of  sedition,  a  hardened  heretic,  a  disciple 
and  defender  of  Wickliffe.  He  was  degraded  by  four  bishops, 
stripped  of  his  sacerdotal  habit,  and  clothed  in  a  lay  dress.  His 
hair  was  cut  in  the  form  of  a  cross  :  upon  his  head  was  put  a 

10  Theod.  Niem.  Vit.  Jo.  XXIII.  11  Platin,  de  Vitis  Pontificura. 


LET.  xiiv.  MODERN  EUROPE.  40r 

paper  mitre,  painted  with  the  representation  of  three  devils ;  and 
he  was  dehvered  over  to  the  secular  judge,  who  condemned  him 
and  his  writings  to  the  flames.     He  submitted  to  his  j  ,     .g 
cruel  fate  with  great  firmness  and  resolution".  ^ 

After  the  execution  of  John  Huss,  the  council  resumed  the  af- 
fair  of  Peter  de  Luna,  who  still  refused  to  quit  his  pretensions 
to  the  papacy.  On  this  occasion  Sigismund  offered  to  solicit  in 
person  the  mediation  of  Ferdinand  king  of  Arragon,  with  whom 
Peter  had  taken  refuge.  On  his  arrival  at  Perpignan,  he  enter- 
ed into  a  negotiation  with  Benedict,  the  result  of  which  was  sent 
to  the  council,  though  by  no  means  answerable  to  his  expecta- 
tions. The  obstinacy  of  the  priest  was  insurmountable,  and  in- 
censed the  emperor  to  such  a  degree,  that  he  threatened  to  ob- 
tain by  force  that  assent  which  could  not  be  procured  by  fair 
means.  Benedict,  in  consequence  of  these  menaces,  retired  to 
the  fortress  of  Paniscola,  where  he  resolved  to  preserve  his  pon- 
tifical dignity  to  his  latest  breath.  This  unexpected  flight  de- 
prived him  of  all  his  partisans.  The  king  of  Arragon,  with  all 
the  princes  and  bishops  of  his  party,  sent  deputies  to  the  empe- 
ror at  Narbonne  ;  where  it  was  agreed,  that  the  council  should 
invite  all  the  former  adherents  of  Benedict  to  come  to  Con- 
stance, and  join  their  endeavours  for-establishing  the  peace 
of  the  church  ;  and  that,  on  their  arrival,  a  new  pope  should  be 
chosen". 

During  the  absence  of  Sigismund,  the  trial  of  Jerome  of 
Prague  engaged  the  attention  of  the  council.  This  1 4.  i  s 

man  had  repaired  to  Constance,  to  assist  John  Huss 
in  making  his  defence  ;  but  perceiving  that  he  had  nothing  to 
hope  from  the  clemency  of  the  assembled  zealots,  he  resolved  to 
retire  without  delay  into  Bohemia.  Being  apprehended,  how- 
ever, upon  the  road,  he  was  loaded  with  chains,  and  brought 
back  to  Constance,  where,  in  order  to  avoid  the  punishment  of 
fire,  he  solemnly  abjured  the  opinions  of  Wickliffe  and  Huss. 
But,  ashamed  to  survive  his  master,  who  had  encountered  death 
with  so  much  firmness,  or  not  deriving  the  advantages  which 
he  expected  from  his  submission,  he  re-professed  the  same  doc- 
trines ;  was  condemned  to  the  flames,  as  a  wicked  apostate, 
and  suffered  with  great  fortitude^'*. 

Poggio  the  Florentine,  secretary  to  pope  John,  and  one  of  the 
restorers  of  learning,  who  was  present  on  this  occasion,  says  he 
never  heard  any  thing  that  approached  so  nearly  to  the  elo^ 
quence  of  the  ancient  Greeks  and  Romans,  as  the  speech  which 

12  Laui".  Byzinii  Diarium  Hussiticiim. — Chron.  Magdeb. 

13  Theod.  Niem.  ubi  sup. — Heiss,  lib.  ii.  cap.  30. 

14  Musheim,  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  iii — Spond.  Contin.  vol.  ii. 


4DS  THE  HISTORY  OF  pakt  i. 

Jerome  made  to  the  judges.  "  He  spoke/'  exclaims  Poi^gio, 
"  like  Socrates ;  and  walked  to  the  stake  with  as  much  cheer- 
"  fulness  as  that  great  philosopher  drank  the  cup  of  hemlock  !" 

After  the  return  of  Sigismund,  the  council  proceeded  against 
Benedict  for  contumacy  ;  and  the  definitive  sentence  of  his  de- 
14.1 7  position  was  pronounced.  Their  next  care  was  the 
'  election  of  a  new  pope  :  and  Otho  Colonna,  who 
possessed  the  accomplishments  of  a  prince  and  the  virtues  of  a 
prelate,  was  unanimously  chosen  on  St.  Martin's  day,  whence  he 
took  the  name  of  Martin  V.  Never  was  the  inauguration  of 
any  pontift' attended  with  greater  pomp.  He  rode  in  procession 
to  the  cathedral,  mounted  on  a  white  horse  ;  the  emperor  and 
the  elector  of  Brandenburgh,  on  foot,  leading  it  by  the  reins.  A 
numerous  crowd  of  princes,  the  ambassadors  of  all  the  kings, 
and  the  fathers  of  the  council,  closed  the  train.  When  he  en- 
tered the  cathedral,  the  triple  crown  was  placed  upon  his  head, 
and  he  returned  in  the  same  august  manner^*. 

The  important  affair  of  the  schism  being  thus  concluded, 
other  points  were  regulated  by  the  council,  which  broke  up  in 
its  forty-fifth  session.  The  disputes  about  religion,  however, 
idio  '"^S^^  witly  great  and  redoubled  violence.  The 
*  Hussites  in  Prague  were  so  much  offended  at  being 
debarred  from  the  use  of  the  cup  in  the  sacrament  of  the  eucha- 
rist  (contrary,  as  they  affirmed,  to  the  express  words  of  our  Sa- 
viour, who  says,  "  Except  ye  eat  the  flesh  of  the  Son  of  man, 
"  and  drink  his  blood,  ye  have  no  life  in  you"),  that  they  rais- 
ed a  furious  tumult,  forced  the  town-house,  and  murdered  the 
magistrates  who  were  concerned  in  publishing  the  order'*. 

The  news  of  this  massacre  filled  the  court  of  Wenceslaus 
with  the  utmost  consternation,  and  made  so  strong  an  impres- 
sion on  that  pusillanimous  prince,  that  he  was  seized  with  an 
apoplexy,  of  which  he  died  in  a  few  days.  He  was  succeeded  in 
the  Bohemian  royalty  by  his  brother  Sigismund,  already  empe- 
ror, and  king  of  Hungary  ;  yet  this  powerful  prince  was  several 
times  defeated  by  Ziska,  then  general  of  the  Hussites,  who  re- 
venged the  death  of  their  apostle  by  the  most  terrible  outrages. 

A  particular  account  of  the  war  between  the  emperor  and  the 
Hussites  would  interfere  u  ith  more  important  matters,  without 
1/194,  answering  any  valuable  purpose  :  I  shall  therefore 
'  only  observe,  that  Ziska  continued  master  of  Bohe- 
mia till  his  death,  when  he  ordered  a  drum  to  be  made  of  his 
skin,  which  was  long  the  symbol  of  victory.  He  was  succeeded 
in  the  command  by  Procopius,  sumamed  the  Shaven,  because  he 

15  Baire,  tome  vii. — Annal.  fie  I'Etnp.  totue  ii. 

16  JByzinii  Diarium  Hussiticum — Moshuini.  ubi  supra. 


lET.xxiv.  MODERN  EUROPE.  409 

had  been  a  priest;  who  supported  his  party  with  no  less  valour 

than  his  predecessor.     He  boldly  defended  their  .  .-„ 

cause  in  the  council  of  Basil,  where  many  things 

were  disputed  which  it  is  of  little  consequence  to  know ;  and 

although  he  was  unsuccessful  in  that  negotiation,  and  also  in  a 

battle  with  the  catholics,  in  which  he  was  mortally  wounded, 

the  Hussites  at  length  obtained  a  general  amnesty,  .  .  „^ 

the  confirmation  of  their  privileges,  and  the  right 

of  using  the  cup  in  the  communion ;  a  concession  which,  to 

them,  was  a  kind  of  triumph'^ 

After  this  pacification,  the  emperor  enlisted  the  Hussites  in 
his  army,  and  led  them  against  the  Turks,  who  had  made  an  ir- 
ruption into  Hungary,  and  were  defeated  with  great  ,  . -_ 
slaughter  by  those  hardy  veterans.     But  although  '^* 
Sigismund  had  been  so  fortunate  as  to  regain  the  affections  of 
the  Bohemians,  he  lost  it  by  attempting  again  to  tyrannise  over 
their  consciences  ;  and  his  death  alone  saved  him  from  j^      « 
a  second  revolt.     He  nominated  as  his  successor  in  the         '    * 
kingdoms  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  Albert,  duke  of  Austria, 
his  son-in-law,  who  was  recognised  by  those  states,  and  also 
invested  with  the  government  of  the  empire.     The  house  of 
Austria,  with  the  exception  of  the  short  reign  of  Charles  VH., 
a  Bavarian  prince,  has  ever  since  filled  the  imperial  throne. 

Sigismund  possessed  some  respectable  qualities:  but  he  was 
a  narrow-minded  bigot ;  and,  contrary  to  the  dictates  of  sound 
policy  as  well  as  of  humanity,  was  guilty  of  the  most  detestable 
of  all  tyranny,  that  of  violence  on  the  will.  His  wife  Barbara 
is  said  to  have  been  a  person  of  a  more  enlarged  way  of  think- 
ing, though  not  more  to  her  honour.  She  denied  a  future  state, 
and  held  the  supreme  good  to  consist  in  sensual  delight. 

We  must  now  pass  from  the  empire  to  other  states  of  the 
continent. 

17  Mosheitn,  ubi  sup. 


YoL.  I.  3  F 


410  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i, 

LETTER  XLV. 

Of  the  Affairs  of  Polajid^  Russia^  ami  the  Scandinavian  States ^ 
to  the  Commencement  of  the  Reign  of  Margaret  over  the 
three  northern  Kingdoms, 

WHILE  the  German  empire,  under  the  sway  of  the  fourth 
Henry,  was  convulsed  with  dissension  by  the  influence  and  in- 
trigues of  a  turbulent  pontiff,  the  intestine  disorders  of  Poland 
were  aggravated  and  embittered  by  the  same  arbitrary  interfe- 
rence. After  Ladislaus,  however,  had  procured  the  sovereignty, 
the  papal  tyranny  was  less  violently  exercised  in  his  dominions. 
That  prince,  though  his  natural  disposition  was  mild  and  paci- 
fic, displayed  his  courage  in  some  expeditions  against  the  Prus- 
sians and  Pomeranians.  In  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  he  was 
cruelly  harassed  by  his  aspiring  sons;  but  he  defeated  the  par- 
tisans of  one  of  them,  and  reclaimed  the  other.  He  died  in  the 
year  1103.  The  division  of  his  territories  produced  a  sangui- 
nary contest.  Shigneus,  his  natural  son,  was  assisted  on  this 
occasion  by  the  Bohemians  and  Saxons ;  while  Boleslaus  pro- 
cured the  aid  of  the  Hungarians  and  the  Russians.  The  latter 
prevailed  in  several  conflicts,  and  at  length  obtained  the  whole 
succession.  He  was  afterwards  at  war  with  the  emperor  Henry 
IV.,  whose  army  he  defeated.  In  another  war,  the  Russians 
were  his  enemies;  and,  by  a  victory  which  they  obtained  over 
him,  they  are  said  to  have  hastened  his  death,  l.i  the  year  1139. 
Four  of  his  sons  shared  his  dominions:  but  Ladislaus,  the  eld- 
est, had  the  chief  sway,  under  the  title  of  duke  of  all  Poland. 
The  ambition  of  Cliristiana,  the  wife  of  this  prince,  soon  exci- 
ted a  civil  war.  Two  of  the  brothers  (Boleslaus  and  Henry) 
were  driven  from  their  territories  by  the  duke's  forces  and  the 
Russians;  but  they  afterward  totally  defeated  him ;  and,  when 
they  had  reduced  Cracow,  convoked  a  diet,  by  which,  in  1146, 
the  ducal  dignity  was  transferred  to  Boleslaus,  who  gave  up 
the  province  of  Silesia  to  his  deposed  brother.  The  reign  of  the 
new  duke  was  long,  and  by  no  means  inactive.  He  repelled  the 
attacks  of  the  emperor  Conrad  III.,  and  prevented  Frederic 
Barbarossa  from  completing  the  subjugation  of  Poland.  He 
invaded  Prussia,  and  endeavoured  to  propagate  Christianity 
among  its  idolatrous  inhabitants;  but  his  success  on  this  occa- 
sion u  as  very  imperfect,  and  his  troops  were  routed  by  the  in- 
censed pagans.  His  brother  Mieczlaus,  who  ruled  after  him, 
was  remarkable  for  the  chansre  of  character  which  followed  his 


LET.  XLV.  MODERN  EUROPE.  ill 

elevation  to  the  sovereignty.  He  had  hitherto  appeared  as  an 
amiable  and  respectable  prince;  but  he  now  became  a  rapacious 
and  brutal  tyrant.  The  people  therefore  renounced  their  alle- 
giance to  him;  and  Casimir  the  Just  became  their  duke,  under 
whom  their  chief  grievances  were  redressed,  and  their  territo- 
ries augmented  at  the  expense  of  the  Russians.  While  his  son 
Lech  governed,  the  country  was  infested  by  the  Tartars,  whose 
devastations  were  followed  by  famine  and  pestilence.  After  the 
murder  of  Lech,  in  1227,  the  Tartars  renewed  their  irruptions 
with  redoubled  fury;  and  intestine  war,  at  the  same  time,  multi- 
pUed  the  miseries  of  the  people.  How  calamitous,  my  dear  son, 
must  have  been  the  condition  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Polish 
provinces,  harassed  by  the  contests  of  ambitious  nobles,  and 
by  the  most  ferocious  of  all  barbarians^ 

After  a  long  course  of  anarchy,  or  of  government  so  irregu- 
lar and  convulsed  as  to  l)e  scarcely  superior  to  anar-  19Q1 
chy,  duke  Premislaus  assumed  the  title  of  king  of  '  * 
Poland ;  but,  the  splendour  of  royalty  not  sufficiently  overawing 
seditious  spirits,  he  was  assassinated  by  conspirators.  Ladis- 
laus  the  Cubit  (so  called  from  the  shortness  of  his  stature)  seiz- 
ed the  throne;  but  was  deposed  in  1299,  for  having  invaded  the 
ria:hts  of  the  clergy.  Wenceslaus  HI.,  king  of  Bohemia,  was 
then  invested  with  the  Polish  sovereignty ;  but  he  gave  such 
disgust  by  his  partiality  to  his  countrymen,  that  if  he  had  not 
died,  in  1505,  the  a,dherents  of  Ladislaus  would  probably  have 
expelled  him.  This  prince  now  recovered  his  authority,  and 
reigned  with  great  reputation.  His  son  Casimir  acquired  still 
higher  fame,  by  extending  his  dominions,  introducing  written 
laws,  restraining  the  tyranny  of  the  nobles  over  the  peasants, 
protecting  the  church,  and  encouraging  the  arts^ 

On  the  decease  of  Casimir,  in  1370,  the  crown  was  transferred 
to  his  nephew  Louis  king  of  Hungary,  but  not  before  he  had 
agreed  to  some  restrictions  of  authority  which  had  not  been  in- 
cluded in  the  pacta  conventa  between  the  nation  and  the  princes 
of  the  house  of  Piast.  Though  Louis  was  not  popular  among 
the  Polanders,  they  chose  his  daughter  Hedwiga  for  his  suc- 
cessor ;  and  her  reign  was  distinguished  by  the  union  of  Li- 
thuania with  Poland,  in  1386,  in  consequence  of  her  marriage 
with  Jagellon,  sovereign  of  the  former  territory.  This  event 
greatly  increased  the  power  and  the  respectability  of  Poland. 

With  regard  to  the  Russian  principality,  it  appears  to  have 
declined  in  power  and  importance  after  the  death  of  Jaroslaus  or 
Yaroslaf,  son  of  Vladimir  or  Wolodimir  the  Great,  in  1054. — 

1  Matth.  Michov.  lib.  iii. — Guagntni.         2  Matth.  Michov.  lib.  iv. — Herb,  do  Fnlst. 


412  THE  HISTORY  OF  past  i. 

Isiaslaf,  son  of  the  defunct  prince,  bore  the  chief  sway ;  but  his 
government  was  disturbed  by  the  competition  of  his  brothers, 
to  whom  distinct  portions  of  territory  had  been  assigned,  and  by 
the  ambition  of  other  princes  of  his  family,  who  wished  to  rule 
in  different  provinces.  He  was  disj)Ossessed  of  his  sovereignty; 
but  recovered  it  by  the  aid  of  the  Polanders  :  he  again  lost  his 
power,  and  was  again  invested  with  it.  He  died  in  1078,  and 
was  succeeded  by  Wosewolodeor  Vsevolod,  whose  administra- 
tion was  not  more  memorable  than  that  of  the  next  prince  or 
grand  duke,  Michael  Sviiopolk.  Vladimir  H.,  who  acceded  to 
the  supremacy  in  1114,  was  a  prince  of  considerable  merit;  and 
the  endeavours  of  his  son  Mieczslaus,  or  Mestislaf,  were  exert- 
ed with  some  effect  for  the  benefit  of  the  state  and  the  improve- 
ment of  the  country.  But  contests  for  power,  and  sanguinary 
commotions,  frequently  arose  under  these  and  some  of  the  fol- 
lowing princes.  At  length,  while  George  swayed  the  princi- 
pality, the  horrors  of  Tartarian  devastation  were  added  to  the 
former  turmoils  of  the  state^. 

The  Tartars  made  their  first  appearance  in  Russia  about  the 
year  1223  ;  and  their  fierce  ravages,  and  barbarous  mode  of 
warfare,  produced  general  consternation.  In  1237  they  attack- 
ed the  city  of  Vladimir  (then  the  Russian  capital)  under  the  con- 
duct of  Batu,  the  grandson  of  Genghiz  Khan;  took  it  by  storm, 
and  massacred  the  greater  part  of  the  inhabitants.  The  grand 
duke  George,  bravely  defending  the  place,  fell  with  his  sword  in 
his  hand.  Yaroslaf  II.  now  assumed  the  sovereignty;  and  his 
son  Alexander  soon  after  distinguished  himself  by  routing  an 
army  of  Danish  invaders  on  the  banks  of  the  Neva,  w  hence  he 
obtained  the  surname  of  Newski,  or  Nefski.  These  princes 
were  content  to  govern  as  vassals  of  the  khan  of  the  Tartars  ; 
and  the  ignominious  yoke  continued,  for  alongperiod,  to  wound 
the  pride  and  check  the  power  and  prosperity  of  the  Russians. 

The  inhabitants  of  Sweden  and  Denmark,  at  this  time,  \vere 
less  rude  and  unpolished,  and  better  governed,  than  their  Rus- 
sian neighbours.  Of  the  princes  \\  ho  swayed  the  former  king- 
dom for  tw  o  centuries  from  the  decease  of  Alstan,  in  1064,  the 
most  eminent  may  here  be  mentioned.  Ingo  IV.  was  a  just 
and  prions  prince  ;  Suercher  an  able  governor.  Eric  X.  esta- 
blished Christianity  in  Finland,  and  was  an  esteemed  legislator. 
Charles  VII.,  who  united  Gothland  to  the  Swedish  crown,  was 
put  to  death  by  Canute,  w  ho  afterwards  reigned  with  ability 
and  moderation.  Eric  XII.,  surnamed  the  Stammerer,  acquir- 
ed popularity  by  his  courage  and  wisdom. 

3  Mu!Ier,S;immlnng  Russ.  Gesch.  vol,  i. 


IBT.  xtv.  MODERN  EUROPE.  413 

After  some  unimportant  reigns  in  Denmark,  the  enterprising 
Waldemar,  in  1 157,  put  an  end  to  a  civil  war  and  to  the  tyran- 
nic government  of  Sweyn  III.,  and  became  sole  king.  He  waged 
a  successful  war  against  the  Vandals ;  and  subdued  a  great  part 
of  Norway,  but  could  not  complete  the  conquest  of  that  realm. 
He  died  in  1182,  with  the  fame  of  a  great  prince.  His  son,  Ca- 
nute VI.,  did  not  shine  as  a  warrior;  but  he  was  not  deficient 
in  political  talents.  Waldemar  II.  extended  his  dominions  by 
the  sword,  and  enacted  wise  laws  for  the  government  of  the 
realm.  Being  inveigled  into  captivity  by  Henry,  count  of 
Schwerin,  he  was  detained  in  confinement  for  three  years,  and 
could  not  procure  his  liberty  without  the  surrender  of  some  of 
his  German  territories.  His  death  was  followed  by  intestine 
disturbances.  His  son  Eric  was  murdered  after  a  reign  of  eight 
years,  by  an  inhuman  brother,  who  fell,  in  his  turn,  by  a  violent 
death.  The  reign  of  Christopher  I.  abounded  with  faction,  and 
with  war  both  foreign  and  internal.  His  son,  Eric  XII.,  reign- 
ed twenty-seven  years,  chiefly  under  the  guidance  of  his  mo- 
ther Margaret,  a  prudent  and  politic  princess.  He  lost  his  life., 
in  1286,  by  the  fury  of  conspirators.  Eric  the  Pious  was  in- 
volved in  a  tedious  war  with  the  Norwegians :  he  was  also 
embroiled  with  the  S'vedes,  who  had  expelled  the  son  of  their 
illustrious  king,  Magnus  II.  In  neither  of  these  wars  did  he 
meet  with  great  success.  During  his  reign,  the  crowns  of  Swe- 
den and  Norway  were  united  in  the  person  of  Mag-  i  <^  1  q 
nus  III.,  a  weak  and  dissolute  prince  :  but  he  af-  *  * 
terwards  resigned  the  latter  to  his  son  Haquin,  and  was  de- 
posed from  the  former  sovereignty  by  his  indignant  subjects\ 

Christopher  II.,  king  of  Denmark,  having  violated  the  oath 
which  he  took  at  his  coronation,  was  obliged  by  popular  discon- 
tent to  relinquish  the  throne.  He  recovered  it  in  the  sequel;  but 
as  he  had  not  learned  wisdom  from  adversity,  he  was  again 
driven  from  it,  and  died  of  grief.     After  a  long  interregnum^ 

Waldemar  III.  obtained  the  crown;  and  his  rei^n  ^    _    ,„.„ 

.  •     I    •  *i        u  ^-    ^'  ^'  1340. 

was,  m  some  respects,  not  mglorious,  tliougn  nis 

character  was  a  compound  of  inconsistencies.  His  chief  merit 
consisted  in  reuniting  to  the  crown  the  petty  principalities  and 
divided  jurisdictions  which  distracted  the  country.  Athis  death, 
in  1j75,  the  crown  of  Norway  was  again  joined  to  that  of  Den- 
mark, young  Olaus  having  pretensions  to  both.  This  prince 
dying  at  the  age  of  twenty-two  years,  an  opportunity  of  royal 
elevation  was  afforded  to  his  mother  Margaret,  the  daughter  of 
Waldemar 

4  PontRni  Rerum  Danic.  Hist. — Mears. 


41*  THE  HISTORY  OF  part.  i. 

The  talents  and  address  of  this  celebrated  woman  raised  her 
,  rtj>_  to  the  Danish  throne,  though  the  election  of  a  fe- 
'  male  was  an  extraordinary  measure.  Not  content 
with  this  dignity,  she  aimed  at  the  possession  of  the  crown  of 
Norway,  to  which,  from  the  authority  of  a  regent,  the  transition 
was  easy.  Albert  of  Mecklenburg,  king  of  Sweden,  jealous  of 
the  power  of  Margaret,  resolved  to  invade  her  dominions ;  but 
his  principal  subjects,  far  from  supporting  him  in  such  a  cause, 
offered  their  crown  to  this  princess,  that  they  might  be  relieved 
from  his  tyranny.  He  was  defeated  and  made  prisoner  by  the 
malcontents;  and,  though  the  war  was  continued  by  his  parti- 
sans, he  found  himself  ultimately  unable  to  withstand  a  torrent 
A  D  1  '^O^  ^^^^'*^^  ^^"  ^°  strongly  in  favour  of  the  Danish  he- 
'  roine,  who  thus  became  sovereign  of  the  three 
Scandinavian  realms*. 

From  this  survey  of  the  transactions  of  the  north  we  will  now 
return  to  tlie  affairs  of  France. 

5  Pontan,  lib.  ix. — Mear9. 


LETTER  XL VI. 


History  of  France^  from  the  Death  of  Charles  the  JVise,  to 
the  Invasion  of  that  Kingdom  by  Henry  V.  of  England. 

THE  death  of  Charles  V.  of  France,  and  the  youth  of  his 
1380  ^°"'  P^*^  ^^^  kingdom  in  a  similar  situation  with 
'  England.  Both  realms  were  under  the  government 
of  minors;  and  the  jealousies  between  the  three  uncles  of  Charles 
VL,  the  dukes  of  Anjou,  Berri,  and  Burgundy,  distracted  the 
affairs  of  France  even  more  than  the  rivalry  of  the  three  uncles 
of  Richard  H.  disordered  those  of  England.  But  a  minute  de- 
tail of  these  distractions  would  be  inconsistent  with  my  present 
purpose,  which  is  only  to  delineate  the  great  line  of  history,  and 
make  you  acquainted  with  the  more  remarkable  events,  or  such 
as  have  had  a  particular  influence  upon  government  artd  man- 
ners. In  the  reign  of  Charles  VI.  no  very  memorable  enter- 
prise was  undertaken ;  and  government  and  manners,  properly 
speaking,  were  equally  unknown.  I  shall,  therefore,  consider 
the  history  of  France,  during  this  distracted  period,  as  only  an 
introduction  to  the  invasion  of  that  kingdom  by  Henry  V. 


lET.  xivi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  415 

As  Charles  advanced  in  years,  the  factions  were  gradually 
composed.  His  uncle,  the  duke  of  Anjou,  died  ;  and  the  king, 
assuming  the  reins  of  government,  displayed  symptoms  of  ge- 
nius and  spirit  which  revived  the  drooping  hopes  of  his  country- 
men. But  this  promising  state  of  affairs  was  of  short  duration. 
Charles  fell  suddenly  into  a  fit  of  frenzy,  which  ^  ^  ^^^^ 
rendered  him  incapable  of  exercising  his  authori- 
ty ;  and  although  he  partly  recovered  from  that  disorder,  he 
was  subject  to  such  frequent  relapses,  that  his  judgment  was 
gradually  impaired,  and  he  became  incapable  of  pursuing  any 
steady  plan  of  government*. 

The  king's  first  relapse  is  said  to  have  been  occasioned  by  the 

following  accident.  The  queen  having  married  one  of  her  maids 

of  honour  to  a  person  of  distinction,  the  nuptials  .    ^    , ««« 
1    I  *^  1        11         1     •  1  ^  ^  A.  D.  ijyj. 

were  intended  to  be  celebrated  with  great  pomp  at 

the  palace  of  the  queen-dowager,  relict  of  Philip  of  Valois. 
Among  other  amusements  there  was  to  be  a  masquerade — a 
circumstance  which  furnished  five  young  noblemen  with  the 
exravagant  idea  of  appearing  as  naked  savages  ;  and  such  was 
the  indelicacy  of  the  times,  that  the  king  made  one  of  the  party. 
Their  dress,  contrived  to  sit  close  to  their  bodies,  was  of  linen 
impregnated  with  resin,  which,  while  hot,  had  been  covered 
with  fur.  And  the  secret  was  so  well  kept,  that  when  they  ap- 
peared, they  were  not  known  ;  but  their  whim  was  highly  ap- 
plauded. The  duchess  of  Berri  took  hold  of  the  king,  seeing 
him  robust  and  well  made,  and  told  him  she  would  not  let  him 
go  till  she  knew  w^ho  he  was.  Some  of  the  party  now  began  to 
dance  ;  when  the  duke  of  Orleans,  out  of  levity,  making  a  feint 
of  running  a  lighted  torch  against  one  of  the  savages,  set  his 
combustible  habit  on  fire.  The  flame  was  quickly  communi- 
cated to  the  rest ;  and  this  scene  of  wanton  mirth  was  instantly 
changed  into  sorrow  and  distress.  But  in  the  midst  of  their 
torments  the  masks  cried  out  continually,  "  Save  the  king ! 
save  the  king  !'' — And  the  duchess  of  Berri,  suddenly  recol- 
lecting that  he  must  be  the  mask  that  stood  next  to  her,  imme- 
diately threw  her  robes  over  him,  and,  wrapping  them  close 
about  him,  put  out  the  fire.  One  of  the  masks,  by  jumping  in- 
to a  cistern  of  water,  saved  his  life  ;  the  other  four  were  so 
terribly  burned  that  they  died  in  two  days ;  and  the  king  was 
so  much  aflfected  with  the  fright,  that  it  occasioned  a  return  of 
his  disorder,  which  afterwards  generally  attacked  him  four  or 
five  times  a  year  to  the  end  of  his  life^. 

History  scarcely  affords  any  parallel  of  a  court  or  country  more 
corrupt,  and  more  miserable,  than  that  of  this  unfortunate  mo- 

1  Hist.  AnonTm.  dp  Charles  VI.  2  Jiiv.  des  Urs  — Hist.  Anonym,  ile  Charles  VI. 


416  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

narch  and  his  subjects,  in  consequence  of  his  infirmity.  The  ad- 
ministration fell  again  into  the  hands  of  the  dukes  of  Berri  and. 
Burgundy,  who  excluded  the  duke  of  Orleans,  the  king's  bro- 
ther under  pretence  of  his  youth,  from  any  share  in  the  govern- 
ment, and  even  from  the  shadow  of  authority.  The  case,  how- 
ever, was  very  different  with  regard  to  the  duchess  of  Orleans. 
Young,  beautiful,  and  insinuating,  she  acquired  such  an  ascen- 
dant over  the  king,  that  she  governed  him  at  her  pleasure. — 
What  is  yet  more  extraordinary,  it  was  she  only  that  could  go- 
vern him ;  for  in  the  time  of  his  malady,  he  knew  nobody  else, 
not  even  the  queen.  Hence  it  was  rumoured  by  the  duchess  of 
Burgundy,  who  envied  the  influence  of  the  young  duchess,  that 
she  had  bewitched  the  king;  and,  to  heighten  the  odium,  it  was 
insinuated  that  the  duke  of  Orleans  had  bewitched  the  queen^ 
That  both  vi^ere  under  the  influence  of  enchantment  is  not  to  be 
doubted  ;  but  it  was  only  that  of  youth,  wit,  and  beauty,  whose 
assiduities  so  often  fascinate  the  susceptible  heart,  and,  when 
unrestrained  by  principle  or  sentiment,  lead  it  in  the  chains  of 
loose  desire**. 
On  the  death  of  Philip  duke  of  Burgundy,  his  son  John  dis- 

1  d.Od.  P^^^^  *^^  administration  with  the  duke  of  Orleans, 
*  and  hoped  to  govern  France  as  his  father  had  done. 
Propinquity  to  the  crown  pleaded  in  favour  of  the  latter ;  the 
former  derived  consequence  from  his  superior  power,  the  death 
of  his  mother  having  added  the  county  of  Flanders  to  his  fa- 
ther's extensive  dominions.  The  people  were  divided  between 
these  contending  princes;  and  the  king,  now  resuming  and  now 
dropping  his  authority,  kept  the  victory  undecided,  and  pre- 
vented any  regular  settlement  of  the  state  from  the  final  preva- 
lence of  either  party. 

But  at  length  the  dukes  of  Orleans  and  Burgundy,  seemingly 
moved  by  the  cries  of  the  nation,  and  swayed  by  the  interposi- 

,  .  ^-  tion  of  common  friends,  agreed  to  bury  all  past  quar- 
*     *  *  rels  in  oblivion,  and  enter  into  a  league  of  mutual 

amity.  They  swore  before  the  altar  to  the  sincerity  of  this 
friendship;  the  priest  administered  the  sacrament  to  both  ;  and 
they  exchanged  every  pledge  that  could  be  deemed  sacred  among 
men.  All  this  solemn  preparation,  however,  appears  to  have 
been  only  a  cover  for  the  basest  treachery,  deliberately  preme- 
ditated by  the  duke  of  Burgundy.  He  had  hired  ruffiaiis,  who 
assassinated  his  rival  in  the  streets  of  Paris*.  The  author  of  the 

3  Jiiv.  des  Ursins. — Du  Tillet  — De  Genclre. 

4  Isabella  of  Bavaria,  queen  of  France,  and  Valentina  of  Milan,  duchess  of  Orleans,  were 
remarkably  handsome  and  accomplished  ;  and  the  duke  was  in  a  high  degree  both  amorous 
and  ambitious. 

5  Le  Laboureur,  liv.  xxvii. — Monstrelet,  chap,  xxxix.    The  murder  of  the  duke  of  Or- 


LET.  xLvi.  MODERN  EUROPE.  417 

crime  was  for  some  days  unknown,  as  the  assassins  escaped, 
and  the  duke  endeavoured  to  conceal  the  part  which  he  had 
taken  in  it ;  but  being  detected,  he  embraced  a  resolution  still 
more  criminal,  and  more  dangerous  to  society.  He  openly 
avowed  and  justified  the  action. 

This  cause  was  brought  before  the  parliament  of  Paris  ;  and 
that  august  tribunal  of  justice  heard  the  harangues  of  the  duke's 
advocate  in  defence  of  assassination,  which  he  denominated  ty- 
rannicide, without  pronouncing  any  sentence  of  condemnation 
against  the  detestable  doctrine.  The  same  question  was  after- 
wards agitated  before  the  council  of  Constance;  and  it  was  with 
difficulty  that  a  feeble  decision  in  favour  of  the  contrary  opin- 
ion was  obtained  from  those  fathers  of  the  church,  the  ministers 
of  the  Prince  of  Peace*^- 

But  the  mischievous  effects  of  that  tenet,  had  they  been  be- 
fore doubtful,  appeared  sufficiently  from  the  subsequent  inci- 
dents.— The  commission  of  this  crime,  which  destroyed  all 
trust  and  security,  rendered  the  war  implacable  between  the 
French  parties,  and  seemed  to  cut  off  all  the  means  of  peace 
and  accommodation.  The  princes  of  the  blood,  combining  with 
the  young  duke  of  Orleans  and  his  brothers,  made  violent  war 
on  the  duke  of  Burgundy ;  and  the  unhappy  king,  seized  some- 
times by  one  party,  sometimes  by  another,  transferred  alternate- 
ly to  each  the  appearance  of  legal  authority.  The  provinces 
were  harassed  by  mutual  depredations  :  frequent  assassinations 
arose  from  the  animosity  of  the  several  leaders ;  and  executions 
were  ordered,  without  any  legal  trial,  by  pretended  courts  of 
judicature. 

The  whole  kingdom  was  divided  into  two  parties,  the  Bur- 
gui  diansand  the  Armagnacs  ;  for  so  the  adherents  of  the  young 
duke  of  Orleans  were  called,  from  the  count  of  Armagnac,  fa- 
ther-in-law to  that  prince.  The  city  of  Paris,  distracted  between 
them,  but  inclining  more  to  the  Burgundians,  was  a  perpetual 
scene  of  blood  and  violence.  The  king  and  royal  family  were 
often  detained  captives  in  the  hands  of  the  populace :  their  min- 
isters were  butchered  or  imprisoned  before  their  eyes;  and  it  was 
dangerous  for  any  man,  amidst  these  enraged  factions,  to  mani- 
fest a  strict  adherence  to  the  principles  of  probity  and  honour. 

leans  is  said  to  have  been  occasioned  chiefly  by  his  own  insolence  and  licentiousness.  (Du 
Haillan. — Brantome.)  Having  succeeded  in  an  amour  with  the  duchess  of  Burgundy,  he 
had  the  effrontery  to  introduce  her  husband  into  a  cabin  furnished  with  representations  of 
the  women  he  had  enjoyed,  among  which  her  portrait  occupied  a  distinguished  place.  The 
duke  of  Burgundy  concealed  his  emotion,  but  thirsted  for  revenge. 

6  Bulay,  Hist.  Acad.  Parisiensis,  vol.  v.— Mild  as  this  censure  was,  pope  Martin  V.  re- 
fused to  ratify  it,  being  afraid  of  displeasing  the  duke.  The  university  of  Paris,  ijiore  just 
and  less  timid,  boldly  condemned  the  atrocious  doctrine  and  its  author. 

Vol.  I.  3  G 


418  THE  HISTORY  OB  part  i. 

During  this  scene  of  general  violence,  there  arose  into  some 
consideration  a  body  of  men,  usually  undistinguished  in  public 
transactions  even  during  the  most  peaceful  times  :  namely,  the 
heads  of  the  university  of  Paris,  whose  opinions  were  sometimes 
demanded,  and  more  frequently  offered,  in  the  multiplied  dis- 
putes between  the  parties.  The  schism,  by  which  the  church 
was  at  that  time  divided,  and  which  occasioned  frequent  con- 
tests in  the  university,  had  raised  the  professors  to  an  unusual 
degree  of  importance  ;  and  this  connexion  between  literature 
and  religion  had  bestowed  on  the  former  a  consequence  which 
reason  and  knowledge  have  seldom  been  able  to  obtain  among 
men.  But  there  was  another  society,  whose  sentiments  were 
still  more  decisive  at  Paris,  the  fraternity  of  butchers ;  who,  un- 
der the  direction  of  their  ringleaders,  had  declared  for  the  duke 
of  Burgundy,  and  committed  the  most  violent  outrages  against 
the  opposite  party.  To  counterbalance  this  power,  the  Ar- 
magnacs  made  interest  with  the  fraternity  of  carpenters  ;  the 
people  ranged  themselves  on  one  side  or  the  other  ;  and  the 
fate  of  the  capital  depended  on  the  prevalence  of  either  faction^ 
The  advantage  which  might  be  taken  of  these  confusions  was 
easily  perceived  in  England ;  and,  according  to  the  maxims 
which  generally  prevail  among  nations,  the  court  was  inclined 
to  seize  so  favourable  an  opportunity.  Henry  IV.,  who  was 
courted  by  both  the  French  parties,  fomented  the  quarrel,  by 
alternately  sending  assistance  to  each;  and  Henry  V.,  impelled 
by  the  vigour  of  youth,  and  the  ardour  of  ambition,  resolved  to 
•,4^r  piish  his  advantages  to  a  greater  lenpth,  and  to 
carry  war  into  the  heart  of  France.  But  before  I 
speak  of  the  success  of  his  great  enterprise,  I  must  say  a  few 
words  of  the  earlier  part  of  his  reign. 

r  Bulav — Juv.  (Ics  Ursins— P.  ^mil. — Renault. 


lET.  xLvii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  419 


LETTER  XL VII. 


Of  the  Affairs  of  England  and  France,  from  the  invasion  of  the 
latter  Kingdom  bij  Henry  V.  to  the  Death  of  Charles  VI, 

THE  precarious  situation  of  Henry  IV.,  with  whose  char- 
acter, my  dear  Philip,  you  are  already  acquainted,  had  so  much 
infected  his  temper  with  jealousy,  that  he  entertained  unreason- 
able suspicions  with  regard  to  the  loyalty  of  his  eldest  son :  and, 
during  the  latter  years  of  his  life,  he  excluded  that  prince  from 
all  share  in  public  business.  The  active  spirit  of  young  Henry, 
restrained  from  its  proper  exercise,  broke  out  in  extravagances 
of  every  kind.  The  riot  of  pleasure,  the  frolic  of  debauchery, 
and  tlie  outrage  of  intoxication,  filled  the  vacancies  of  a  mind 
better  adapted  to  the  pursuits  of  ambition  and  the  cares  of  go- 
vernment. Such  a  course  of  life  naturally  threw  him  among 
companions  very  unbecoming  his  rank,  whose  irregularities,  if 
accompanied  with  gallantry  and  humour,  he  seconded  and  in- 
dulged. And  he  was  detected  in  many  sallies,  which,  to  rigid 
eyes,  appeared  totally  unworthy  of  his  stationi. 

But  the  nation  in  general  considered  the  young  prince  with 
more  indulgence.  They  observed  so  many  gleams  of  genero- 
sity, spirit,  and  magnanimity,  breaking  continually  through  the 
cloud  which  a  wild  conduct  threw  over  his  character,  that  they 
did  not  cease  to  hope  for  his  amendment.  And  the  first  steps 
taken  by  the  youth,  after  the  death  of  his  father,  connrmed  the 
prepossessions  entertained  in  his  favour.  He  called  together 
his  former  companions;  acquainted  them  with  his  141'' 

intended  reformation;  exhorted  them  to  imitate  his 
example;  and  strictly  prohibited  them,  until  they  had  given 
proofs  of  their  amendment,  from  appearing  any  more  in  his  pre- 
sence ;  while  the  wise  ministers  of  his  father,  who  had  checked 
his  riots,  were  received  with  all  the  marks  of  favour  and  confi- 
dence. They  found  that  they  had  unknowingly  been  paying 
their  court  to  him.  The  satisfaction  of  th)-.e  uho  had  feared 
an  opposite  conduct  was  augmented  by  their  surprise ;  so  that 
the  character  of  the  young  king  appeared  brighter  than  if  it  had 
never  been  shaded  by  any  errors. 

Henry's  first  care  was  to  banish,  as  much  as  possible,  all  par- 
ty distinctions.    The  instruments  of  the  violences  of  the  prece- 

1  Walsinghain. — Hall. — Hoiinshed, 


420  THE  H  [STORY  OF  part.  i. 

dins:  reign,  who  had  been  advanced  from  their  blind  zeal  for 
the  Lancastrian  interest,  more  than  from  their  integrity  or  abi- 
lities, gave  place  to  men  of  more  honourable  characters  ;  and 
virtue  and  talents  seemed  to  have  a  spacious  field,  in  which  they 
might  display  themselves  to  advantage.  One  party  distinction, 
however,  remained,  which  the  popularity  of  Henry  was  not  able 
to  suppress.  The  Lollards,  or  disciples  of  Wicklifte,  had  ex- 
tended their  influence  so  as  to  become  a  formidable  body  which 
appeared  dangerous  to  the  church,  and  even  to  the  civil  power. 
The  head  of  this  sect  was  sir  John  Oldcastle,  lord  Cobham, 
a  nobleman  w  ho  had  distinguished  himself  by  his  military  tal- 
ents, and  who  had  acquired  the  esteem  both  of  the  late  and  of 
the  present  king.  His  high  character,  and  zeal  for  the  new  sect, 
pointed  him  out  to  Arundel,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  as  a  pro- 
per victim  of  ecclesiastical  severity.  The  primate  accordingly 
applied  to  the  king  for  permission  to  indict  lord  Cobham.  The 
generous  nature  of  Henry  was  averse  from  such  sanguinary 
methods  of  conversion;  but  after  trying  all  gentle  means  in  vain, 
and  finding  that  nobleman  obstinate  in  his  opinions,  he  gave 
full  reins  to  priestly  vengeance  against  the  inflexible  sectary. 
1414  Cobham  was  condemned  to  the  flames,  but  made 
■  his  escape  from  the  tower  before  the  day  appointed 
for  his  execution.  Provoked  by  persecution,  and  stimulated  by 
zeal,  he  was  now  incited  to  attempt  the  treasonable  measures 
which  were  before  imputed  to  him.  The  king  was  informed  of 
his  schemes:  many  of  his  followers  were  put  to  death;  and  he 
himself,  after  a  variety  of  distresses,  was  hung  up  by  a  chain  as 
a  traitor,  and  burned  to  death  as  a  heretic'. 

When  Henry  had  quelled  the  conspiracy  of  the  Lollards,  he 
had  leisure  to  consider  the  dying  injunction  of  his  father,  not 
to  let  the  English  remain  long  in  peace,  which  was  apt  to  breed 
intestine  commotions,  but  to  employ  them  in  foreign  expeditions; 
by  which  the  prince  might  acquire  honour,  the  nobility,  in  shar- 
ing his  dangers,  attach  themselves  to  his  person,  and  all  the 
restless  spirits  find  occupation  for  their  inquietude.  His  natural 
disposition  sufiiciently  inclined  him  to  follow  this  advice  ;  and 
the  civil  disorders  of  France,  as  you  have  already  seen,  opened 
a  full  career  fir  his  ambition.  Having  prepared  a  fleet  and  le- 
,.,r  vied  an  army,  he  sailed  from  Southampton,  and 
*  landed  in  Normandy  with  six  thousand  men  at 
arms,  and  twenty-four  thousand  foot,  chiefly  archers^ 

The  invaders  immediately  invested  Hai-fleur,  w  hich  was  taken 
after  a  siege  of  five  weeks.  The  fatigue  of  the  siege,  however, 
and  the  unusual  heat  of  the  season,  had  so  much  wasted  and  en- 

2  W^alsinghsm. — Holiiist;ed.  ,3  Chton.  de  Monstrelet, 


lET.  XLVii.  MODERN  EUROPE,  421 

feebled  the  English  army,  that  Henry  could  enter  on  no  other 
enterprise  ;  and  he  even  sent  back  a  considerable  part  of  his 
force  to  England.  Fourteen  thousand  men  at  arms,  and  forty 
thousand  foot,  were  already  assembled  in  Normandy  under  the 
constable  d'Albert;  a  force,  rightly  managed,  sufficient  either  to 
trample  down  the  English  in  the  open  field,  or  to  harass  and  re- 
duce to  nothing  their  small  body,  before  they  could  finish  a  long 
or  difficult  march.  Henry,  therefore,  prudently  offered  to  sa- 
crifice his  conquest  of  Harfleur  for  a  safe  passage  to  Calais;  but 
his  proposal  being  rejected  by  the  French  court,  he  determined 
to  make  his  way  by  valour  and  policy  through  all  the  opposition 
of  the  enemy.  And  that  he  might  not  discourage  his  troops  by 
the  appearance  of  flight,  or  expose  them  to  those  hazards  which 
naturally  attend  precipitate  marches,  he  made  slow  and  deli- 
berate journeys''. 

Notwithstanding  these  precautions,  he  was  continually  haras- 
sed on  his  march  by  flying  parties  of  the  enemy  ;  and  when  he 
approached  the  Somme,  he  saw  bodies  of  men  on  the  opposite 
bank  ready  to  obstruct  his  passage.  His  provisions  were  cut 
oft ;  his  soldiers  languished  under  sickness  and  fatigue  ;  and  his 
situation  seemed  altogether  desperate.  In  this  extremity,  he 
was  so  fortunate  as  to  seize  an  unguarded  ford,  over  which  he 
safely  carried  his  army,  and  bent  his  march  towards  Calais. 
But  he  was  still  exposed  to  great  and  imminent  danger  from 
the  French  army,  drawn  up  in  the  plains  of  Azincour,  or  Agin- 
court,  and  posted  in  such  a  manner  that  it  was  impossible  for 
him  to  proceed  on  his  march  without  coming  to  an  engagement. 

Nothing  in  appearance  could  be  more  unequal  than  the  battle, 
upon  which  the  safety  and  fortune  of  Henry  now  depended.  The 
English  army  consisted  of  little  more  than  one  half  of  the  num- 
ber which  had  disembarked  at  Harfleur  :  and  the  troops  labour- 
ed under  every  discouragement  and  necessity.  The  French  host, 
at  this  time,  exceeded  sixty-five  thousand  men,  headed  by  the 
dauphin  and  all  the  princes  of  the  blood,  and  plentifully  suppli- 
ed with  provisions.  Henry's  situation  resembled  that  of  Edward 
HI.  at  Cressy,  and  of  the  Black  Prince  at  Poictiers ;  and  the 
memory  of  the  great  victories  obtained  on  those  occasions  in- 
spired the  English  with  courage,  and  made  them  hope  for  a  like 
deliverance  from  their  present  difficulties.  The  king  also  ob- 
ser\'ed  the  same  prudent  conduct  which  had  been  followed  by 
those  illustrious  commanders.  He  drew  up  his  army  on  a  nar- 
row ground,  between  two  woods,  which  guarded  each  flank ; 
and  in  that  posture  he  patiently  waited  the  attack  of  the  enemy. 

Had  the  French  general  been  able  to  reason  justly  on  the  cir- 

4  Le  Laboureur. — Walsingham, 


422  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

cumstances  of  the  two  armies,  or  to  profit  by  past  experience, 
he  would  have  declined  a  combat,  and  have  waited  till  necessity- 
had  obliged  the  English  to  advance,  and  relinquish  the  advanr 
tages  of  their  situation ;  but  the  impetuous  valour  of  the  French 
nobility,  and  a  vain  confidence  in  superior  numbers,  made  him 
hazard  an  action,  which  proved  the  source  of  infinite  calamities 
Oct  2?  ^^  ^^^  country.  The  French  archers  on  horseback, 
*  and  the  men  at  arms,  advanced  precipitately  on  the 
English  archers,  who  had  fixed  palisades  in  their  front  to  break 
the  impression  of  the  enemy,  and  who  safely  plied  them,  from 
behind  that  defence,  with  a  shower  of  arrows  that  nothing  could 
resist.  The  clayey  soil,  moistened  by  rain,  proved  another  ob- 
struction to  the  force  of  the  French  cavalry.  The  wounded  men 
and  horses  discomposed  their  ranks  ;  the  narrow  compass  in 
which  they  were  pent  prevented  them  from  recovering  any  or- 
der ;  the  whole  army  was  a  scene  of  confusion,  terror,  and  dis- 
may ;  when  Henry,  perceiving  his  advantage,  ordered  the  Eng- 
lish archers,  who  were  light  and  unencumbered,  to  advance  upon 
the  enemy,  and  seize  the  mopient  of  victory.  They  accordingly 
fell  with  their  battle-axes  upon  the  French,  who  were  now  inca- 
pable of  either  flying  or  defending  themselves,  and  hewed  them 
in  pieces  without  obstruction.  Seconded  by  the  men  at  arms, 
who  also  pushed  on  against  the  enemy,  they  covered  the  field 
with  the  killed,  wounded,  dismounted,  and  overthrown.  Every 
appearance  of  opposition  being  now  over,  the  English  had  lei- 
sure to  make  prisoners;  but  havingadvanced  to  the  open  plain, 
they  there  saw  the  remains  of  the  French  rear- guard,  who  still 
maintained  the  form  of  a  line  of  battle.  At  the  same  time  they 
heard  an  alarm  from  behind.  Some  gentlemen  of  Picardy,  hav- 
ing collected  about  six  hundred  peasants,  had  fallen  upon  the 
English  baggage,  and  were  doing  execution  on  the  unarmed  fol- 
lowers of  the  camp,  who  fled  before  them.  On  this  alarm  Henry 
began  to  entertain  apprehensions  from  his  prisoners,  and  he 
thought  it  necessary  to  issue  general  orders  for  putting  them  to 
death ;  but,  discovering  the  truth,  he  stopped  the  slaughter,  and 
a  great  number  of  the  captives  were  saved*. 

Few  victories  were  ever  more  honourable  or  more  complete 
than  this  of  Azincour.  While  the  loss  of  the  English  did  not 
exceed  one  thousand  men,  that  of  the  French  was  enormous. 
The  constable  d' Albert  and  seven  princes  of  the  blood  were  slain: 
five  princes  were  taken  prisoners,  with  fourteen  thousand  per- 
sons of  different  ranks  ;  and  above  ten  thousand  Frenchmen 
were  left  dead  on  the  field  of  battle^.  This  signal  victory,  how- 

5  T.  Liv.  Foro  Jul.  Vit.  Hen.  V. — Elmliam. — Walsingharo. 

•  Le  Fevre,  Hist,  de  Charles  VI.— Elraham. — T.  Liv, — Walsingham. 


LET.  xtvii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  423 

ever,  was  more  ostentatious  than  useful  to  the  conquerors. 
Henry  was  obliged  to  return  to  England,  in  order  to  raise  a 
fresh  supply  of  men  and  money;  and  he  found  it  expedient  to 
agree  to  a  cessation  of  hostilities. 

In  the  mean  time  France  was  exposed  to  all  the  furies  of  civil 
war ;  and  the  several  parties  became  every  day  more  enraged 
against  each  other.  The  duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  been 
worsted  by  his  antagonists,  attempted  to  re-instate  himself  in 
the  possession  of  the  government,  as  well  as  of  the  person  of 
the  king;  and  some  quarrels  io  the  royal  family  enabled  him  to 
carry  his  scheme  into  execution.  Louis  Bois-Bourdon,  favourite 
to  queen  Isabella,  after  the  death  of  the  elder  duke  of  Orleans, 
having  been  accused  by  the  count  d'Armagnac  of  a  commerce 
of  gallantry  with  that  princess,  had  been  put  to  the  torture,  and 
afterwards  thrown  into  the  Seine,  in  consequence  of  his  forced 
but  indiscreet  confession.  The  queen  herself  was  sent  i^i « 

to  Tours,  and  confined  under  a  guard.  After  suffer-  '  * 
ing  these  multiplied  insults,  she  no  longer  scrupled  to  enter  into 
a  correspondence  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  though  hitherto 
an  enemy  to  that  prince;  and  as  her  son  Charles,  the  dauphin, 
was  entirely  governed  by  the  faction  of  Armagnac,  she  extended 
her  animosity  even  to  him,  and  sought  his  destruction  with  the 
most  unrelenting  hatred\  She  had  soon  an  opportunity  of  ren- 
dering her  unnatural  purpose  in  some  measure  effectual. 

The  duke  of  Burgundy  over-ran  France  at  the  head  of  a 
great  army  of  Flemings,  and  relieved  the  queen  from  her  con- 
finement. At  the  same  time  his  partisans  raised  a  commotion  in 
Paris ;  the  person  of  the  king  was  seized ;  the  dau- 
phin made  his  escape  with  difficulty;  great  numbers  ^*  °*  ^^'■°' 
of  the  Armagnac  faction  were  murdered;  the  count  himself, 
and  many  persons  of  note,  were  confined ;  and  the  populace, 
deeming  the  course  of  public  justice  too  dilatory,  broke  open 
the  prisons,  and  put  to  death  that  nobleman  and  his  friends'. 

While  France  was  thus  torn  by  civil  dissensions,  Henry,  ha- 
ving again  invaded  the  country,  met  with  great  success  in  the 
reduction  of  the  tow  ns  of  Normandy.  When  the  pope*s  legate 
i^ttempted  to  incline  him  towards  peace,  he  replied,  "  Do  you 
*'  not  see  that  God  has  led  me  hither  as  by  the  hand  ?  France 
**  has  no  sovereign  :  I  have  just  pretensions  to  that  kingdom  : 
*'  every  thing  here  is  in  the  utmost  confusion  :  no  one  thinks  of 
*'  resisting  me.  Can  I  have  a  more  sensible  proof,  that  the  being 
«'  who  disposes  of  empires  has  determined  to  put  the  crown  of 
"  France  upon  my  head'?" — Such  has  ever  been  the  language 
of  force,  to  which  weakness,  crawling  in  the  dust,  has  too  often 

7  Le  FeTre.— Msnitrelet.  S  Le  Fetre.  9  Jnv,  des  Ursins. 


424  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

listened  with  an  air  of  credulity.  Hence  conquerors  while  alive, 
have  been  considered  as  the  sons  of  gods  and  the  delegates  of 
Heaven ;  and,  after  being  consigned  to  that  earth  which  ihey 
had  desolated,  have  themselves  been  exalted  into  divinities. 

But  although  Henry  seemed  so  fully  assured  of  the  conquest 
of  France,  he  was  induced  by  prudential  motives  to  negotiate 
with  his  enemies.  He  made  at  the  same  time  offers  of  peace  to 
both  the  French  parties  ;  to  the  queen  and  the  duke  of  Burgun- 
dy, on  the  one  hand,  who,  having  possession  of  the  king's  per- 
son, carried  the  appearance  of  legal  authority;  and  to  the  dau- 
phin, on  the  other,  who,  being  the  rightful  heir  of  the  monarchy, 
was  adhered  to  by  all  men  who  paid  any  regard  to  the  true  in- 
..,p  terests  of  their  country.  These  two  parties  also 
*  carried  on  a  continual  negotiation  with  each  other; 
and  all  things  seemed  settled  to  their  mutual  satisfaction,  when 
the  duke  of  Burgundy  was  murdered  by  the  dauphin's  party, 
during  an  interview  at  Montereau'". 

In  consequence  of  this  act  of  barbarity,  and  the  progress  of 
Henry's  arms,  the  queen,  and  the  new  duke  of  Burgundy, 
breathing  vengeance  for  the  murder  of  his  father,  -^  ^ .  .  .^^ 
concluded  the  famous  treaty  of  Troyes,  by  which  ^  ' 
the  crown  of  France  was  transferred  to  the  house  of  Lancaster. 
The  principal  articles  were,  that  the  king  of  England  should 
espouse  the  princess  Catharine ;  that  her  father  should  enjoy  for 
life  the  title  and  dignity  of  king  of  France ;  that  Henry  should 
be  declared  heir  cf  the  monarchy,  and  be  intrusted  with  the  im- 
mediate administration  of  the  government;  that  all  the  princes, 
peers,  vassals,  and  communities  of  France,  should  swear,  that 
they  would  adhere  to  the  future  succession  of  Henry,  and  pay 
him  present  obedience  as  regent ;  and  that  this  prince  should 
unite  his  arms  to  those  of  the  French  king  and  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, in  order  to  subdue  the  adherents  of  Charles  thQ pretend- 
ed dauphin". 

Henry  now  espoused  the  French  princess ;  conducted  his 
father-in-law  to  Paris;  put  himself  in  possession  of  that  capital; 
and  obtained  from  the  parliament  and  the  three  estates  a  ratifi- 
cation of  the  treaty  of  Troyes.  He  supported  the  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy in  procuring  a  sentence  against  the  murder  of  his  father; 
and  he  turned  his  arms  with  success  against  the  partisans  of  the 
1191  ^^up^'"?  ^'^Oj  ^s  s<^on  as  he  heard  of  the  late  trea- 
*     *  *  ty,  assumed  the  style  and  authority  of  Regent,  and 

appealed  to  God  and  his  sword  for  the  maintenance  of  his  title. 
But,  notwithstanding  the  bravery  and  fidelity  of  his  officers, 
young  Charles  saw  himself  unequal  to  his  enemies  in  the  field : 

10  Monstrelet. — Eltnham,  11  Rymer,  vol.  ix,— Monstrelet. 


LET.  XLvir.  MODERN  EUROPE.  42^ 

and  found  it  necessary  to  temporise,  and  avoid  all  hazardous 
actions,  with  a  rival  who  had  acquired  so  manifest  a  superiority. 

To  crown  the  prosperity  of  Henry,  his  queen  was  delivered 
of  a  son,  who  was  called  by  his  father's  name,  and  whose  birth 
was  celebrated  by  rejoicinsjs  no  less  pompous  (if  less  sincere)  at 
Paris  than  in  London.  The  infant  prince  was  regarded  as  the 
fortunate  heir  of  both  monarchies.  But  the  glory  of  Henry, 
when  near  its  height,  was  suddenly  restrained  by  the  hand  of 
nature,  and  all  his  towering  projects  vanished  into  air.  He  was 
seized  with  a  malady  which  the  surgeons  of  that  age  wanted 
skill  to  treat  with  judgment,  namely,  a  fistula,  which  proved 
mortal.  When  he  found  his  end  approaching,  he  sent  for  his 
brother,  the  duke  of  Bedford,  the  earl  of  Warwick,  and  other 
noblemen  whom  he  had  honoured  with  his  confi-  *  „ ,  1 490 
dence.  To  them  he  delivered,  in  great  compo-  °'  ' 
sure,  his  last  will  witli  regard  to  the  government  of  his  king- 
dom and  family.  He  left  the  regency  of  France  to  the  duke  of 
Bedford  ;  that  of  England  to  his  younger  brother  the  duke  of 
Glocester  ;  and  the  care  of  his  son  to  the  earl  of  Warwick^^ 

Henry  V.  possessed  many  eminent  virtues,  and  his  abilities 
were  equally  conspicuous  in  the  cabinet  and  the  field.  The  bold- 
ness of  his  plans  was  no  less  remarkable  than  his  personal  va- 
lour in  carrying  them  into  execution.  He  had  the  talent  of  at- 
taching his  friends  by  aifability,  and  of  gaining  his  enemies  by 
address  and  clemency.  His  exterior  figure  and  deportment 
were  engaging;  his  stature  exceeded  the  middle  size;  his  coun- 
tenance was  beautiful,  his  form  well-proportioned,  and  he  ex- 
celled in  all  warlike  and  manly  exercises. 

In  less  than  two  months  after  Henry's  death,  Charles  VI. 
terminated  his  unhappy  life.  He  had  for  many  years  q^^  ^2 
possessed  only  the  shadow  of  royalty  ;  yet  was  this 
mere  appearance  of  considerable  advantage  to  the  English  : 
it  divided  the  duty  and  affections  of  the  French  between  the 
king  and  the  dauphin,  who  was  now  crowned  at  Poictiers  un- 
der the  name  of  Charles  VII.,  Rheims  (the  usual  place  of  such 
ceremony)  being  then  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies. 

Henry's  widow,  soon  after  his  death,  married  Sir  Owen  Tu- 
dor, a  gentleman  of  Wales,  said  to  be  descended  from  the  an- 
cient princes  of  that  country.  She  bore  him  two  sons ;  the  el- 
der of  whom  was  created  earl  of  Richmond,  the  younger  earl 
of  Pembroke.  The  family  of  Tudor,  first  raised  to  distinction 
by  this  alliance,  afterwards  mounted,  as  we  shall  have  occasion 
to  see,  the  throne  of  England. 

12  Rymer. 

VpL.  L  3IJ 


42*  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 


LETTER  XLVIII. 

CojUimiation  of  the  History  of  France  and  Englandy  from  the 
Accession  of  Charles  VII.  to  the  Expulsion  of  the  English 
from  their  Continental  Territories^  in  1453. 

IN  considering,  with  a  superficial  eye,  the  state  of  affairs 
between  France  and  England  at  the  accession  of  Charles  VIL, 
every  advantage  seems  to  lie  on  the  side  of  the  latter  kingdom ; 
and  the  total  expulsion  of  Charles  appears  an  event  which  might 
naturally  be  expected  from  the  superior  power  of  hiscompetiton 
Henry  VI.  was  indeed  a  mere  infant;  but  the  duke  of  Bedford, 
the  most  accomplished  prince  of  his  age,  was  entrusted  with 
the  administration.  And  the  e\])erience,  prudence,  valfvir,  ar,d 
generosity,  of  the  regent,  qualified  him  for  his  high  office,  and 
enabled  him  both  to  maintain  union  among  his  friends,  and  to 
gain  the  confidence  of  his  enemies.  But  Charles,  notwithstand- 
ing the  present  inferiority  of  his  power,  possessed  some  advan- 
tages which  promised  him  success.  As  he  was  the  lawful  heir 
of  the  monarchy,  all  Frenchmen,  who  knew  the  interests  or  de- 
sired the  independence  of  their  native  country,  turned  their  eyes 
towards  him  as  its  sole  resource  ;  and  Charles  himself  was  of  a 
character  well  calculated  to  become  the  object  of  these  benevo- 
lent sentiments.  He  was  a  prince  of  the  most  friendly  and  be- 
nign disposition  ;  of  easy  and  familiar  manners  ;  and  of  a  just 
and  sound,  though  not  a  very  vigorous  understanding.  Sincere, 
generous,  affable,  he  engaged  from  affection  the  services  of  his 
followers,  even  while  his  low  fortune  might  have  made  it  their 
interest  to  desert  him  ;  and  the  lenity  of  his  temper  could  par- 
don those  sallies  of  discontent  to  which  princes  in  his  situation 
are  naturally  exposed.  The  love  of  pleasure  often  seduced  him 
into  indolence  ;  but,  amid  all  his  irregularities,  the  goodness  of 
his  heart  still  shone  forth  :  and  by  exerting,  at  intervals,  his 
courage  and  activity,  he  proved  that  his  general  remissness 
proceeded  neither  from  the  want  of  ambition,  nor  from  a  de- 
ficiency of  personal  valour^ 

Sensible  of  these  advantages  on  the  side  of  Charles,  the  duke 
of  Bedford  took  care  to  strengthen  the  English  interest  by  fresh 
14.23  ^^^'^'^c^s  with  the  dukes  of  Burgundy  and  Bretagne; 
'  and  observing  the  ardour  of  the  Scots  to  serve  in 
France,  where  Charles  treated  them  with  great  honour  and  dis- 
tinction, he  persuaded  the  English  council  to  release  James,  the 
heir  of  the  crown,  from  his  long  captivity,  and  to  connect  hini 

1  p.  .i:;mil.— Du  TilIet.~Le  Gendre. 


EBT.  XL VIII.  MODERN  EUROPE.  42;r 

with  England,  by  marrying  him  to  a  grand-daughter  of  John 
of  Gaunt,  duke  of  Lancaster.  The  alliance  was  ac-  ^aoa 

cordingly  formed:  Jumes  was  restored  to  the  throne 
of  his  ancestors  ;  and  proved  one  of  the  most  illustrious  princes 
that  ever  swayed  the  Scottish  sceptre.  His  aftections  inclined 
to  the  party  of  France;  but  the  English  had  never  reason,  while 
he  reigned,  to  complain  of  any  breach  of  the  neutrality  by  Scot- 
land. He  was  murdered  by  his  traitorous  kinsman  the  earl  of 
Athol,  in  1437. 

Bedford,  however,  was  not  so  much  employed  in  negotiation 
as  to  neglect  the  operations  of  war.  He  reduced  almost  every 
fortress  on  this  side  of  the  Loire  ;  and  the  battle  of  Verneuil,  in 
which  the  French  and  Scots  were  defeated,  threatened  Charles 
with  the  total  loss  of  his  kingdom,  when  a  succession  of  re- 
markable circumstances  saved  him  on  the  brink  of  ruin,  and 
disappointed  the  confident  hopes  of  the  English. 

Instead  of  taking  every  possible  advantage  of  the  victory  gain- 
ed at  Verneuil,  or  those  which  he  wished,  and  could  not  fail  to 
see,  the  duke  was  obliged  to  repair  to  England,  in  order  to  com- 
pose some  dissensions  among  the  ministry,  and  to  endeavour  to 
moderate  the  measures  of  the  duke  of  Glocester,  who  had  incon- 
siderately kindled  a  war  in  the  Low  Countries,  and  carried  thi- 
ther the  troops  destined  for  the  reinforcement  of  the  1495 
English  army  in  France.  The  affections  of  the  duke 
of  Burgundy  were  alienated,  and  his  forces  diverted  by  the  same 
war.    The  duke  of  Bretagne  returned  to  his  alle-            ,  .^c 
giance  under  Charles.  The  French  had  leisure  to    *     * 
recollect  themselves,  and  gained  some  inconsiderable  advantages. 
But  the  regent,  soon  after  his  return,  retrieved  the            14,27 
reputation  of  the  English  arms,  by  humbling  the 
Breton  duke,  and  resolved  on  an  undertaking  which  he  hoped 
would  prepare  the  way  for  the  final  conquest  of  France. 

The  city  of  Orleans  was  so  situated  between  the  provinces  of 
Henry  and  Charles,  that  it  opened  an  easy  entrance  to  either, 
and  as  the  duke  of  Bedford  intended  to  make  a  great  effort  for 
penetrating  into  the  south  of  France,  it  was  necessary  to  begin 
with  the  siege  of  this  place,  now  become  the  most  important  in 
the  kingdom.  The  French  king  used  every  expe-  ^  ,  ^28 
dient  to  supply  the  city  with  a  garrison  and  provi- 
sions, and  the  English  left  no  method  unemployed  for  reducing 
it.  The  eyes  of  all  Europe  were  turned  towards  this  scene  of 
action,  where  it  was  reasonably  supposed  the  French  were  to 
make  their  last  stand  for  maintaining  the  independence  of  their 
monarchy  and  the  rights  of  their  sovereign.    After  numberless 


428  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

feats  of  valour,  performed  both  by  the  besiegers  and  the  besieg- 
ed, the  attack  was  so  vigorously  pushed  by  the  English,  al- 
though the  duke  of  Burgundy  had  withdrawn  his  troops  in  dis- 
gust, that  Charles  gave  over  the  city  for  lost,  and  even  enter- 
tained thoughts  of  retiring  into  Languedoc  or  Dauphine  with 
the  remains  of  his  force^. 

But  it  was  forunate  for  that  gay  prince,  who  lay  entirely  under 
the  dominion  of  the  softer  sex,  that  the  women  whom  he  con- 
sulted on  this  occasion  had  the  spirit  to  support  his  sinking  re- 
1429  ^*^^^^'on.  Mary  of  Anjou,  his  queen,  a  princess  of 
'  great  merit  and  prudence,  vehemently  opposed  such 
a  measure,  which  she  foresaw  would  discourage  all  his  parti- 
sans, and  serve  as  a  general  signal  for  deserting  a  prince  who 
seemed  himself  to  despair  of  success.  His  mistress,  the  fair  Ag- 
nes Sorel,  who  lived  in  perfect  amity  with  the  queen,  seconded 
all  her  remonstrances,  and  threatened,  if  hethuspusillanimously 
threw  away  the  sceptre  of  France,  that  she  would  seek  in  the 
court  of  England  a  fortune  more  correspondent  to  her  wishes. 
Love  was  able  to  rouse,  in  the  breast  of  Charles,  that  courage 
which  ambition  had  failed  to  excite.  He  resolved  to  dispute 
every  inch  of  ground  with  an  imperious  enemy  ;  to  perish  with 
honour,  in  the  midst  of  his  friends,  rather  than  yield  inglori- 
ously  to  his  ill  fortuned  And  this  resolution  was  no  sooner 
formed  than  relief  was  unexpectedly  brought  to  him  by  another 
female  of  a  very  different  character. 

In  the  village  of  Domremi  near  Vaucouleurs,  on  the  borders 
of  Lorrain,  lived  a  girl  whose  name  was  Joan  d'Arc  ;  who  had 
filled  the  humble  station  of  servant  at  an  inn,  and  in  that  capa- 
city had  taken  care  of  horses,  and  performed  other  offices  which 
usually  fall  to  the  share  of  men.  Inflamed  by  the  frequent  men- 
tion of  the  rencounters  at  the  siege  of  Orleans,  and  affected  with 
the  distresses  of  her  country,  particularly  with  those  of  the  youth- 
ful monarch,  whose  gallantry  made  him  the  idol  of  the  whole 
sex,  she  was  seized  with  a  wild  desire  of  procuring  relief  for  her 
so\  ereign.  Her  inexperienced  mind,  working  day  and  night  on 
this  favourite  object,  mistook  the  impulses  of  passion  for  hea- 
venly inspirations  ;  and  she  fancied  that  she  saw  visions,  and 
heard  voices  exhorting  her  to  re-establish  the  throne  of  France, 
and  expel  the  foreign  invaders.  Having  an  uncommon  intrepi- 
dity of  spirt,  she  overlooked  all  the  dangers  which  might  attend 
her  in  such  a  path;  and  the  idea  of  her  divine  mission  dispelled 
the  bashfulness  so  natural  to  her  sex,  her  years,  and  her  low 
condition.  She  went  to  Vaucouleurs,  procured  admission  to 
Baudiicourt  the  governor,  and  informed  him  of  her  inspirations 

2  Monstrelet.— IIsM.—HolinsIied.  3  Monsfrelet,— Holinshed. 


LET.xLViii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  429 

and  intentions.  Baudricourt  observed  something  extraordinary 
in  the  maid,  or  saw  the  use  that  might  be  made  of  such  an  en- 
gine, and  sent  her  to  the  French  court  at  Chipon^. 

Joan  was  no  sooner  introduced  to  the  king  than  she  offered, 
in  the  name  of  Heaven,  to  raise  the  siege  of  Orleans,  and  con- 
duct him  to  Rheims,  to  be  there  crowned  and  anointed:  and  she 
demanded,  as  the  instrument  of  her  future  victories,  a  particular 
sword  which  was  kept  in  the  church  of  St.  Catharine  de  Fier- 
bois.  The  more  the  kinar  and  his  ministers  were  determined  to 
give  way  to  the  illusion,  the  more  they  pretended  to  be  doubtful 
and  scrupulous.  Grave  and  learned  divines  were  ordered  to 
examine  Joan's  mission ;  and  they  pronounced  it  divine  and  su- 
pernatural. The  parliament  also  attested  her  inspirations ;  and 
a  jury  of  matrons  declared  her  an  unspotted  virgin.  Her  re- 
quests were  now  granted.  She  was  armed  cap-a-pie,  mounted 
on  horseback,  and  shown  to  the  people  in  that  martial  array. — 
Her  dexterity  in  managing  her  steed,  though  acquired  in  her 
former  station,  was  regarded  as  a  fresh  proof  of  her  mission  ; 
her  former  occupation  was  even  denied ;  she  was  converted  into 
a  shepherdess,  an  employment  more  agreeable  to  the  imagina* 
tion  than  that  of  an  hostler- wench.  Some  years  were  subtract- 
ed from  her  age,  in  order  to  excite  still  greater  admiration ;  and 
she  was  received  with  the  loudest  acclamations  by  persons  of 
all  ranks.  A  ray  of  hope  began  to  break  through  that  cloud  of 
despair  in  which  the  miiids  of  men  were  involved.  Heaven  had 
now  declared  itself  in  favour  of  France,  and  laid  bare  its  out- 
stretched arm  to  take  vengeance  on  her  invaders. 

The  English  at  first  affected  to  speak  with  derision  of  the 
Maid  and  her  heavenly  commission  ;  but  their  imagination  was 
secretly  struck  with  the  strong  persuasion  which  prevailed 
around  them.  They  found  their  courage  daunted  by  degrees, 
and  thence  began  to  infer  a  divine  vengeance  hanging  over 
them.  A  silent  astonishment  reigned  among  those  troops,  for- 
merly so  elate  with  victory,  and  so  fierce  for  the  combat.  The 
maid  entered  the  city  of  Orleans  at  the  head  of  a  convoy,  arrayed 
in  her  military  garb,  and  displaying  her  consecrated  standard. 
She  was  received  as  a  celestial  deliverer  by  the  garrison  and  in- 
Jiabitants;  and  by  the  instructions  of  Count  Dnnois,  commonly 
called  the  Bastard  of  Orleans,  who  commanded  in  the  ^  ^ 
place,  she  actually  obliged  the  English  to  raise  the  ^ 
siege  of  that  city,  after  driving  them  from  their  entrenchments, 
and  defeating  them  in  several  desperate  attacks*. 

This  success  was  one  part  of  the  maid's  prom.ise  to  Charles; 
the  crowning  him  at  Rheims  was  the  other ;  and  she  now  vehe- 

•i  Hall.— Monsti-elet.  5  Monstrelet.— Hall. 


430  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

mently  insisted,  that  he  should  set  out  immediately  on  that  jour- 
ney. A  few  weeks  before,  such  a  proposal  would  have  appear- 
ed altogether  extravagant.  Rheims  was  then  in  the  power  of 
victorious  enemies ;  the  whole  road  that  led  to  it  was  occupied 
by  their  troops  ;  and  no  imagination  could  have  been  so  san- 
guine as  to  hope  that  such  an  attempt  could  be  carried  into  ex- 
ecution. But  as  things  had  now  taken  a  turn,  and  it  was  ex- 
tremely the  interest  of  the  king  of  France  to  maintain  the  belief 
of  something  extraordinary  and  divine  in  these  events,  he  re- 
solved to  follow  the  exhortations  of  his  warlike  prophetess,  and 
avail  himself  of  the  present  consternation  of  the  English.  He 
accordingly  set  out  for  Rheims,  at  the  head  of  twelve  thousand 
men,  and  scarcely  perceived,  as  he  passed  along,  that  he  was 
marching  through  an  enemy's  country.  Every  place  opened  its 
gates  to  him  :  Rheims  sent  him  its  keys;  and  the  ceremony  of 
his  inauguration  was  performed  with  the  holy  oil,  which  a  pi- 
geon is  said  to  have  brought  from  heaven  to  Clovis,  on  the  first 
establishment  of  the  French  monarchy*. 

Charles,  thus  crowned  and  anointed,  became  more  respecta- 
ble in  the  eyes  of  all  his  subjects;  and  he  seemed  to  derive  from 
a  heavenly  commission,  a  new  title  to  their  allegiance.  Many 
places  submitted  to  him  immediately  after  his  coronation;  and 
the  whole  nation  seemed  disposed  to  give  him  the  most  zealous 
testimonies  of  duty  and  affection. 

The  duke  of  Bedford,  in  this  dangerous  crisis,  employed 
every  resource  which  fortune  had  yet  left  him.  He  acted  with 
such  prudence  and  address  as  to  renew  his  alliance  with  the 
duke  of  Burgundy,  who  had  been  long  wavering  in  his  fidelity. 
He  seemed  present  every  where,  by  his  vigilance  and  foresight; 
and  although  his  supplies  from  England  were  very  inconsidera- 
ble, he  attempted  to  restore  the  courage  of  his  troops  by  boldly 
advancing  to  face  the  enemy.  But  he  chose  his  posts  with  so 
much  caution  as  always  to  decline  a  combat,  and  to  render  it 
impossible  for  the  French  king  to  attack  him.  He  still  attended 
that  pr'ince  in  all  his  movements,  covered  his  own  towns  and 
garrisons,  and  kept  himself  in  a  posture  to  reap  advantage  from 
every  imprudent  act  or  false  step  of  the  enemy.  He  also  endea- 
voured to  revive  the  declining  state  of  his  affairs,  by  bringing 
over  the  young  king  of  England,  and  having  him  crowned  and 
anointed  at  Paris.  All  the  vassals  of  the  crown  who  lived  with- 
in the  provinces  possessed  by  the  English,  again  swore  allegi- 
ance, and  did  homage  to  Henry  VF.  But  this  ceremony  was 
cold  and  insipid,  in  comparison  of  the  coronation  of  Charles  at 
Rheims;  and  the  duke  of  Bedford  expected  greater  advantage 

6  Mezeray.— Hall.  7  Bymer,  vol.  x. 


LET.  XLViii.  MODERN  EUROPE.  431 

from  an  incident  which  put  into  his  hands  the  author  of  all  his 
misfortunes. 

The  Maid  of  Orleans  declared,  after  the  coronation  of  Charles, 
that  her  mission  was  accomplished,  and  expressed  her  inclina- 
tion to  retire  to  the  occupations  and  course  of  life  which  became 
her  sex.     But  Dunois,  sensible  of  the  important  benefit  which 
might  still  be  derived  from  her  presence  in  the  army,  exhorted 
her  to  persevere  till  the  final  expulsion  of  the  English.    In  pur- 
suance of  this  advice  she  threw  herself  into  the  1430 
town  of  Compeigne,  at  that  time  besieged  by  the    *     * 
duke  of  Burgundy,  assisted  by  the  earls  of  Arundel  and  Suffolk. 
The  defenders  on  her  appearance  believed  themselves  invinci- 
ble. But  their  joy  was  of  short  duration.  The  Maid  was  taken 
prisoner  in  a  sally;  and  the  duke  of  Bedford,  resolved  upon  her 
ruin,  ordered  her  to  be  tried  by  an  ecclesiastical  court  for  sor- 
cery, impiety,  and  idolatry.     She  was  found  guilty,  by  her  ig- 
norant or  iniquitous  judges,  of  these  crimes,  aggravated  by  the 
deep  stain  of  heresy  ;  her  revelations  were  declared  to  be  inven- 
lions  of  the  devil  to  delude  the  people  :  and  this  admirable  he- 
roine was  cruelly  consiOTed  to  the  flames,  thus  ex-  ,  .„, 
piatmg  by  the  punishment  ot  fire  the  signal  services 
which  she  had  rendered  to  her  prince  and  her  native  country®. 

The  English  affairs,  however,  instead  of  being  advanced  by 
this  act  of  cruelty,  daily  declined.  The  great  abilities  of  the 
regent  were  insufficient  to  repress  the  strong  inclination  which 
had  seized  the  French  for  returning  under  the  obedience  of  their 
rightful  sovereign.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  deserted  the  Eng- 
lish interest,  and  formed  an  alliance  with  the  1435 
French  king ;  the  duke  of  Bedford  died  soon 
after ;  and  the  violent  factions  which  prevailed  in  the  court  of 
England,  between  the  duke  of  Glocester  and  cardinal  Beaufort, 
bishop  of  Winchester,  prevented  the  nation  from  taking  proper 
measures  for  repairing  these  signal  losses. 

The  feeble  character  of  young  Henry  was  now  fully  known  in 
the  court,  and  was  no  longer  ambiguous  to  either  faction.  Of 
the  most  inoffensive  and  simple  manners,  but  of  the  most  slender 
capacity,  he  was  fitted,  both  by  the  softness  of  his  temper,  and 
the  weakness  of  his  understanding,  to  be  perpetually  governed 
by  those  who  surrounded  him  ;  and  it  was  easy  to  foresee  that 
his  reign  would  resemble  a  perpetual  minority.  When  he  reach- 
ed the  age  of  manhood,  it  was  natural  to  think  of  choosing  a 
queen  for  him;  and  the  leaders  of  each  party  naturally  wished 
to  make  him  receive  one  from  their  hand,  as  it  was  probable 
that  this  circumstance  would  decide  for  ever  the  victory  between 

8  Polyd.  Virg.^— Monstrelet. 


i52  THE  HISTORY  OF  tart  i. 

them.     The  cardinal  proved  successful ;  and  Henry  was  con- 
-.AA*  tracted  to  Marj^aret  of  Anjou,  daughter  of  Rene, 
'  titular  king  of  Sicily,  Naples,  and  Jerusalem,  des- 
cended from  a  count  of  Anjou,  who  had  left  these  magnificent 
titles  to  his  posterity,  without  any  real  power  or  possessions  in 
those  kingdoms.     She  was  the  most  accomplished  princess  of 
that  age  both  in  body  and  mind,  and  seemed  to  possess  those 
qualities  which  would  enable  her  to  acquire  an  ascendant  over 
Henry,  and  to  supply  all  his  defects  and  weaknesses.  The  trea- 
•i4Ai-  ty  of  marriage  was  ratified  in  England ;  and  Mar- 

*  garet,  on  her  arrival,  connected  herself  with  the 
cardinal  and  his  party;  who,  fortified  by  her  powerful  patron- 
age, resolved  on  the  final  ruin  of  the  duke  of  Glocester'. 

This  generous  prince,  worsted  in  all  court  intrigues,  for 
which  his  temper  was  not  suited,  but  possessing  in  an  eminent 
degree  the  favour  of  the  public,  had  already  received  from  his 
rivals  a  cruel  mortification,  which  it  was  impossible  a  person  of 
his  spirit  could  ever  forgive,  although  he  had  hitherto  borne  it 
without  violating  public  peace.  His  duchess,  the  daughter  of 
Reginald  lord  Cobham,  had  been  accused  of  the  crime  of  witch- 
craft ;  and  it  was  pretended  that  there  was  found  in  her  posses- 
sion a  waxen  figure  of  the  king,  which  she  and  her  associates 
(Bolingbroke,  a  priest,  and  a  reputed  witch  named  Jourdemain) 
melted  in  a  magical  manner  below  a  slow  fire,  with  an  intention 
of  making  Henry's  force  and  vigour  waste  away  by  the  like  in- 
sensible degrees.  The  nature  of  this  crime,  as  the  philosophic 
Hume  ingeniously  observes,  so  opposite  to  all  common  sense, 
seems  always  to  exempt  the  accusers  from  observing  the  rules  of 
common  sense  in  their  evidence.  The  prisoners  were  pronounced 
guilty:  the  duchess  was  condemned  to  do  public  penance,  and  to 
suffer  perpetual  imprisonment ;  and  her  supposed  accomplices 
were  executed.  But  the  people,  contrary  to  their  usual  practice 
on  such  marvellous  trials,  acquitted  the  unhappy  sufferers,  and 
ascribed  these  violent  proceedings  solely  to  the  malice  of  the 
duke's  enemies.  The  queen  and  the  cardinal  therefore  thought 
it  necessary  to  destroy  a  man  whose  popularity  made  him  dan- 
gerous, and  whose  resentment  they  had  so  much  cause  to  appre- 
hend.    He  was  accused  of  treason,  and  thrown  into  prison, 

A    n    1  -iAJ  ^^^^^^  ^^^  ^^^  ^°o"  ^^^^^  found  dead  in  bed  ;  and 

*  although  his  body  bore  no  marks  of  outward  vio- 
lence, no  one  doubted  of  his  having  fallen  a  victim  to  the  ven- 
geance of  his  enemies'o. 

While  England  was  thus  a  prey  to  faction,  the  king  of  France 
employed  himself,  with  great  industry  and  judgment,  in  remov 

9Grafion"s.Chronicle.— Holmshed.  10  Grafton.— Holinshed 


lET.  XLix.  MODERN  EUROPE.  433 

ing  those  numberless  ills  to  which  France  had  been  so  long  ex- 
posed from  thQ  continuance  of  wars  both  foreign  and  domestic. 
He  restored  the  regular  course  of  public  justice;  he  introduced 
order  into  the  finaaces  ;  he  established  discipline  among  his 
troops;  he  repressed  faction  in  his  court;  he  revived  the  languid 
state  of  agriculture  and  the  arts  ;  and  in  the  course  of  a  few 
years  rendered  his  kingdom  flourishing  within  itself,  and  formi- 
dable to  his  neighbours.  The  English  were  expel-  .^^„ 
led  from  all  their  possessions  on  the  continent,  ex- 
cept Calais ;  and  although  no  peace  was  yet  concluded  between 
the  two  nations,  the  war  was  in  a  mannner  at  an  end". — Eng- 
land, torn  in  pieces  by  civil  dissensions,  made  but  one  more  fee- 
ble effort  for  the  recovery  of  Guienne  ;  and  Charles,  occupied 
in  regulating  the  government  of  his  own  kingdom,  and  fencing 
against  the  intrigues  of  his  son  Louis,  scarcely  ever  attempted 
to  avail  himself  of  her  intestine  broils.  The  affairs  of  the  two 
realms,  therefore,  became  for  a  while  distinct.  But  before  I 
proceed  with  the  history  of  either,  we  must  take  a  view  of  the 
state  of  the  German  empire. 

U  Monstrelet. — llenault. — Grafton. 


LETTER  XLIX. 


Of  the  German  Empire  and  its  Dependencies^  from  the  Elec 
tion  of  Albert  II.  to  that  of  Maximilian. 

TO  the  long  reign  of  Sigismund,  my  dear  Philip,  succeed- 
ed the  short  sway  of  Albert.  The  chief  enterprise  in  which  this 
prince  engaged  was  an  expedition  against  the  Turks  in  Bulga- 
ria, where  he  was  seized  with  a  violent  and  fatal  dy-Q  ,  1 439 
sentery.  He  was  succeeded  on  the  imperial  throne 
by  his  cousin  Frederice  of  Austria,  the  third  (sometimes  called 
the  fourth)  emperor  of  that  name.  The  crowns  of  Hungary  and 
Bohemia  were  assigned  to  Ladislaus,  Albert's  infant  son,  who 
was  committed  to  the  guardianship  of  Frederic ;  but  the  nobles 
of  the  former  realm,  opposing  the  will  of  the  defunct  prince, 
transferred  the  sovereignty  to  Ladislaus  king  of  Poland. 

The  emperor's  first  care  was  to  heal  a  new  schism.     With 
this  view  he  set  out  for  Basil,  where  a  council  continued  to  sit 

Vol.  L  3  1 


434  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

1440  ^^^  "  *^^  reformation  of  the  church  universal  both  in 

*  "  its  head  and  its  members."  This  council  had  rais- 
ed to  the  papacy  Amadeus  duke  of  Savoy,  under  rhe  name  of 
Felix  v.,  in  opposition  lo  Eugenius  IV.  Frederic  exhorted  ihe 
fathers  to  concord,  and  an  accommodation  w^ith  Eugenius.  He 
had  also  an  interview  with  Felix,  whom  he  refused  to  acknow- 
ledge for  pope,  though  tempted  by  an  offer  of  his  daughter,  a 
young  princess  of  exquisite  beauty,  and  two  hundred  thousand 
ducats  as  her  portion.  "  This  man,"  said  Frederic  to  one  of 
his  courtiers,  in  a  contemptuous  tone,  "  would  readily  purchase 

1449  "  ^°'^"^ss  'f  h^  could  find  a  seller."     The  schism 
'  was  at  length  closed.  Felix  being  prevailed  upon  by 
the  emperor  to  abdicate  the  apostolic  chair  on  certain  con- 
ditions, which  were  confirmed  by  Nicholas  V.  who  had  suc- 
ceeded Eugenius*, 

The  peace  of  the  church  being  thus  restored,  and  the  affairs 
ef  Germany  not  disordered,  Frederic  began  to  turn  his  eyes  to- 
wards Italy, 'where  the  imperial  authority  was  at  a  low  ebb.  Al- 
phonso  of  Arragon  reigned  at  that  time  in  Naples,  and  joined 
the  emperor,  because  he  feared  the  powerof  the  Venetians,  who 
were  masters  of  Ravenna,  Bergamo,  Brescia,  and  Cremona. 
Milan  was  in  the  hands  of  Frances  Sforza,  a  peasant's  son,  but 
one  of  the  greatest  warriors  of  his  age,  and  now  become  the 
most  powerful  man  in  Italy.  He  had  married  the  natural 
daughter  of  Philip  Maria  Galeazzo  duke  of  Milan,  by  whom 
he  was  adopted.  Florence  was  in  league  with  the  pope  against 
Sforza  :  the  Holy  See  had  recovered  Bologna ;  and  all  the 
other  principalities  belonged  to  different  sovereigns,  who  had 
mastered  them^     In  this  situation  were  the  affairs  of  Italy, 

.  . -,   when  the  emperor  resolved  upon  a  journey  to  Rome, 

*  in  order  to  be  crowned  by  the  pope,  together  with 
Eleonora,  sister  of  the  king  of  Portugal,  to  whom  he  was  con- 
ti'acted  in  marriage. 

As  soon  as  Frederic  had  crossed  the  Alps,  he  was  met  by  the 
Venetian  ambassadors,  who  conducted  him  to  their  city,  where 
he  made  his  public  entry  with  great  magnificence.  He  thence 
repaired  to  Ferrara,  where  he  found  ambassadors  from  Francis 
Sforza,  duke  of  Milan,  inviting  him  to  return  by  that  city, 
where  he  should  receive  the  iron  crown  ;  and  here  he  also  re- 
ceived deputies  from  Florence  and  Bologna,  craving  the  honour 
of  entertaining  him  at  their  respective  cities,  which  he  accord- 
ingly visited^.  From  Florence  he  took  the  route  of  Sienna, 
where  he  gave  audience  to  the  pope's  legates,  who  represented 

1  Mosheim.  Hist.  Eccles.  vol.  iii.— iEn.  SyW.  Vit.  Fred.  III. 

'J  Aiinal.  de  rEiui).  tome  ii.  3  Maehiaval,  Hist.  Flor.  lib.  vi- 


XET.XLix.  MODERN  EUROPE.  435 

to  him,  that,  by  ancient  custom,  the  emperors  always  took  ati 
oath  to  the  pope  before  they  entered  the  territorial  patrimony  of 
St.  Peter,  and  requested  that  he  would  conform  to  the  same 
usage. 

Frederic,  in  this  particular,  complied  with  the  desire  of  his 
holiness.  The  oath  which  he  took  was  conceived  in  these  terms: 
"  I  Frederic  king  of  the  Romans,  promise  and  swear,  by  the 
"  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  by  the  wood  of  the  vivifying 
"  cross,  and  by  these  reliques  of  saints,  that  if,  by  permission 
"  of  the  Lord  I  shall  come  to  Rome,  I  will  exalt  the  holy  Roman 
"  church,  and  his  holiness  who  presides  over  it,  to  the  utmost 
"  of  my  power.  Neither  shall  he  lose  life,  limb,  or  honour,  by 
"  my  council,  consent,  or  exhortation.  Nor  will  I,  in  the  city 
"  of  Rome,  make  any  law  or  decree  touching  those  things  which 
"  belong  to  his  holiness  or  the  Romans,  without  the  advice  of 
"  our  most  holy  lord  Nicholas.  Whatever  part  of  St.  Peter's 
"  Patrimony  shall  fall  into  our  hands,  we  will  restore  it  to  his 
"  holiness;  and  he,  to  whom  ^ve  shall  commit  the  administration 
"  of  our  kingdom  of  Italj,  shall  swear  to  assist  his  holiness  in 
"  defending  St.  Peter's  Patrimony  to  the  utmost  of  his  power. 
'*  So  help  me  God,  and  his  holy  Evangelists* !'' 

The  emperor  now  proceeded  to  Viterbo,  where  he  was  in 
danger  of  his  Jife  from  a  tumult  of  the  populace;  so  indifferently 
attended  was  this  successor  of  Charlemagne! — FromViterbo  he 
repaired  co  Rome,  where  he  was  met  by  the  whole  college  of 
cardinals;  and  as  it  had  been  customary  for  the  late  emperors, 
whe:j  they  went  thither  to  be  crowned,  to  continue  some  time 
without  the  walls,  Frederic  ordered  tents  to  be  pitched,  and 
there  passed  one  night.  Having  made  his  public  entry,  he  was 
crowned  king  of  Lombardy.  Three  days  after  this  ceremony, 
he  was  married  to  Eleonora,  and,  with  her,  received  the  impe- 
rial crown.  He  and  the  pope  then  ratified  the  Con-  ,  .^.^ 
<?or(/(2to  of  the  German  nation,  touching  the  collation 
to  prelacies  and  other  benefices,  which  had  some  years  before 
been  adjusted  by  cardinal  Carvajal,  the  legate  of  Nicholas  at 
the  imperial  court^ 

Having  thus  transacted  matters  at  Rome,  Frederic  set  out  on 
his  return  to  Germany;  and  in  his  passage  through  Ferrara  was 
waited  upon  by  Borsi,  marquis  of  Este,  a  prince  of  extraor- 
dinary merit,  whom  he  created  duke  of  Medona  and  Reggio. 
On  his  arrival  in  Austria,  he  found  himself  involved  in  various 
difficulties,  out  of  which  he  was  never  able  fully  to  extricate 
himself. 

4  Fugger,  lib.  v.  3  Barre,  tome  vii. — Xaueleri  Cliron, 


436  THE  HISTORY  OF  part  i. 

After  the  death  of  the  king  of  Poland  in  1444,  the  Hungarian 
nobles  had  entreated  Frederic  to  send  home  Ladislaus,  Albert^s 
son  (who,  though  now  elected  king,  was  still  detained  at  the  im- 
perial court);  and  they  had  earnestly  and  repeatedly  besought 
him  to  restore  their  crown  and  regalia,  which  were  in  his  custo- 
dy. But  he  found  means,  under  various  pretences,  to  postpone 
his  compliance  with  these  demands.  The  Austrians,  joined  by 
a  number  of  Bohemians,  and  encouraged  by  several  princes  of 
the  empire,  also  sent  a  deputation  to  expostulate  with  Frederic 
on  the  same  subject ;  and  as  he  amused  them  with  fresh  eva- 
sions, they  had  recourse  to  arms,  and  compelled  him  to  sign  an 
accommodation.  It  was  agreed,  that  Ladislaus,  being  yet  of  too 
tender  years  to  take  upon  himself  the  government  of  his  king- 
doms, should  be  put  under  the  tuition  of  Ulric  count  Celley, 
his  uncle  by  the  mother's  side,  and  that  the  dispute  touching 
the  wardship  of  the  emperor  should  be  determined  at  Vienna^ 

Count  Celley 's  ambition  was  elated  by  the  power  which  he 
derived  from  being  tutor  to  LadisUuis.  He  attempted  to  make 
himself  absolute  master  in  Austria:  he  secured  the  principal  for- 
tresses, by  giving  the  command  of  thei^  to  his  creatures;  and 
he  gradually  removed  Elsinger  (a  BohemV<Mi  gentleman,  who 
had  headed  the  insurrection),  and  the  Austrian  nobility,  from 
all  offices  of  importance.  His  friends  and  favourites  only  were 
trusted.  The  people  were  incensed  at  such  proceedings;  and 
Elsinger,  profiting  by  their  discontent,  roused  dieir  resentment 
.  ^„  to  such  a  degree,  that  the  count  was  obliged  to  re- 
^'  ^'  '  tire  into  Hungary;  after  having  delivered  up  the 

person  of  Ladislaus,  who  consented  to  take  the  oath  imposed 
upon  him  by  the  Bohemians,  and  was  crowned  with  great  so- 
lemnity at  Prague^ 

During  these  contests  the  city  of  Constantinople  was  taken 
by  the  Turks,  after  they  had  subdued  the  rest  of  Greece ;  and 
by  this  blow  the  Roman  empire  in  the  east  was  entirely  sub- 
verted, as  will  be  related  more  at  length  in  its  proper  place. 
Here  it  is  only  necessary  to  observe,  that  the  progress  of  the 
Mohammedans  alarmed  all  the  princes  of  Christendom,  and 
made  them  think  of  uniting,  though  too  late,  in  order  to  oppose 
the  conmion  enemy.  A  diet  being  convoked  at  Ratisbon,  the 
.  r^  members  unanimously  agreed,  that  there  was  a  ne- 
'  cessity  of  taking  some  speedy  measures  to  stop  the 
progress  of  the  infidels.  But  what  these  measures  should  be, 
was  a  consideration  referred  to  another  diet  assembled  at  Frank- 
fort; where,  although  there  was  a  vast  concourse  of  princes, 

6  JEn.  Syl.  Hist.  Bohem.  7  Id.  ibid. 


LET.  xLix.  MODERN  EUROPE.  4.37 

and  great  zeal  was  disphyed,  very  litde  was  done  for  the  com- 
mon cause.  Other  diets  discussed  the  same  subject,  with  no 
greater  effect ;  a  backwardness  which  was  chiefly  ascribed  to 
the  timid  and  slothful  disposition  of  the  emperor,  who  would 
never  heartily  embark  in  the  undertaking. 

The  German  princes  however,  at  the  solicitation  of  the  pope's 
legate,  s^nt  a  body  of  troops  to  the  assistance  of  John  Huniades, 
a  famous  Hungarian  general,  who  had  long  gallantly  defended 
his  country  against  the  Turks,  and  gained  several  advantages 
over  them.  John,  thus  reinforced,  marched  to  the  ,  . -- 

relief  of  Belgrade,  \\  hich  was  besieged  by  Mo- 
hammed II.  the  conqueror  of  Constantinople,  and  the  terror  of 
Christendom;  and  compelled  the  Soltan,  after  an  obstinate  en- 
gagement, to  raise  the  siege,  and  retreat  with  considerable  loss^ 
But  the  death  of  Huniades,  which  happened  a  few  days  after  the 
battle,  prevented  the  Christian  army  from  making  any  progress 
against  the  infidels.  The  fruits  of  their  victory,  and  their  fu- 
ture projects,  perished  with  their  illustrious  leader. 

Ladislaus,  king  of  Hungary  and  Bohemia,  died  two  years 
after  his  illustrious  general,  and  various  competi-  i^f^fi 

tors  arose  for  those  crowns,  as  well  as  for  the  do- 
minions of  Upper  Austria,  which  belonged  to  that  prince.  The 
emperor  was  one  of  the  claimants:  he  reaped,  however,  nothing 
but  damage  and  disgrace  from  a  civil  war  which  desolated 
Germany  for  many  years,  but  which  was  productive  of  no  event 
that  merits  attention.  His  son  Maximilian  was  more  fortunate, 
and  better  deserved  success:  but  he  was  unable  to  procure  either 
of  the  disputed  crowns  ;  for  the  Hungarian  royalty  was  confer- 
red on  Matthias,  the  brave  and  respectable  son  of  John  Huni- 
ades, while  the  Bohemians  made  choice  of  a  nobleman  named 
George  Poggebrache,  who  favoured  the  propagation  of  the  doc- 
trines of  Wickliffe  and  Huss. 

Maximilian,  who  was  as  active  and  enterprising  as  his  father 
was  indolent  and  timid,  married  at  eighteen  years  of  age,  the 
only  daughter  of  Charles  the  Bold,  duke  of  Burgundy.  She 
brought  him  Flanders,  Franche-Comte,  and  all  the  Low  Coun- 
tries. Louis  XL,  who  disputed  some  of  these  territories,  and 
whc,  on  the  death  of  the  duke,  had  seized  Burgandy,  Picardy, 
Ponthieu,  and  Artois,  as  fiefs  of  France,  which  could  not  be 
possessed  by  a  woman,  was  defeated  by  Maximilian  ,  ^-o 

at  Guinegaste;  and  Charles  VIII.,  who  renewed  the 
same  claims,  was  obli^d  tot;()nckidefrydist|'dvan^ageous  peace. 

8  iEn*.  Sylv.— Piatin'.  Vit.  Pontlf. 


438  MODERN  EUROPE.  pabt  i. 

After  alternate  scenes  of  peace  and  war,  of  tranquillity  and 
S       7  MQ'l  dissension,  Frederic  died  in  the  seventy-ninth 

^P'    '  *  year  of  his  age,  and  the  fifty-fourth  of  his  reign. 

No  emperor  had  ever  reigned  longer,  and  none  less  gloriously. 

The  reign  of  Maximilian,  already  elected  king  of  the  Ro- 
mans, introduces  a  more  interesting  period,  than  that  over  which 
we  have  now  travelled,  and  opens  a  vista  into  some  of  the 
grandest  scenes  of  history.  But  a  variety  of  objects,  ny  dear 
Philip,  must  occupy  your  attention  before  I  treat  farther  of  the 
concerns  of  the  empire. 


END  OF  VOL.  I. 


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